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Adapting to water impacts of climate change: Introduction to special issue of Climatic Change
... Institutions are a key variable in climate adaptation because they structure and channel political decision-making, providing incentives and sanctions that shape practices and behaviors, and reflecting norms of how societies make decisions (Dovers and Hezri, 2010;Hughes and Sarzynski, 2015;Patterson and Huitema, 2019;Penning-Rowsell et al., 2017). Moreover, scholars have convincingly argued that adaptation failures are centrally an issue of governance rather than technical matters (Huitema et al., 2016;Javeline et al., 2019;Pahl-Wostl, 2009), within which institutions occupy a central position. ...
... pressure on decision-making arenas and/or societal demand) which remain understudied, despite growing recognition of the politics of climate adaptation (e.g. Dolšak and Prakash, 2018;Eakin et al., 2017;Javeline et al., 2019). For example, Konisky et al., (2016) find links between public opinion, extreme events, and ideology in shaping climate change concern, and Page and Dilling (2020) find that political pressure is sufficient to explain adaptation actions by certain resource decision makers under drought. ...
A key challenge for effective, ongoing urban climate adaptation is to adapt institutions within urban governance. While an extensive foundation of empirical knowledge on urban climate adaptation has accumulated over the last decade, our image of institutional adaptation continues to be dominated by a focus on planning. Whilst understandable, this can obscure a fuller range of areas in which institutional adaptation to climate change is being pursued. Furthermore, methodological path dependency in large-N analysis via a common focus on analyzing formal planning documents risks a skewed perspective as such documents may only offer a partial view. Building on the rich range of work to date assessing climate adaptation in cities, and notwithstanding continued major gaps such as in small-medium cities, we now need to find ways to examine the diversity of institutional adaptation occurring in practice, and to comparatively draw on the situated interpretive knowledge of case experts within individual cities to do so. With this aim in mind, this paper explores institutional adaptation in a specific domain (urban water) in a sample of 96 major cities across six continents through a survey of 319 case experts, examining the diversity of institutional adaptation across contexts and exploratively probing its drivers. Findings show that multiple forms of institutional adaptation are being jointly pursued in cities across all continents, leaning towards ‘softer’ rather than ‘harder’ forms, but nonetheless revealing a wide range of activity. Patterns in drivers suggest a political explanation for institutional adaptation (e.g. involving change agents and political pressure) rather than a rational one (e.g. involving response to climate-related risks and/or extreme events). Overall, there is a need to combine parsimony with expanded interpretive sensibility in advancing large-N research on institutional adaptation diversity in comparative perspective.
... Climate change impacts the hydrological cycle in various ways (Rosegrant et al., 2009;Sefati et al., 2019) that may affect the availability of water resources in many areas in both the long and short term (Olmstead, 2014;Azadi et al., 2019a;Tatar et al., 2019;Valizadeh et al., 2019). Humans increasingly experience climate change through its impacts, not only on water availability, but also on its quality and on the timing of precipitation events (Javeline et al., 2019;Schewe et al., 2014). It is predicted that by 2070, 20 % of existing water resources will be diminished (Arnell, 2004. ...
... See also Navarro-Ortega et al., 2015;Yazdanpanah et al., 2013b;Tajeri moghadam et al., 2020;Rezadoost and Allahyari, 2014), and that the surface area of water under conditions of water stress will increase from 19 % to 35 % due to climate change (Iglesias and Garrote, 2015). The link between climate change and stressed water resources has been well documented, and studies have revealed its significant effects on the water sector (Azadi et al., 2019b;Javeline et al., 2019;Kristvik et al., 2019;Almazroui et al., 2019;Hayati et al., 2010;Mohammadinezhad and Ahmadvand, 2020). ...
