Content uploaded by Sandis Laime
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Sandis Laime on Dec 22, 2018
Content may be subject to copyright.
ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA
ARHEOLOGIJU
SERTA INSTITUTI
ARCHAEOLOGICI
KNJIGA
VOLUME
10
Edited by Juraj Belaj, Marijana Belaj, Siniša Krznar, Tajana Sekelj Ivančan and Tatjana Tkalčec
Sacralization of Landscape
and Sacred Places
INSTITUT ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
SACRALIZATION OF LANDSCAPE AND SACRED PLACES
Zagreb, 2018
Proceedings of the 3rd International Scientic Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology of
the Institute of Archaeology
Zagreb, 2nd and 3rd June 2016
ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
SERTA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI
KNJIGA / VOLUME 10
PUBLISHER
Institut za arheologiju / Institute of Archaeology
Zagreb, Croatia
EDITORSINCHIEF AND MANAGING EDITORS
Juraj Belaj
Marijana Belaj
Siniša Krznar
Tajana Sekelj Ivančan
Tatjana Tkalčec
REVIEWERS
Ana Azinović Bebek
Katja Hrobat Virloget
Luka Šešo
TRANSLATIONS AND TEXT EDITING
Signed below the text or translated/edited by the authors
DESIGN AND LAYOUT
Hrvoje Jambrek
PRINTED BY
Tiskara Zelina d.d., Sv. I. Zelina
CIRCULATION
200
COVER PHOTO BY
Karlo Lolić
Financially supported by the Ministry of Science and Education of the Republic of Croatia
©Instut za arheologiju u Zagrebu. Sva prava pridržana
©Instute of Archaeology Zagreb. All rights reserved.
CIP zapis dostupan u računalnom katalogu Nacionalne i sveučilišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem
001012819
A CIP catalogue record for this book is available in the Online Catalogue of the Naonal and University
Library in Zagreb as 001012819
ISBN 978-953-6064-36-6
FOREWORD
Andrej Pleterski
Mythical Landscape. What is it?
Mia Čujkević-Plečko, Silvija Lasić, Ivor Karavanić
Aspects of Symbolic Behaviour at Croatian Palaeolithic Sites
Mitja Guštin, Alja Žorž
Nova Tabla at Murska Sobota. Burial Site as a Sacred Area
Anđelko Đermek
The Distribution of Pre-Christian Sacred Sites in the Zaprešić Area
Vitomir Belaj, Juraj Belaj
Around and below Divuša: The Traces of Perun’s Mother Arrival
into Our Lands
Marko Smole
Sacred Slavic Triangle in the Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley:
A Story about Pre-Christian and Christian Landscape Sacralisation
Jelka Vince Pallua
A Newly Discovered Figurative Representation of the Mythical Baba –
“Old Baba Vukoša” in St. Mary’s Church of Gračišće in Istria
Lidija Bajuk
Over the Mountains High, across the Waters Deep (Astroethnological
Contributions)
Marina Milićević Bradač
Passing through the Countryside : How to Recognize a Sacred Place?
Vesna Lalošević
Examples of Pagan Sacralisation of Sirmium and Salona Landscapes in the
early Christian Legends
19
33
45
69
93
105
117
143
4
165
5
Ehsan Shavarebi
The Temples of Anāhīd at Estakhr (Southern Iran): Historical Documents
and Archaeological Evidence
Silvia Bekavac, Željko Miletić
Castles of Petuntium, Neraste and Oneum:
Sacral Centres of Pagi in the Territory of Salona
Dražen Maršić
Sacralization of the Salonitan Rural Landscape on the Example of
“Gradina in Uvodići”
Olga Špehar
Changing Sacred Landscape:
Christianization of the Central Balkans in Late Antiquity
Ana Jordan Knežević
Contribution to the Study of Development and Function of Sacral
Buildings in Zadar Area (4th–9th Century)
Vladimir Peter Goss
Sacralization of the Vertical
Ivana Peškan, Vesna Pascuttini-Juraga
Forming of Cultural Landscape through the Network of Ecclesiastical
Buildings in the Valley of the River Bednja
Jela Duvnjak, Marija Marić Baković
Continuity of the Sacral and Actuality of the Cult on the Cemetery of St.
