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Abstract
The paper is a critical comment on the issue
of social interaction in prehistory and the way it is
manifested archaeologically. It is argued that social
space is a manifold entity made up of fluid and
changing social relations and processes, and that
dialectics should be rigorously employed in regard
to notions of social reality and social interaction.
Attention is drawn to the social analysis that makes a
distinction between concepts like social and individual
phenomena, and therefore between forms of social
interaction.
Keywords
social interaction, social phenomena, farming,
Neolithic Greece
IwouldliketostartbydeningwhatIconsider
to be social interactioninprehistory,orwhat,inother
words,isatthecoreofourattempttoconceptualize
allformsofthemanifestationofpastsocialinterac-
tionsbydocumentingthemarchaeologicallyinthe
rstplace.Iconsiderthisintroductorynoteregarding
denitionan essential partof the presentationthat
follows,whichaimstocontributetothetopicsofthis
conferenceandthediscussionsthatwillfollow.So,
by social interactionImeananyformofsocialrela-
tionsandprocessesamongpeoplewhobelongtothe
samesocialgroupinahistoricallydeterminedsocial
reality.Thisisintentionallyaverybroaddenition,
whichIsuspect,becauseofitsgenerality,wouldbe
acceptedandagreeduponreadily.
The Archaeology of Social Interaction
Mynextpointexplicitlyconcernsusasarchae-
ologistsand ourpractice. Thereare relationsand
processes—thatis, formsof socialinteraction—in
prehistory(asinanyotherhistoricalperiod)thatare
offered,atleastintheirgenericdescription,fordirect
empirical(archaeological)observation,andthereare
- 21 -
Social Interaction in the Farming Communities of Neolithic Greece:
Archaeological Perceptions
Nikos Efstratiou
somethatarenot.Thespatialdistributionofspecic
materialsor objects—forinstance, withina com-
munityorbetweensettlements—discloses,however
indirectly,certainformsofsocialinteractionthatare
alreadyin thescope of archaeologicalattention in
onewayoranother.Variationsin thesize,plan,or
constructionofhousesandtheirmaterialcontentin
asettlement arejustiably relatedto intersections
ofsocial relationswithin acommunity.Similarly,
membersof ahousehold unitengage indifferent
categoriesofrelationswitheachotherbasedonage,
sex,andlabordivisions,thuscreatingformsofsocial
interaction.Thesearchaeologicalexamplesreferto
formsof socialinteraction, indicationsof which,
asstated above,can be empirically detected (e.g.
increasedpresenceof“goods”inahousehold);and
thereforetheyarerightlyusedtoaddressaspectsof
socialresearch.
However, speculations—or if you prefer, as-
sumptions—ofany scaleandintensity stillremain
atthecoreofthiskindofarchaeologicalinterpreta-
tionandtentativereconstructionsofpastsociallife,
includingformsofsocialinteraction.Nevertheless,
onecaneasilyclaim—withahighelementoftruth—
thatthis constitutesa limitationof ourdiscipline.
Whetherunavoidableornot,ormanageableornot,
assumptionsofthisorderexisttopinpointthedif-
cultiesinunderstandingpastsocialstructuresandin
contextualizingspecicexplanatoryparadigms.So
thefundamentalquestionremainsaspivotalasever:
howcanweapproachformsofpastsocialinteraction
(socialrelationsandprocesses)andindeedunderstand
theirmanyinterconnectionswhilerelyingonlyonas-
sumptions,particularlyifwesustainandacknowledge
thatsocialphenomenaarenotautonomousandself
containedbutratherdeterminedbyorassociatedwith
otherphenomenathatweoftendisregard?Thatsaid,
onemayask:isthereadegreeofrelative(perhaps)
autonomythatcharacterizessomeoftheseveryphe-
nomenaofsocialinteraction?Ifyes,onecanclaim
thatthiscould behandledfairlyby archaeological
constructs,empiricallydetectedandpresentedinthe
formofadistributionmapofceramictypesorraw
320
Nikos Efstratiou
materialsand astatistical diagramwith anumber
ofparameters, such asvolume or distance,among
others;this,inpractice,tendstocreateanillusionof
realitythatissupposedtorefertosocialrelationsbut
canneverbe the case. Butifweaccept“no”asan
answer—acknowledgingthatsocialphenomenaare
notautonomous—thewayisopenforaninteresting
intellectualjourneyintoaprocessofsocialresearch
thatshallventuretorevealthesocialrealitiesofthe
past(Efstratiou2014:3).
