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All content in this area was uploaded by Md.Shahabul Haque on Aug 06, 2022
Content may be subject to copyright.
People’s Perception on Political Programs: An Analysis on
Hartal and Blockade in Bangladesh
Md. Shahabul Haque
1
Introduction
The word ‘hartal’, firstly introduced by Mahatma Gandhi, is mainly a Gujarati expression.
Around hundred years have passed since the world’s first hartal was staged. In 1906, Mahatma
Gandhi thought of the idea for protesting against the Black Act in South Africa which was
formulated for deporting Indian and Chinese people from South Africa. He adopted passive
resistance by disobeying immoral laws enforced to them (Datta, 1961). Later he applied this
notion in the Indian subcontinent against colonialism. During the period in the1930s, several
anti-British movements took place like the civil disobedience movement. On May 8, 1932,
Mahatma Gandhi, embarked on a series of anti-British protests, which were popularly known as
hartals (Zaman, 2015). This form of protest was peaceful and non-violent resistance against the
British colonial rule in the Indian subcontinent. Since then hartal has been the popular medium
of anti-government protest. Gandhi’s hartal and hunger strikes were the outcome of a peaceful
movement and nonviolent resistance. But the hartals and blockades observed by the political
parties in Bangladesh is quite different from Gandhi’s notion. Gandhi’s approach was initiated
with an understanding to put pressure on the British government but in Bangladesh, hartal and
blockade still continue to be violent.
The political program, especially hartal and blockade were always called by the opposition
political parties in Bangladesh. They claim that observing hartal and blockade is their
democratic right. Further, they claim that the constitutional Article-37 guarantees the
fundamental rights which states in the constitution of Bangladesh Article- 37, which preserves
for every citizen the right to assemble and participate in public events (Constitution of
Bangladesh,2015). However, this right has some limitations. The limitations are that assemblies
must be peaceful, and the members of the assembly must not bear arms. The right to peaceful
assembly also involves the right to security against assaults when exercising the right.
The government protests that once started as peaceful and non-violent demonstrations have
evolved into the exact opposite. The effects of these violent protests on society affect all people.
Innocent people are severely victimized whether it is from a blockade or hartal. Almost all the
businesses are forced to close due to the violent protests. This has resulted in a decrease in sales
for entrepreneurs. The education of the youth has also been disrupted because schools have been
closed for months due to political protests. Parents worry about the negative impact that these
1
Faculty (On study leave), Department of Political Studies, Shahjalal University of Science & Technology, Sylhet -
3114,Bangladesh. E-mail: shahabu14@yahoo.com
violent occurrences are having on their children; protests which can be see daily broadcast on the
television.
The entrepreneurs of various sectors decrease their stuff. Some shut down their business due to
severe political turmoil. The education of children and teenagers (the future leaders), are
seriously hindered in their educational pursuits because of the ongoing political movement.
Therefore, they grow in worst perception on politician and politics. For example:
“Hamim (4) studied infant class at Boarder Guard Bangladesh School at Akhalia in
Sylhet,Bangladesh. While the research team went their house to collect data of this study, they
found Hamim along with his play mates were playing instead of going to school, as the school
has been closed down for last two and half months consecutively due to indefinite blockade and
frequent hartals
2
. The boys and girls, numbering five, of the same ages were shouting and
making slogans ‘hartal’, ‘hartal’, ‘set fire’, ‘set fire’. The team came to know from Hamim’s
father (40),who said ‘My son watches television and most of the television channels telecast the
hartal news repeatedly, he and others learnt it from the watching television.’ He also said with the
gloomy, what should we do? My son is growing with a negative psychology.’
3
It is just a perception of one of many guardians regarding the hartal and blockade .When the
boys and girls are supposed to attend school every day; they are kept at their house and playing
with someone and say the political slogans. The major opposition political alliances in
Bangladesh, 20-Party Alliance called an indefinite hartal and blockade since 1st January 2015
demanding a fresh national election under an interim non-partisan government.