Climate change impacts the water sector in a manner that reduces the harvest and income of farmers, thereby exacerbating poverty and many other social problems. However, through adaptation measures, farmers can manage climate change impacts and thus reduce their vulnerability. To design effective public adaptation strategies, it is crucial to understand farmers’ behaviors at the farm level in response to water shortage due to climate change. Thus, the aim of this research is to accrue empirical evidence about farmers’ perceptions of and responses to water shortage due to climate change, using the Protection Motivation Theory. To increase the predictive power of the model, this paper added the collective efficacy variable. The population of interest consisted of farmers from Shushtar, a county in Khuzestan Province, southwestern Iran. A total of 251 farmers were selected using a multi-stage, clustered, random sampling method. The results of structural equation modeling revealed that model variables accounted for 39 % of variance in farmers’ adaptation behaviors. The inclusion of collective efficacy in the original model increased its predictive power and produced a model of a better fit; the proportion of variance accounted for an increase of about 11 %. These findings are expected to yield recommendations for public policy, as well as agricultural extension and education recommendations for stimulating successful adaptation behaviors among Iranian farmers.
... Climate change is expected to increase the frequency and intensity of some types of hazards (e.g., floods) in WA and other coastal regions (Birkmann and von Teichman 2010;Huppert et al. 2009;Miller et al. 2013), and adaptation is often limited due to insufficient funding (USGCRP 2018) and other factors, such as policy and institutional constraints (Bierbaum et al. 2013;Javeline et al. 2019). In the United States, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), which oversees hazard mitigation planning, requires state-level HMPs to address "challenges posed by climate change, such as more intense storms, frequent heavy precipitation, heat waves, drought, extreme flooding, and higher sea levels" (FEMA 2015, p. 13). ...
Hazard mitigation plans can support communities’ resilience in the context of natural hazards and climate change. The quality of these plans can be evaluated using established indicators; however, research is also needed regarding the perceptions of participants in planning processes, to understand aspects of the planning processes that may not be evident in the plan documents. This study builds on previously reported plan quality scores and survey data, to investigate whether selected collaboration dynamics (principled engagement and capacity for joint action) occurred during counties’ hazard planning processes. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 hazard planning professionals who were involved in preparing county-level hazard mitigation plans in Washington State, USA. Findings (for cases with both high- and low-scoring plans) include evidence of collaboration dynamics, although important participants (e.g., members of the local community) were reportedly missing from some planning processes, raising concerns about the extent to which the plans reflect local needs. These results are consistent with previous literature, which has demonstrated that members of the public often view hazard mitigation as inaccessible and disconnected from their daily lives. The paper concludes with recommendations for how practitioners might go about bolstering participation from important participants, potentially leading to higher-quality plans and helping to protect communities from hazards.
... Human systems have always had a highly complex relationship with water [5]. This longterm relationship has allowed water to shape societies while being shaped by societies [6][7][8]. Therefore, the consequences of EFWE necessitate that societies comprehend the historical values, expectations and policies that continuously emerge from humans' relationships with water. Farnum et al., [9] suggest cultural relationships with freshwater illustrate a plurality of discourses and ideologies that can influence how cultures engage with freshwater, each bringing about ecological and social benefits and problems. ...
The purpose of this research was to explore and open dialogue about possible connections between the scientific realities of extreme freshwater events (EFWE), a lack of EFWE-related curricular content in schools, and future teachers’ awareness and perceptions of EFWE. In phase one, an analysis of existing weather data demonstrated ongoing moderate to severe EFWE in the two regions under investigation, Queensland, Australia and Saskatchewan, Canada, at the time of data collection. In phase two, a content analysis of school curricula in the two regions shows a dearth of mandatory content related to EFWE, though Queensland, Australia had slightly more mandated content than did Saskatchewan, Canada. In phase 3, a survey of pre-service teachers in the two regions showed a demonstrable lack of recognition of undergoing moderate to severe EFWE at time of data collection, along with a general satisfaction with the current level of curricular coverage of the topic. While respondents’ overall concern was low, there were consistent regional differences. Queenslanders were more likely to recognize their lived experience with EFWE and perceived it to be a more important inclusion in school curricula than their Saskatchewanian counterparts. Taken together, results suggested that learned cultural truths were reflected in and perpetuated by school curricula. Results highlighted cultural denial of EFWE severity and a need to change false truths by increasing visibility of EFWE in mandated school curricula. The authors propose that results warrant further research and discussion as it relates to public policy and prioritizing EFWE in formal school curricula.
... Existing research acknowledges the need to adapt to drought and suggests potential options to do so. Javeline et al. (2019) investigate the lack of adaptation in the context of floods, storms, and sea level rise. Although their study applies to extremes with excess water, the same can be said for drought. ...