Ishallnotargueinfavoroftheformer,thatis,
theviewthatphenomenaofinteractioninasociety
areautonomousand self-contained;inmy opinion
thiswould meanthat wenot onlysustain a gross
empiricisminarchaeology,butalsothatweconcur
withtheidea thatsocialreality is linearandstatic
andtherebycantaketheformofmeasurementsand
counting,which, Isuspect (and hope), is not the
caseatallforallofus.Thereis,however,something
elsethatisimplicitlyevenmoreworrying.Itisthe
indirectacceptance of the validity of a traditional
formallogic,whichholdsthatAandB—thatis,two
socialphenomena(orinourcase,twoarchaeological
parameters)—arealwayseitherthecauseoreffectof
eachother(Carchedi2011:17).Couldthisprovidea
satisfactorycontextforobtaining answerstoques-
tionsthatdealwithdynamicelementsofpastsocial
realities?Couldtheapplicationofthisformallogic
measureand explainsociety’squalitativechanges,
whichappearinthecourseoftime?Onthecontrary,
Iammoreinclinedtowardthesuggestionthatsocial
researchinprehistory—especiallywhenfocusedon
formsofsocialinteraction—shouldstrivetoempha-
sizethedialecticnatureofthesephenomenaandnotbe
constrained—consciouslyornot—bytherecognition
oftheirexclusivelyformalcausaldeterminationand
theirapparent“cause-and-effect”relationship.This
isapointwithclear—andsometimesdramatic—ar-
chaeologicalrepercussions,uponwhichIwouldlike
tocommentbriey.
Letme useas anexample the entityof social
space,which,despiteitsoftenself-evidentcontent,
remains—orshould remain,asI shalltryto argue
below—opentoarchaeologicaldebateasfarasboth
itsconceptionandperformanceareconcerned.Social
spacehasamanifoldcontent,withthemainquestion
beinghowweasarchaeologistsshouldapproachand
trytodescribeit.What, after all, constitutes social
space?Ichooseonceagainthebenetsofageneral
description:socialspaceisanentitymadeupofso-
cialrelationsandprocesses—thatis,bothsocialand
individualphenomenaandtheirmutuality:“peopleare
consideredasmembersofsocialgroupsratherintheir
individuality,respectively”(Carchedi2011:14).Thus,
socialspacedoesnotexistindependentlyofpeople
andthe relationsbetween them; andin thissense,
socialspaceisuidandopentocontinuouschange.
Underthesenon-staticcircumstances, the question
arisesastohowwedeneitandhowwerelateand
understandthemanypartsthatcompriseitandtheir
interconnections?Arethearchitecturalremainsofan
EarlyNeolithicsettlement,forexample—theplans,
numbersordensityofhouses,presenceofopenareas,
materialevidence ofactivities relatedto different
everydaypractices,etc.,orthespecicarrangements
ofspace-useintheinterior,suchascookingfeatures,
foodremains,orareasofspecialactivities(sleeping
orburial)—thestartingpointfordiscussingformsof
socialinteractioninthecontextofacommunityor
itsexpression(Karamitrou-Mentessidietal.2013:1)?
Similarly,andatanotherscale,dodifferenttypesof
occupation(tell,at,orcavesites)relatetostereo-
typicexpressionsofsocialspacewhicha priori are
determinedbythesocialrelationstheyhouse(Perlès
2001:174)?Thingsarehardlyasstraightforwardas
archaeologistswishtopresentthem.
AlthoughIconcedethatstatementsliketheseareof
keyimportanceforanykindofrelevantarchaeological
reconstruction,Iamwillingtoaccepttheirchallenge
andthediscussiontheyevokeashypotheseswhich
havetobetested,emphasizinginparticulartheneed
toelaborate onthe manydialectics of the specic
socialcontextsinwhichtheyareset:thehistorically
specicformsofsocialrealitytheyconstituteinpart.