Ivo in Livno
Maja Cepetić Rogić
Patron Saints and Naming of the Landscape St John and Ivanić. Ecclesia,
Villa, Comitatus, Insula
Rosana Ratkovčić
Continuity and Discontinuity of the Holy Sites of Christianity and Islam
in the Examples from the Sufi Tradition
Andrea Rimpf, Dražen Arbutina
Ilok Ottoman Mosques and Ideal Reconstruction of Mehmed Agha Mosque
179
205
211
221
237
251
195
259
299
277
287
Karen Stark
From Holy Objects to Sacred Places:
Making Marian Sanctuaries in 14th c. Hungary
Silvija Pisk
Our Lady of Garić
Marijana Belaj, Mirela Hrovatin
Cultural Practices in Sacralisation of Place:
Vows in the Shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica
Antonia Vodanović, Ivan Huljev
Houses and Paths from Podgora: A Case of Landscape Sacralization
Merili Metsvahi
The Europeanisation of Estonia and the Folktale Connected with Lake
Valgjarv
Cornelia Florea
Petrila Mine – Sacred Underground
Sandis Laime
Offering Cave of the Livs in Latvia – from Sacred Place to Tourist Destination
Ivan Majnarić
The Uses of the Past – the Case of Maksimir Park Mogila
Antonija Zaradija Kiš
Saint Martin Space and Its Cultural Perspective
Neda Kulenović Ocelić, Igor Kulenović
New “Sacred” Places: Heritage Practices on Heritage Sites
Sandra Križić Roban
Displacement in the Space of Art
Suzana Marjanić
The Sacralisation of Landscape in
Contemporary Art Practices: Croatian Scene Case Study
325
335
343
353
367
375
383
393
403
415
423
433
FOREWORD
Human settlement of landscape raises the question of marking the landscape with one’s own religion. Changes of
religious systems or their coexistence documented in the landscape raises further questions, particularly those pertaining
to broader socio-cultural phenomena and dynamics. Even if such processes are not documented in written sources, they
could often be recognized in toponyms, folklore, archaeological nds and in contemporary religious practices.
Keeping this in focus, the Institute of Archaeology organized the 3rd International Scientic Conference of Mediaeval
Archaeology, entitled Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places. The Conference took place on the 2nd and 3rd June
2016, at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Croatia.
This is the third in a series of conferences designed to thematise mediaeval archaeology. However, for this third con-
ference we have conceived a much broader framework – our intention was to stimulate an exchange of experiences and
knowledge among participants with dierent research perspectives and disciplines and from dierent geographic areas
and chronological periods.
As many as 74 participants took part in the conference, coming from Croatia, Hungary, Estonia, Slovenia, Romania,
Latvia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Italy, Czech Republic, Germany and Iran. All in all they contributed a total of 57
presentations.
Introductory plenary lecture “Sacral spatial arrangement of landscape” was given by prof. dddr. Andrej Pleterski, Rese-
arch Advisor at the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.
The Conference was divided into the following panels: Human and sacred landscape: paradigms; Traces of sacred sites:
prehistory; Myth in landscape; Sacred place - the arena of religious discourses; Social realities in the sacralization of space;
Narratives and practices in the sacralization of space; Reading of holy places and sites in Islamic tradition; Traces of sacred
sites: antiquity; (De)Sacralizations: spatial biographies; Christian spatial symbolisation.