Drought is a global threat to public health. Increasingly, the impact of drought on mental health and wellbeing is being recognised. This paper investigates the relationship between drought and wellbeing to determine which drought indices most effectively capture wellbeing outcomes. A thorough understanding of the relationship between drought and wellbeing must consider the: (i) three aspects of drought (duration, frequency and magnitude); (ii) different types of drought (e.g. meteorological, agricultural, etc.); and (iii) the individual context of specific locations, communities and sectors. For this reason, we used a variety of drought types, drought indices, and time windows to identify the thresholds for wet and dry epochs that enhance and suppress impacts to wellbeing. Four postcodes in New South Wales (NSW), Australia are used as case studies in the analysis to highlight the spatial variability in the relationship between drought and wellbeing. The results demonstrate that the relationship between drought indices and wellbeing outcomes differs temporally, spatially and according to drought type. This paper objectively tests the relationship between commonly used drought indices and wellbeing outcomes to establish if current methods of quantifying drought effectively capture wellbeing outcomes. For funding, community programs and interventions to result in successful adaptation, it is essential to critically choose which drought index, time window and wellbeing outcome to use in empirical studies. The uncertainties associated with these relationships must be accounted for and it must also be realized that results will differ based on these decisions.
... Water is one of the most critical resources for human survival and development. A huge body of studies and reports worldwide including (Ferraro and Price, 2013;Kahil et al., 2015;Zamasiya et al., 2017;Javeline et al., 2019), confirmed that water, both quantitatively and qualitatively, is under pressure due to many reasons such as population growth, industrialization, extended drought, economic growth, expansion of agricultural land and last but not least climate change. As a clear-cut example, it is estimated that in 2025 over two-thirds of the world's population will experience water scarcity (Arnell, 2004;UNDP, 2006) and by 2040 are predicted that 14 countries in the Middle East would face "extremely high water stress" (Maddocks et al., 2015). ...
The purpose of the present study was to explore the power of the Health Belief Model (HBM) to explain water conservation behavior in Northeastern Iran. The research population consisted of farmers who were farming in Neyshabur plain in Khorasan Razavi Province in northeast of Iran. A cross-sectional study was conducted among 235 farmers recruited using a multistage random sampling design. To collect data, the questionnaire was used which its validity and reliability were confirmed. The results of a structural equation modeling (SEM) indicated that perceived susceptibility, perceived benefits, and cue to action accounted for approximately 41% of the variance in farmers’ water conservation behavior. Moreover, the perceived benefit was the strongest predictor of water conservation behavior, while perceived severity, perceived barriers, self-efficacy, and general beliefs not significant on behavior. These results confirmed the practicability and effectiveness HBM for examining water conservation behavior among farmers in Iran.
Climate change is likely to have significant implications for human health, particularly through alterations of the incidence, prevalence, and distribution of infectious diseases. In the context of these risks, governments in high income nations have begun developing strategies to reduce potential climate change impacts and increase health system resilience (i.e., adaptation). In this paper, we review and evaluate national-level adaptation planning in relation to infectious disease risks in 14 OECD countries with respect to "best practices" for adaptation identified in peer-reviewed literature. We find a number of limitations to current planning, including negligible consideration of the needs of vulnerable population groups, limited emphasis on local risks, and inadequate attention to implementation logistics, such as available funding and timelines for evaluation. The nature of planning documents varies widely between nations, four of which currently lack adaptation plans. In those countries where planning documents were available, adaptations were mainstreamed into existing public health programs, and prioritized a sectoral, rather than multidisciplinary, approach. The findings are consistent with other scholarship examining adaptation planning indicating an ad hoc and fragmented process, and support the need for enhanced attention to adaptation to infectious disease risks in public health policy at a national level.