Howeasyitistoacceptstatementslike:“…thevery
permanenceofthe(Neolithic)settlementmayactually
havecontributed tomaking individual differences
sociallyacceptable” (Perlès2001:199),unlessthey
arefollowedbyatleastsomehintsastotheuidity
ofthesocialphenomenathatareinvolved.Iamnot
sayingthatarchaeologistsareunawareoftheseinter-
connectionsbetweensocialphenomenainthecontext
ofagivensocialreality.Nevertheless,asfarasIam
concerned,thequestionremainsastohowopenlywe
reporttheseinterconnections,andhowsystematically
weattempttopinpointthemandengagewiththem
inourdiscussions.I amafraidthatthedebate that
developsinthiscontextisoftenveryshortandtoo
aphoristic(Efstratiou2012:33).Tomentionanother
example:quiteoftenthexed(default?)socialunits
thatarethoughttobeatworkinprehistory,likethe
postulatedconcept ofthe “Neolithichousehold,”
presupposespecic, undeviating,and long-lasting
expressionsofsocialspaceand,ultimately,formsof
socialinteraction.Thisleadstostatementslike“the
spatialpromiscuityofthedifferenthouseholds…may
havebeenwhatpromotedthedesirefordifferentia-
tion”(Perlès2001:199).Theissuehere,inmyview,is
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21 - Social Interaction in the Farming Communities of Neolithic Greece
notwhetherthissuggestionisvalidornot,butrather
theexuberanceanddynamicsofthearchaeological
inquiryintothesocialrelationsandphenomenathat
eventuallydriveandconguresocialdifferentiationin
thecontextofthespecicsocialrealitythatwestudy
(thatis,theNeolithiccommunity);andby“dynamics
ofthearchaeologicalinquiry”Iamreferringbothto
thepotentialitiesofarchaeologyitselftodetectthese
phenomenaempiricallyinthe material record, and
alsototheinevitabilitythatthesevery phenomena
areofferedforobservationinagivensocialreality.
Andwhiletheformer—thechancetodetectspecic
phenomenaempirically—iseasytoreportormanage
asitisexclusivelyabouttherecoveryofdata,eld
practices,andmethodsofanalysis,etc.,thelatter—
thatis,thesuggestionthattherearesocialphenomena
thatarenotofferedfordirectdetection—constitutes
amatterofseriousconcernanddebate.
Thepoint thatI wouldlike tounderline here
referstothebenet,inmyopinion,ofthedialectics
inregardtosocialresearch,andmorespecicallyto
notionsofsocialrealityandsocialinteraction.Itis
preciselythisdialecticnatureoftheconditionsthat
ultimatelypertainstothephenomenaofsocialinter-
actionthatoughttobe,inmyopinion,ourfocusof
attention.Forinstance,ithasbeenarguedthatsocial
phenomenaareinaconstantstateofacquiringaform
fromarealmofpotentialities,andtheyhavebeen
describedasbeingalwaysbothpotential andreal-
ized,bothdeterminantanddetermined,andsubject
toconstantmovementandchange(Carchedi2011:7);
by“potentialities,”followingCarchedi(2011:8),I
mean“actually-existing aspects of objective real-
ity”thatatanygiven moment intime areutilized
bythegroupitself,acquireadeniteformandare
thusrealized.Thisperhapssimplistic(initsinitial
perception)statement,while undoubtedly tosome
extentself-evident(whocandeny,forinstance,that
realityisinconstantmovement?),shouldbedealtwith
asacriticalreferencetoformsofsocialinteraction
(processesandrelations)inprehistory.Thisreal—
andinaway,provocative—temporaldimensionof
aphenomenon(thepotentialphenomenabecoming
bothrealizedandopposite)istwofold:itemphasizes
thecontinuousinterplaybetweenthesetwomodes
(potentialvs.realized),settingthelimitsforarchae-
ologyof adirect vis-à-visindirect archaeological
(empirical)observation.Onemaywonderwhether
this,inasense,“directvs.indirect”detectionofso-
cialinteractionsisconditionedultimatelynotsimply
bytheirchancesofsurvivinginthearchaeological
record—usuallythroughtheirmaterialpresence—but
primarilybyanarrayofpotentialitiesembeddedina
historicallyandsocially-specicreality(inthiscase,
theNeolithic).Inotherwords,howweasarchaeolo-
gistscopewiththesuggestionthattherearecertain
socialphenomena andforms ofsocial interaction
intheNeolithicthataretobeapprehendedandac-
countedforinanindirectway;thatis,phenomena
whichareinastateofacquiringtheirformfroma
realmof Neolithicpotentialities, aprocess which
islikelytobeobservedonlyindirectly.Whatthese
potentialitiesandmeansare,andhowtheycanbe
detectedinthearchaeologicalrecord,arechallenging
questionsthatundoubtedlytranscendtheself-evident
andsoshouldnotbetreatedassuch.
Letmedrawtwoadditionalexamplesfromthe
Neolithicinthehopethattheywillcontributetothis
argument.Therstreferstothesuggestionthatthe
circulationoflithicrawmaterials,ceramicproducts,
gurines,andconsumergoodswithinacommunity,
inaregion,orbetweendistantplaces—usuallypre-
sentedintheformofadistributionmaporastatistical
analysis—signiessomethingbeyondanempirically
constructedarchaeologicalreality(Efstratiou2014:3).