Most of the presenters at the conference readily adapted their presentations into papers. This publication presents
analyses of sacred landscape from the perspective of: archaeology, folklore, ethnology, cultural anthropology, literature,
architecture, history, art history, mathematics etc., and at the same time covers the period from prehistory, through an-
tiquity and Slavic period and the Middle Ages to the modern period and contemporary times. In addition to this, it also
compares dierent processes from dierent regions and times, by and large from Europe.
All the contributions were separately reviewed by carefully selected experts from the international academic com-
munity according to their particular discipline or research perspective. By publishing a book in English, we have tried to
provide to the authors the widest visibility in the international scientic community.
I would like to thank once again all the participants of the conference for excellent cooperation, as well as to the in-
stitutions that helped make it a great success. Special thanks are reserved for the reviewers of individual papers and the
proceedings on the whole for their eort, expertise and contribution, as well as for the colleagues from the Institute of
Archaeology for their help in the organization of the conference and the publication of these proceedings. We are grateful
also to the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb for their support in the organization of the conference. We sincerely hope
that the contributions gathered in this publication will encourage colleagues from various scientic disciplines, especially
researchers of younger generations, to engage further with the sacralization of landscape and sacred places.
Juraj Belaj
Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 383–392
SANDIS LAIME
Offering Cave of the Livs in Latvia –
from Sacred Place to Tourist Destination1
Scientic paper
One of the most outstanding examples of sacred caves in Latvia is the Lībiešu Upurala (Oering Cave of the Livs). This is the only cave
in Latvia, having its sacredness evidenced by nearly all types of sources that are available regarding caves. The archaeological material
acquired in studies in 1973 and 2013, as well as the magic signs carved in the walls of the cave indicate that this cave was used as a sacred
place from the 14th to 19th century. By analysing archaeological ndings in connection with contemporary oerings and tourist grati
from the 17th to 21st century, it will be proved that a single place can take dierent meanings among various groups of the society and
that these meanings form the complex identity of the given place.
Key words: Grati, Latvia, Livs, oering, sacred caves, tourism traditions
To date, more than 200 naturally-formed sandstone caves have been found in the territory of Latvia. Historically, many
of these caves were used in dierent ways, for example, as 1) practical space (cave cellars, bathhouses, granaries, hiding
places), 2) sacred space (oering and healing places, mythical space) and 3) tourism space (Laime 2009: 51–132).
At least 60 caves in Latvia are considered to be historical sacred places. The notion “sacred place” is used in this case as
terminus technicus in order to give an umbrella term to geographical sites, which are actively or passively linked to human
religious practice and which are connected to supernatural beings and experiences in the oral tradition. To identify sacred
caves in Latvia to date, there have been used such sources as folklore (19th–20th century), archaeological data, written
sources (since the 17th century), toponyms, iconographical material (since late 18th century) and rock carvings.
Lībiešu Upurala (literally “Oering Cave of the Livs”) is one of the most outstanding examples of sacred caves in Latvia.
It is situated in a 10-metre-high Devonian sandstone cli on the bank of the Svētupe River (literally “Sacred River”) near
the village of Kuiķule, eight kilometres away from the village of Svētciems (literally “Sacred Village”) and eleven kilome-
tres from the town of Salacgrīva. The cave has changed considerably over time and is currently in its “old age”. Professor
Constantin Grewingk from the Tartu University wrote in 1861 that the Oering Cave of the ancient Livs was man-made
(Grewingk 1861: 21); however, this claim is false. It is dicult to determine, how long ago the cave started to develop, it is
nevertheless certain that it is the result of a spring eroding soft sandstone. Such spring-eroded sandstone caves can deve-
lop surprisingly quickly in Latvia – even over a period of ten years, and they can collapse just as fast.