Objectives of the Study
The following points have been taken into account to carry out the study.
1. Analyzing the rationality of hartal and blockade as a medium of political protest.
2. Figuring out the impact of hartal a and blockade
3. Identifying the political reasoning of hartal and blockade
4. Finding out the alternative ways of movement in connection with resolving the political
crisis.
Rationale of the Study
Generally, political parties, especially the opposition political parties, observe the hartals and
blockades to meet their demand. At the time of hartal and blockade, opposition political activists
show up their strength and group performance in roads and highways in this way the political
activities also assert their position in their political parties. Hartal and blockades contribute to
the political unrest in the country and deteriorate the law and orders resulting in the imbalance of
the country(Mozena,2015). In Bangladesh, hartal and blockade is one of the most talked about
2
Hartal, the general strike and total shutdown, has been one of the defining features of Bangladesh politics since
independence. Hartal is considered successful if all shops remain closed, no motorised transport—and limited
rickshaw transport—is possible and public life comes to a standstill (Suykens and Islam, 2013).
3
Interview taken on 14th March, 2015 at Akhalia, Sylhet, Bangladesh.
political programs. During the hartal, blockade and during political instability, the economy is
setback. The impacts of this political agenda become visible in every sector for example,
education, health, economy, law etc. of the country. When hartal and blockade called upon by
political parties, the state lose its usual pace, things slow down and an astounding silence falls
over the country (Sattar,2015). Due to hartal students cannot join their classes, doctors cannot
serve their patients, lawyers cannot serve their clients, businessman cannot open their shops, and
patients have no hope to access hospitals even in urgent circumstances. Low income people are
the foremost victims of the hartal agenda. Because of the hartal and blockade, these people fail
to manage acquiring a square meal. They even pass their days starving. In spite of this, political
parties are continuously practicing both hartal and blockade in order to achieve their demands.
The government also pays no heed to the protest of opposition parties which makes the situation
more complex. From elite to proletariat class, across the country are sufferers of this form of
political protest.
Reflection from relevant literatures
Among the political cultures, hartal is one of the most significant ways of securing the demand
of political parties with huge public support. By using hartal, political parties secured their
demands including restoration of parliamentary democracy in 1990 from authoritarian
government as well as introducing new concept of Non-party Caretaker Government system in
Bangladesh
4
(Rashiduzzaman,1997). Over last forty years, major political parties called equal
numbers of hartals to fulfill their desire, especially when they were in terms of their oppositions.
Previously, hartals were used in a peaceful way. However, political parties have been using
hartals as a destructive way to secure their demands (Hossain,2000). The vicious activity of
hartal is resulting in a negative impact on people’s daily life as well the country’s economy. As a
result, Bangladeshi people have expressed their strong opinions against hartal and blockade,
political parties to reinvent new mechanisms as an instrument of protest against the ruling party.
The amount of people who are against hartal is increasing sharply day by day. Thus, the
opposition Parties have had to change their attitudes to encourage road marches, peaceful
discussion, and parliamentary discussion and to arrange dialogue among the political parties.
Among the other forms of political protest, road march is receiving enormous support from the
people of Bangladesh ( Prodip et al., 2015).
The opposition does not have any other platforms to influence the government to convey their
demands. Therefore, they use the hartal as a final tool of the anti-government movement.
Politicians simply care about personal achievement and do not take note of the impact on the
economy since they are immune to the consequences; the government is antagonistic, leaving
4
The caretaker government is formed after every five years by neutral enlightened people of the society for a period
of three months with special authority to conduct the national parliament election ( Alam et al., 2011).
few options; options such as rallies, protests, hunger-strikes which are useless. All of these
arguments make opposition leaders seem selfish, ridiculous, and ignorant ( Shonchoy and
Tsubota,2014).
Hartal is a strategic tool for opposition parties utilized in the years prior to elections. Hartals
legitimize the use of violence, which in turn can undermine the government, thereby raising the
chances of electoral success for opposition parties. Hartals put salt in a wounded economy.