Does,forexample,thesimplepresenceorthevolume
ofdispersionofsimilarmaterialsorobjectsinneigh-
boringprehistoriccommunitiesconveyameaningful
indicationofsocialinteraction?Moreover,istherea
possibilitythatunderdifferenttemporalcircumstances
orsocial andhistorical conditions,two particular
parameters—inthe abovecase, distanceand vol-
ume—canbeboththedeterminantanddetermined
factorsof thisverysame socialinteraction? Is the
qualitativerelationship betweenthese twoparam-
etersstableandundifferentiatedintime?Shouldwe
acceptthispotentiallyqualitativediversity?Which
ofthetwo(distanceorvolume)—bothofwhichare
detectedempirically—isaneventualitythatweshould
appraise?
Mysecondpertinentexample,whichIamsure
youarefamiliarwith,focusesontheobservationthat
wetooreadilyresorttosymbolicexplanationswhen
weare unableto explainspecic formsof social
interactionintermsofdirectcauseandeffect;Iam
surethatmanyofyouwillrecallsomeinstancesin
GreekNeolithicnarratives.Quiteoften,forexample,
specicceramictypewaresdonotappeartoserve
practicalusesordisplaysomeunorthodoxcorrelations
ofnumbers, forms,shapes, decorativepatterns, or
stateofpreservation(beingoutofcontextorfound
fragmented,etc.).
Shallweconcede,then,thatonlyformalcausal
determinations(like thosementioned above)can
explainsimilar socialphenomena(processes, rela-
tions),whichsubsequentlyshape social space ona
strictly“cause-and-effect”basis?Orshouldweinvest
moreinadialecticlogicwhichsuggeststhat“Aand
322
Nikos Efstratiou
Barealways boththecauseandeffectofeachother”
(Carchedi2011:18,emphasisadded).Andifwesustain
theformer(astraightforwardcorrelation),isitperhaps
becauseofthefactthatthiskindofcausalrelation-
shipissimplymuchclosertoaformalarchaeological
observation,constructedandjustiedbyastandard
andacceptable empirical documentation (control)
process?Weshould becautious when quantitative
methods,suchascountinginmathematicsandstatis-
tics,areusedexclusivelytoportrayasocialreality.I
canalreadyhearthecounter-argument:“Okay,butthis
isallwehavetobaseourarchaeologicalreconstruc-
tionofpastsocialrelationson.”Howevertrue,this
isonlypartofthestory.Theobjectionhereisthat,
sincetheseparametersusuallyserveformallogic,they
cannotmeasureorexplainqualitativechangesand,
moreimportantly,donotallowforthepossibilityof
acontradictoryreality.Shallwethenacceptthatany-
thingappearingtotaketheformofaninconsistency
orcontradictioninsocialinteractionprocessesshould
betreatedasamistake?Theanswer,Ibelieve,isno,
unlessofcoursequantitativesizes—oftendescribed
as“auxiliarymethods” (Carchedi2011:43)—areat
theserviceofadialecticallogicverication;thatis,
whentheytrytodescribenotastaticbutadynamic
andcontradictorysocialreality,wherethefocusison
changesinthesocialcontentofphenomenaembedded
inahistoricallyandsocially-specicreality(inour
case,theNeolithic).This,Isuggest,shouldbeatthe
coreofourarchaeologicalresearchagenda.
Needlesstosay,ofcourse,Ifullyacknowledge
thechallengesofsuchaventure,notforamoment
underestimatingthedifcultiesinvolved.Iwouldalso
concedethat archaeologicalfrustrations likethese
arenotnew,andthatremediesarealreadyathand.
Theyusuallytaketheformofanumberofcontingent
determinantsorpredominateswhichaspiretogive
contenttothesocialphenomenathatareengagedin
socialinteraction.Iamreferring,amongotherthings,
tosomenotionsandexpressionsthatarealreadyused
butstillvaguelydened, likeindividual decisions,
contingentevents, cultural norms, and collective
identities,which,althoughtheyhavebeenemployed
quiteregularlyinNeolithicnarratives,retainageneric
content,oftengivingtheimpressionthattheyrelish
andrely on theirgenerality.In anycase,these are
conceptswhich oftencause confusionand require
clarication.