The life of the Upurala, however, has been many centuries long. At the time when the local population began to use it
as a sacred place, i.e. around the 14th century, its spring had already run dry. In the oldest known picture of the cave, which
dates back to 1839, a single large entrance that the cave had in the rst half of the 19th century is seen (Kruse 1842: Tab. 67:
3) (Fig. 1), but by the middle of the 19th century it collapsed. After the ceiling of the large entrance room collapsed, cave’s
two branches have preserved until nowadays that make up two separate caves – the so-called Large and Small Upurala,
1 Thearclehasbeenpreparedaspartoftheproject“Vidzeme’sSvētupeinMythicalandRealCulturalSpace”supportedbytheLatvianCouncilof
Science.
SandiS Laime
384
which are 46- and 19.5-metre long respectively (Eniņš 1995)
(Fig. 2). Prior to the crumbling of the entrance, the total length
of the cave was around 70 metres (Eniņš 1995). The Upurala has
since 1967 been an archaeological monument of national si-
gnicance and since 1977 – a protected geological site.
Nowadays, in scientic and tourism literature the cave is cal-
led the Lībiešu Upurala, while in the rst half of the 20th century,
there have been at least two names in popular use – Upurala
(Oering Cave) and Velnala (Devil’s Cave). In our time, the lo-
cals of the area most often employ the rst of the aforementio-
ned names. Legends of a respective subject-matter have been
linked to both oering in the cave and the devil (Laime 2009:
261–270). On the one hand, caves as underground spaces pos-
sess naturally determined capacity or valence to attract legend
motives which are connected with htonic spirits and deities in-
cluding the devil (Latvian velns), which is the most popular cha-
racter in Latvian folklore related to caves. On the other hand,
devil (Liv kurē, kuŗē) is also one of the most popular characters
in Liv2 folk belief, which embodies all evil – this is clearly a loan
from Christianity (Karma 1994: 238). It is highly possible that ol-
der notions of nature spirits, associated with waters and underground, also with the dead and fertility, have transformed
and merged together in the demonic Devil’s image – Liv mythology is rich in all kinds of nameless demons and spirits, with
strong Catholic features which have destroyed the layer of pre-Christian beliefs (Karma 1994: 234). The above mentioned
suggests that the part of Upurala folklore which is associated with Devil is comparatively new and, an older layer of beliefs
being transformed, came into being when the cave had largely lost its function as a sacred site and became demonised.
Judging by archaeological material, this process took place approximately at the beginning of the 19th century.
The Upurala is one of the dominating features in the sacred landscape of the banks of the Svētupe River.3 In the inter-
pretation of dierent historical times and social groups, the cave has obtained various meanings, of which two are discus-
sed in detail in the present article – the Upurala as a Medieval and contemporary sacred site and the Upurala as an Early
Modern and contemporary tourist destination. The goal of the article is to illustrate, how the Upurala gradually turned
from a sacred site into a tourist place, therefore a wide scope of sources has been employed in the analysis:
1) Written historical sources. The oering at the Upurala and the ght by the Christian church against it is described
in the church visitation records of 1641, 1674 and 1739 (Bregžis 1931: 11, 44, 88). They contain the earliest descriptions on
oering in Latvian caves.
2) Archaeological material. During the 1973 archaeological excavations (headed by Juris Urtāns), 629 coins minted
between the 14th and the 19th century in Riga, Tallinn, Tartu, Stockholm and elsewhere were found in the crumbled part
of the Upurala. 35 artefacts that can be dated from a similar period were also discovered: six rings or their fragments, ring
bula and its fragment, two bronze bindings, two tinklers, belt buckle, bone needle, three Dutch pipe fragments etc. Li-
kewise, remains of an organic origin have been found in the cultural layer: pieces of wax, bird bones, eggshells, sh bones
etc. (Urtāns 1980). In the research of 2013 (headed by Juris Urtāns), while examining the river-bed of Svētupe in front of the
Upurala, scuba divers from the Underwater Cultural and Historical Heritage Association discovered 18 coins from 16th–19th
2 AlongsideLatvians,LivsarethesecondindigenousnaonofLatvia.LivsspeaktheLivlanguage,whichispartoftheFinno- Ugricfamilyoflanguages,
andi nthe late IronAge,the yinh abi tedt henort hernpar tof Kurzemeregi onandth ewes ternpar tof Vidzemewher eLī biešuUpuralaisloc ate d.O ver
me,Liv sbecameassimilatedintoLatvians:in the2011naonalcensus,250peopleconsideredthemselves Livs, whilenotmore thanten ofthem
speaktheLivlanguagesincetheirchildhood.