( Roy and Borsha, 2013)
Political violence is a widespread means used by political parties across the world to achieve
political goals. Many group and individual believe that violence is not only justified but also
necessary in order to attain their political aims. The number of hartal is threatening the
livelihoods, safety and security of ordinary citizens. The risk and intensity of political violence in
Bangladesh is exacerbated by the ease of accessibility to small arms and light weapons
(Bhattacharya et al.,2014).
Hartal is a precarious jobs to the people who are involved. However, these risky jobs open a new
window for the local leadership. Here the researcher reveals the profound truth which
sometimes appears dangerous for the activists. Hartal is a multifarious political concert in which
a particular group performed to grow in an imperative in political field. So, hartal is not merely a
weapon of shaking the government up but also a vital stage of the local leader to perform. The
vigorous performers are deemed as the exemplified leaders and they take the responsibility of
their constituency. Thus, through this political tool, local actors improve their position. And the
actors become the local elite as well as regarded as the most valuable representative at the local
level (Suykens and Islam, 2013).
Two elements that are of crucial importance are organizational capacity and risk-taking. Hartal,
the general strike and total shutdown, has been one of the defining features of Bangladesh
politics since independence. Hartal is considered successful if all shops remain closed, no
motorised transport—and limited rickshaw transport—is possible and public life comes to a
standstill (Suykens and Islam, 2013).
Hartal and blockade is regarded as one of the ultimate modes of anti-government movement.
These political weapons have become the cures of Bangladesh. The normal life of public
hampered greatly due to these political protests. Opposition parties along with other social and
cultural organization usually apply this tremendous political tool to attain the political goal.
In general, the opposition parties call for hartal emphasizing some cruel issue. Thus, opposition
parties pointing fingers on an issue and summon hartal. By the way of example, a substantial
number of hartal has been summoned by opposition party on the account of caretaker
government and free-fare election. But, indeed the weapon of hartal fails to draw to heed of
government. Although, hartal is normally called for putting pressure on the government and fall
them in a critical place, in true sense it fail to reach this target.
Hence, the culture of hartal, still remains to refrain the government from the dictatorship
manner. There is no effective alternative form of protest to meet the political goal without
hartal. Even, hartal still plays a pivotal role to withdraw autocrat ruler and install the democratic
environment in the country.
In spite of the fruitful form of political movement, hartal highly hinders the average life of
people. It impedes the economic growth tremendously. The economy of Bangladesh encountered
a considerable amount of loss due to hartal.
If the destructive form of protest remains in the state, there will be petite economic and social
development in this country. Similarly, without rapid economic and social development, the
expectation for political stability and uncontaminated politics could remain an illusion.
The security of general people also encumbers in large scale. The scenario of law and order have
become fragile thanks of hartal and blockade. The price of daily commodities are found to be
inconceivably high. The transportation system remains in heavy risk because . The drivers
cannot move their vehicles amid the security threat. The average citizen has lost the courage to
move from one place to another. Above all, hartal comes to the people as well as to the state
machinery as a great intimidation. Therefore, for the betterment of the state political parties have
to rethink the hartal and blockade.
Materials and Methods
The study has been developed has relied on both primary and secondary data. The Survey
method has been applied for collecting the primary data. The researcher used both open and
closed ended questions for the survey. The 100 respondents were chosen purposively and
randomly. The study has been conducted twice, once in Sylhet City from March15th to 30th in
2014 and the second time from March 1st to 20th in 2015. The secondary data that has been
collected was from different sources such as published articles, books, newspapers and the
Internet.
Findings of the Study
Socio-economic Profile of the Respondents
In Table 1, the age of the respondents portrayed. Table 1 depicted that 31 percent of
respondents’ are between the age of 20 to 25. The age of 2 per cent of the respondents are in
between 26-30 years old, 10 per cent respondents are in the range of 30-35, 14 per cent
respondents are 36-40 years old, one per cent of the respondents are 41-45 years old and 9 per
cent of the respondents are between 46-50 years old.