Climate action has two pillars: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation faces collective action issues because its costs are focused on specific locations/actors but benefits are global and nonexcludable. Adaptation, in contrast, creates local benefits, and therefore should face fewer collective action issues. However, governance units vary in the types of adaptation policies they adopt. To explain this variation, we suggest conceptualizing adaptation-aspolitics because adaptation speaks to the issues of power, conflicting policy preferences, resource allocation, and administrative tensions. In examining who develops and implements adaptation, we explore whether adaptation is the old wine of disaster management in the new bottle of climate policy, and the tensions between national and local policy making. In exploring what adaptation policies are adopted, we discuss maladaptation and the distinction between hard and soft infrastructure. Finally, we examine why politicians favor visible, hard adaptation over soft adaptation, and how international influences shape local policy. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Environment and Resources Volume 43 is October 17, 2018. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
Climate action has two pillars: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation faces collective action issues because its costs are focused on specific locations/ actors but benefits are global and nonexcludable. Adaptation, in contrast, creates local benefits, and therefore should face fewer collective action issues. However, governance units vary in the types of adaptation policies they adopt. To explain this variation, we suggest conceptualizing adaptation-as-politics because adaptation speaks to the issues of power, conflicting policy preferences, resource allocation, and administrative tensions. In examining who develops and implements adaptation, we explore whether adaptation is the old wine of disaster management in the new bottle of climate policy, and the tensions between national and local policy making. In exploring what adaptation policies are adopted, we discuss maladaptation and the distinction between hard and soft infrastructure. Finally, we examine why politicians favor visible, hard adaptation over soft adaptation, and how international influences shape local policy. 2.1
Few, if any, political scientists currently study climate change adaptation or are even aware that there is a large and growing interdisciplinary field of study devoted not just to mitigating greenhouse gas emissions but to reducing our vulnerability to the now-inevitable impacts of climate change. The lack of political science expertise and research represents an obstacle for adapting to climate change, because adaptation is fundamentally political. Technical advances in adaptations for infrastructure, agriculture, public health, coastal protection, conservation, and other fields all depend on political variables for their implementation and effectiveness. For example, adaptation raises questions about political economy (adaptation costs money), political theory (adaptation involves questions of social justice), comparative politics (some countries more aggressively pursue adaptation), urban politics (some cities more aggressively pursue adaptation), regime type (democracies and authoritarian regimes may differently pursue adaptation), federalism (different levels of government may be involved), and several other fields of study including political conflict, international development, bureaucracy, migration, media, political parties, elections, civil society, and public opinion. I review the field of climate change adaptation and then explore the tremendous contributions that political scientists could make to adaptation research.
Climate Change is happening. Even if global emission reductions and mitigation efforts over the next decades prove to be successful, a signifi cant amount of human-induced climate change has become inevitable. In addition to efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, many EU countries are therefore developing and putting in place adaptation strategies to help them cope with the expected impacts of climate change. This report presents a comparative analysis of national adaptation strategies in a sample of European countries. The primary objectives of this study are to identify policy-relevant fi ndings and formulate recommendations for further research. Through these objectives, this report aims at providing both policy makers and research managers with enhanced insights into the variety of approaches taken by countries and knowledge gaps, and to thus facilitate the exchange of information on how to tackle adaptation across Europe and develop relevant research agendas. Our focus is on national level strategies, examining top-down approaches to and coordination of adaptation measures in each country. There is clearly also an important role for bottom-up action, action which is often already taking place at the local scale, where climate impacts are expected to be experienced. This is covered in a parallel PEER report (Mickwitz et al., 2009). The report is structured around six key themes that were identifi ed by the research team on the basis of an initial inventory as distinctive elements of all the National Adaptation Strategies (NASs) that have been analysed. We examine how the countries have approached each of these themes, analyse how much progress has been made and identify policy needs and research gaps that we believe will help improve understanding and enhance the implementation of adaptation policy at the national level. The six themes are: 1. Motivating and facilitating factors for strategy development 2. Science-policy interactions and the place of research 3. The role of communicating adaptation 4. Multi-level governance in shaping and delivering National Adaptation Strategies 5. The integration of adaptation into sectoral policies 6. The role of policy monitoring, review and enforcement
Javeline D (2014) The most important topic political scientists are not studying: adapting to climate change
- N Dolšak
- A Prakash
Dolšak N, Prakash A (2018) The politics of climate change adaptation. Annu Rev Environ Resour 43(2)
Javeline D (2014) The most important topic political scientists are not studying: adapting to climate change.
Perspectives on Politics 12(2):420-434