3 ItispossiblethattheSvētupeRiverhasac quireditsnameexactlybecaus etheUpuralas tandsonitsbank(Urtāns2014).
Fig. 1 Lībiešu Upurala in 1839 (Kruse 1842: Tab. 67: 3)
Offe ring C ave Of the Livs in L atvia – f rOm sa Cred PLaCe tO t Ourist dest inatiO n
385
century. Two 17th century coins were also found in the Small Upurala in front of the largest group of rock carvings (Laime,
Urtāns 2014: 33–34). A total of 652 coins dating back to 14th–19th century were found during the research of the Upurala.
Statistics on archaeological ndings in Lībiešu Upurala provided further in the article have been compiled from the articles
by Juris Urtāns (Urtāns 1980; Laime, Urtāns 2014).
3) Rock carvings. In 1971, speleologist Guntis Eniņš discovered on the walls of the Upurala rock carvings, or signs of a
magic character, – the rst ones in Latvia and the Baltic states. Until nowadays, similar signs on sandstone clis and cave
walls have been found in over 50 places in Latvia (Laime 2006). In 2013 and 2016, the author of the present article con-
ducted the documentation (measuring, copying and photographing) of rock carvings of the Upurala. It was stated that
till nowadays in Great and Small Upurala signs had survived in seven places (groups A–G). 36 signs were recorded in the
eld investigation. Adding to them ve signs of group H that have perished (see Urtāns 1980), the total number of signs
documented in Upurala makes 41. Most of the signs recorded in Upurala (17 signs of 41 or 41.5%) are various crosses with
slanting cross being the most popular (seven signs, 17.1%). Circles, which are in all cases dierent versions of ring crosses,
were found in great proportion (ten signs, 24.4%). Group E contains pentagram or the so-called lietuvēna krusts (nightmare
cross ). The signs have most likely been scratched at time when oering was most intensive, i. e., in the 16th–17th century.
It would be easier to suspect causes of scratching signs on the walls of Upurala if motivation of oering were clearly
understood. In spite of the wide range of sources this is unfortunately one of the most complicated questions that cannot
be given an unequivocal answer. A certain point of reference concerning oering tradition in the Upurala is provided by
visitation records of Salaca church: record of 1674 mentions that in older times oerings had been made there on St. Bar-
tholomew’s day, while record of 1739 mentions that on St. Bartholomew’s day money, ribbons, wool, cabbage, meat, at
cakes and other things had been oered in the cave. Thus, in two of three visitation records oering in the cave is associa-
ted with St. Bartholomew’s day. This is obviously connected with the fact that St. Bartholomew’s chapel had been situated
not far from the cave. Church visitation record of 1684 mentions that Salaca parishioners on St. Bartholomew’s day went
Fig. 2 Lībiešu Upurala nowadays: I – the Small Upurala, II – the Large Upurala, X – the crumbled part of the Upurala (Eniņš 1995)
SandiS Laime
386
to St. Bartholomew’s chapel as well, which once more testies that the Upurala was used as a sacred site in the 17th–18th
century to celebrate St. Bartholomew’s day. Judging by evidence of written records, traditions concerning this day were
practised not only in the Upurala, but also at nearby chapel, therefore Upurala as a sacred site should be considered in
context with Catholic chapel of Livonian period and traditions associated with it. Oering traditions on St. Bartholomew’s
day presumably were syncretic, i. e., they resulted from converging of pre-Christian and Christian practices. Traditions of
this day were connected with expressing gratitude to the souls of the dead and spirits of fertility, which had merged with
Catholic saints, asking for good harvest and blessings in the future. Such oering motivation would seem acceptable,
trying to understand the purposes of scratching signs of jumis (twin ears signs; jumis is a deity of well-being, fruitfulness
and fertility in Latvian mythology), slanting crosses, ring crosses and other magic signs on the walls of Upurala.