Graph 1 shows the individual characteristic of the respondents. It is seen that the respondents are
predominantly male (70 per cent) while the rest 30 per cent of the respondents are female.
However, both male and female respondents have direct or indirect political affiliations.
The Graph 2 shows the educational status of the respondents. It shows that the most of
respondents are educated. Around 42 percent respondents are university students, 20 percent of
the respondents have completed their higher secondary level education. At the same time, 20
percent responds’ educational qualification is secondary level. And the rest 18 percent
respondents’ educational qualification is in primary level.
The professional backgrounds of the respondents are shown in the Table 2. It is reported that 20
percent of the respondents are students, and 20 per cent of the respondents are in the teaching
profession. In can also be seen that 20 percent of respondents are businessmen, 10 per cent of
respondents are professionals, and 20 per cent of respondents are employee. The remaining 10
per cent of the respondents are not in the above criteria.
Rationality of Hartal in Democratic System
Graph 3 illustrates the views of respondents concerning the rationality of hartal. Here, 37 percent
of respondents replied that hartal is a logical means of political movement. At the same time 63
per cent of respondents believe that hartal is not a logical means of political protest. They think
that during the hartal, the masses of people cannot move from one place to another place even in
an emergency situation. However, the respondents of those who advocate the hartal and
blockade, consider that in the absence of exercising these political rights, the government may
tend to be autocrat.
Hartal as a Pressure on Government
Graph 4 displays the views of respondents on whether the hartal and blockade put a pressure to
the government or if the hartal it fails. Here, 50 percent of respondents disagree with the
statement. They believe that hartal and blockade does not create any pressure on the
government. And the remaining 40 percent of respondents are undecided. They think that in
some cases hartal is fruitful for pressuring the government in realizing their demands. However,
most of the respondents mentioned that in most cases hartal fails to reach the governments
attention.
Losses of Hartal and Blockade in Various Sectors
Graph 5 demonstrates the average number of losses in imposing hartal and blockade. The
percentage is quite momentous. The graph illustrates that 40 percent of the economy fall in
trouble during the hartal. This percentage covers various sectors such as investments, and the
tourism industry. Consequently, the education sector of the state confronted impede due to hartal
and blockade. Here, the above graph 5 illustrates that there was 39 percent loss that occurred in
the education sector. As well, hartal caused a security problem. Here, people opined that the law
and order situation of the state falls by 9 percent while observing hartal time. The
transportation sector of the country remains in severe threat during hartal and blockade. Even the
transport encountered around 3 percent loss caused by the hartal proponents.
Is Hartal Rational as a Political Agenda?
Graph 6 depicted that only 10 percent of people support hartal as a form of political protest.
Which means that 87 percent of people dislike the hartal as a medium of anti-government
movement or political protest. The remaining 3 percent of respondents are undecided.
Alternative Means of Political Programs
Looking at the alternative means of protest and political activity, Graph 7 shows that 44 percent
of the respondents desire to solve the political problems through political discussions. On the
other hand, 36 percent of respondents desired blockade and 10 percent of respondent desired that
political assembly can be an alternative means of movement for opposition parties while 5
percent of respondent wish for a non-cooperation movement as a means of realizing their
demands.
Discussion
In accordance with research outcomes, people do not uphold hartal and blockade as a medium of
political protest. Around 87 percent of respondents disagree to promote hartal. They
demonstrated their belief in the results of their reply to the survey. The respondents mentioned
that public life slows down during the hartal and blockade. People have incurred loss in terms
of economic, educational, social and political aspects. As well, citizens are concerned about
public safety during hartel and blockade According to respondents, it is unpredictable that when
the terror attack took place. On the contrary, the last 13 percent of respondents contemplated
that in democratic system hartal is a rational way to arrive at the political goal of opposition
parties. But, a handful of respondent opine that hartal puts pressure on the government to some
extent. In light of above analysis, it may be argued that hartal and blockade are not a sound
means of movement at all as here applies a divisive approach to protest. Instead of detrimental
political agenda, the opposition parties may prefer dialogue both inside and outside of the
parliament. Hence, if these sorts of protests appear indispensable, and the hartal proponents
ought to promote it in peaceful means.