Althoughthisisnottheplaceorthetimetoexpand
onthis,Iwouldliketouseanexampleanddrawyour
attentiontothekindofsocialanalysisthatproceeds
withadistinctionbetweenconceptslikesocial and
individualphenomena(relationsandprocesses),and
thereforeformsofsocialinteraction.Thisdistinction
referstopeoplewhoarebothindividualsandatthe
sametime membersof asocial group;in Marxist
terms,they areconcrete and abstract individuals,
respectively(Marx1967[1867]).Concreteindividuals
dependontheircapacitytodifferentiateindividually
andthereforetobeunique,whileabstractindividuals
arecontingentontheirabilitytosharecommonsocial
featureswithothermembersofacommunity;amale
farmer,withthenameX,amemberofafamilyof
ve,livinginacommunityinnorthernGreece(indi-
vidual),andworkingasaNeolithicfarmer(abstract).
Theprimaryquestionhereiswhetherconcreteand
abstractindividuals—toborrowthesetwotermsfor
amoment—areexclusivetoeachotherinrelationto
thesocialphenomenawithwhichtheyareengaged.
Inrealitytheansweris“no”sincetheycanbeboth,
butinanalyticaltermstheansweris“yes”:theyare
eitherconcreteorabstract.Thisisbecauseconcrete
individualsare engagedin individual phenomena,
wherethe emphasisis onrelations and processes
thatarespecic,unique,andsubjective(theactions
hetakes inhissociallife,suchasmakingfriends),
whileabstract individualsare involvedin social
phenomena,wheretheemphasisisontheobjective
conditionsunderwhich social relationsarecarried
out(heisafarmer cultivating a pieceof land).As
aresult, concreteindividuals areunique andtheir
interactionsdependontheir individuality,whilein
thecaseof abstract individualstheemphasis is on
thefeaturestheyhaveincommonwithothergroup
members—forinstance,theyareallfarmerscultivat-
ingelds—andinthissensetheyarenotuniquebut
replaceable(Carchedi2011:29).
This,Ibelieve,constitutesacleardistinctionfor
thewayweasarchaeologistsactuallychoose—orin
therequisitionofapost-processualdoctrine,weoften
havealreadypredetermined—to conceptualizeand
addressformsofsocialinteractionsinthepast.IfI
mayventuremyownopinion,Iconcurwiththesug-
gestionthatsocialphenomenareproducethemselves
throughabstract individuals who carry “specic
socialrelations and engage in (those) processes”
(landlabor)and,therefore,areseen“fromthepoint
ofview ofsome commonfeatures” (havingbeen
farmers)(Carchedi 2011:24),andirrespectively of
concreteindividuals(Carchedi2011:35).AlthoughI
emphasizethatbothindividualandsocialphenomena
(andtheirdialecticalinterplay)constitutetwodimen-
sionsofthesamesocialreality,itisobviousthatthe
criticalquestiontobeaskedinrelationtotheform
ofsocial interactionthat weaddress every time is
whetherthedescriptionofaphenomenoncarriedby
aconcreteindividual—withitsapparentsubjectivity
andspecicity—couldrevealthosesocialrelations,
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21 - Social Interaction in the Farming Communities of Neolithic Greece
inthecontext of whichbothconcrete and abstract
individualsfunctioninprehistory,andnotsimplythe
uniqueindividual relationstheydevelop; andhow
balanced,asaresult,wevalueboththeformerand
thelattersincetheybothconstitutethesocialspaceof
aNeolithiccommunity.Thisisafocalquestion,forit
seemsthatinarchaeologicalreasoningthecategoryof
concrete individualsandthedescriptionofindividual
phenomenahavewontheday.
A Final Note
Inconclusion,whatIthinkwecouldconcurwith,
everytimewetrytorelatearchaeologicalobserva-
tionswithsocialinteractioninprehistory,isthatwe
aredealingwithformsthatareuid,dynamic,and
temporal,andthereforeinaconstantstateofchange,
andthathavethepowertotransformsocialrealityand
itsbasicunit:socialphenomena.Atthesametime,
socialinteractiontendstoformpartof the volume
andintensityofsociallife,intermsofquantityand
intersectionsofsocialrelations,respectively,andthey
thereforeplayadeterminingroleinprehistoricsociety.
Iamparticularlykeentosee—inviewofthethoughts
expressedintheshorttheoreticalnoteabove—how
someofthepresuppositions(intheformofsomevery
specicandrecurring themes)currentlyatworkin
thereconstructionprocessofthedifferentformsof
socialspace,whichIamsurewillbediscussedinthe
conference,operateintheGreekNeolithic.
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