4) Tourist grati and coin oerings. During the 2013 research by the author, 127 dated tourist inscriptions on the
walls of the cave were counted and 320 contemporary coins left as oerings were collected, which is a signicant source
for studying the development of tourism traditions at the Upurala.
5) Folklore. Starting from the second half of the 19th century, but mostly in the 1930s, a comparatively large folklore
material about the Upurala has been written down.4 The legends mainly provide stereotyped statements that in times
long ago Livs gave oerings to their gods in the cave. During the rst half of the 20th century people still kept memories
about oering in the Upurala, but they are quite indenite and dim. This is presumably connected with the fact that since
the 16th–17th centuries, when oering was most intensive in the Upurala, the Livs dominant in the local population were
gradually substituted by Latvians. The newcomers obviously did not continue oering practice in Livs’ sacred site – at least
not so intensively as before. That is why certain ethnic positioning can be observed in oral tradition by pointing out that
līvji (Livs), lībieši (Livonians), senie lībieši (ancient Livonians) had made oerings at some point in the Upurala etc., but for the
newcomers the ancient Livs’ sacred site was rather associated with Devil and ghosts.
Archaeological material provides the earliest evidence on human activity at the Lībiešu Upurala. The unearthed 14th–
19th century artefacts and coins, signs carved into the walls of the cave and information from written sources indicates that
the Upurala was used during this period as a syncretic sacred site for a wider region inhabited by Livs. The years of minting
of the earliest coins left as oerings at the Upurala show that the oering begun around the 14th century. The intensity of
oering, however, was not high during this time, since only ve and 23 coins from the 14th and the 15th century respectively
were found. These oerings indicate that the beginning of using the Upurala as a sacred place can most likely be dated to
the time after the introduction of Christianity in the territory of Latvia (i.e. after the 12th century). There is very limited proof
of earlier inhabitation in Northern Vidzeme, including the area around the Upurala, as, evidently, this territory was poorly
inhabited during the Iron Age.
In the 16th and 17th century, the practice of making oerings intensied considerably at the Upurala. This resulted from
a number of circumstances, for example, the end of the period of Livonia and the following wide-ranging 16th an d 17th
century military actions, years of epidemic, hunger and various economic problems. The movement of Reformation and
Counter-Reformation also made folk Christianity and syncretic beliefs ourish. Over the two centuries, at least 231 and 367
coins have been left as oerings at the cave. Judging by the large and wide range of oerings and comparatively frequent
mentions in historical sources, in the 16th an d 17th century, the Upurala became a sacred site for a larger area inhabited by
the Livs (Urtāns 1980). Not far from the Upurala, in the past, there was the council building of Svētciems pagasts’ (pagasts –
Latvia’s smallest administrative territorial unit) and magazine, Orthodox and Catholic Christian schools, old people’s home,
Kuiķule cemetery and inn (Balaško, Cimermanis 2003: 207). This shows that the signicant sacred site was located close to
the administrative centre of the area.
According to evidence in 17th century written sources and grati carved by tourists, during the peak time of the oe-
ring practice at the Upurala, the place also attracted the attention of the highest social stratum (Baltic German noblemen,
priests etc.) of the surrounding area. The Salacgrīva church visitation records of 1641 and 1674 show that the activities of
local farmers and shermen (serfs at the time) were known well to local priests and their task was to eradicate these non-
Christian traditions (Bregžis 1931: 11, 44). Already in 1641, the priest of Salacgrīva church admitted during its visitation that
peasants made oerings in a cave near Ķuikule. Against the will of the priest, his own wife and son had been there and
collected the money and other items left as oerings by the Livs (Bregžis 1931: 11). A question arises – why did the priest’s
wife go to the Upurala? Was it to see with her own eyes the place, where peasants of the Salacgrīva parish indulge in the
superstitious practice of oering?