Conclusion and Policy Recommendations
Political cohesion and clean politics are the prerequisites for democracy and hence squire
development of a state regarding economic, political, social and humanitarian progress.
Therefore, each of the political parties of the state has to consider the national interest rather than
individual or party interest. Apart from that, Bangladesh is a developing country in political,
social and economic sectors. For that reason, it may not be wise to crush the budding of the state
via promoting violent behavior. To cease the political turbulence, the concern requires taking
the following steps: Firstly, politicians need to develop a sense of ethics. They have to think
about the greater interest of the state, an interest that upholds the nations respect. Politicians have
to be united on the matter of country’s greater interest. Secondly, both the government and
opposition parties have to operate in mutual conversation simultaneously inside and outside of
the parliament. They have to come up with a sustainable solution corresponding to constitutional
framework. Thirdly, the ruling party should be accommodative and also extend a hand of
cooperation to all opposition parties so that they can exercise their political right in a peaceful
manner. The above approaches may at least craft an opportunity to commence the negotiations
which could diffuse the political tensions from the state.
References
Alam,M.Gazi,Rabby,G.Talukder,Boon,L.Thian,Khan,I. & Hoque,E.Kazi(2011)National
Development and Student Politics in Bangladesh, African Journal of Business
Management,Vol.5(15).
Bhattacharya, D, Ibne A. Mashfique, Khan I Towfiqul, Sadique Md. Zafar (2014), Assessing the
Economic Implications of the Present Political Shocks: The Economics of ‘Hartal’ in
Bangladesh!, Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), Dhaka
Bangladesh Constitution (2015), Article 37.
Datta M. Dhirendra (1961), The Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, Madison:The University of
Wisconsin Press, United States of America
Hossain, A. (2000), Anatomy of Hartal Politics in Bangladesh, Asian Survey, Vol. 40, No. 3
Mozena, D.(2015), The Economic cost of political unrest, Economic observebd.net, visited on 15
February, 2015
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a Better Alternative Way of Hartal Culture in Bangladesh, International journal of
Science and Technology Research,Vol. 4, Issue 01.
Rashiduzzaman, M. (1997), Political Unrest and Democracy in Bangladesh, Asian Survey, Vol.
37, No. 3.
Roy, M., and Borsha,H. Faria (2013), Hartal: A Violent Challenge to the socio-economic
development of Bangladesh, International journal of Science and Technology
Research, Vol. 2, Issue 8.
Shonchoy, S. Abu, Tsubota K., (2014), Economic Impact of Political Protests (Strikes) on
Firms: Evidence from Bangladesh, University of Tokyo, Japan
Sattar, M.(2015), Bangladesh’s Year of Violence, Available at<
http://thediplomat.com/2013/08/bangladeshs-year-of-violence> Accessed on
February 13, 2015.
Suykens, B. and Islam A. (2013), Organization of (local) power in Bangladesh as a complex
political performance: General strikes and the Hartal, Contributions to Indian
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grave concern. Available at<http://www.dispatchesinternational.org/?p=65>
Accessed on 15 February, 2015.
Appendix
Table-1: Ages of the Respondents
Age
Percentage
20-25
31
26-30
2
30-35
10
36-40
14
41-45
1
46-50
9
Graph- 1: Gender of Respondents
Graph -2: Educational Qualification of Respondents
Table -2: Occupation of the Respondents
Occupation
Percentage
Students
20
Teacher
20
Businessmen
20
Professional
10
Employee
20
Others
10
Graph-3: Rationality of Hartal in Democratic System
Graph- 4: Hartal as a Pressure on Government
Graph- 5: Loses of Hartal and Blockade in Various Sectors
Graph- 6: Is Hartal Rational as a Political Agenda?
Graph-7: Alternative Means of Political Programs