4 ThismaterialhasbeencompiledinamonographdevotedtoLat viancavefolklore,seeLaime2009:265–270.
Offe ring C ave Of the Livs in L atvia – f rOm sa Cred PLaCe tO t Ourist dest inatiO n
387
17t h century inscriptions that can be found on the walls of the Upurala also point to Baltic Germans of the Salacgrīva
area having visited the Upurala. The carving of grati in cave and cli walls is one of the earliest traditions of cave tourism
in Latvia (Fig. 3), with its credible evidence having preserved since at least the 16th century. For example, in Gūtmaņala
(Latvia’s largest and most visited cave), inscriptions from 1521 and 1564 could be seen in the past (Mellin 1794: 525; for
more information on the history of this tradition in Latvia see Laime 2009: 66–79). The earliest tourist grati in Latvia that
has preserved until nowadays “HANS SEHVSEN 1642” can be seen in the Small Upurala. It has been carved only a year after
the time, when the wife of Salacgrīva parish priest visited the Upurala. Twenty-two years later, namely, in 1664, Matias A.
Bach from Salacgrīva left his name for the next generations and did it twice: he carved “MATIAS : A : BACH AO 1664” in the
Large Upurala and “: M : BACH SALIS AO 1664” (Fig. 4) – in the Small Upurala. The year “1670 : ” has also been carved in the
wall of the Large Upurala, but without the mention of a name, surname or initials. It has been noted in a travel guide that
an inscription from 1617 can be seen at the Large Upurala (Limbaži 1962: 37); however, it cannot be found there nowadays.
Another inscription dating back to either the 17th or the 18th century is seen in the Small Upurala, where the names “FABIAN
ADERKAS” and “HANS BRINCK” have been carved one on top of the other, but unfortunately not specifying the exact time
of the visit.
When analysing tourist grati, it has to be taken into account that not every person visiting the cave carved his or
her name in it, as well as the aspect that the majority of earlier inscriptions most likely perished with the crumbling of the
cave’s entrance. Despite this, the Upurala is still one of the three sites in Latvia, where tourist inscriptions carved into sand-
stone in the 17th century have preserved until nowadays, moreover their number is the largest in the Upurala.
It is of a special value that Matias Bach along with his name, surname and year of visit has also noted his home town
– Salacgrīva (Salis) situated eleven kilometres away from the Upurala. The wife of Salaca parish priest also visited the Upu-
rala from Salacgrīva. The Aderkas family, in turn, administered the Ķirbiži Manor situated thirteen kilometres away from
the Upurala. As was noted previously, the name of Fabian Aderkas has been carved in the cave together with the name
of Hans Brinck, which could indicate that the lord of Ķirbiži Manor could have brought one of his guests to show him the
cave. This points to the possible conclusion that it was mostly Baltic Germans living nearby, who went to visit the Upurala
in the 17th century. The visit have taken a half of a day. Here more than elsewhere they could learn about and experience
the superstitious traditions practised by their serfs that could have been considered foreign, deserving condemnation
or eradication, but also to a certain extent – mysterious and exotic. The Upurala was a worthwhile place for sightseeing
also because of it being an unusual geological object. People needed to prepare specially for visiting the cave by both
arranging transport (a horse-drawn cart or something else) and nding torches, candles or other sources of light, as it is
Fig. 3 A – drawing “Die Gutmannshöhle nebst dem Schlosse Treiden” (1813) by Gustav Gerhard Kieseritzky (Broce 2002: 154). B – detail of
the drawing depicting making an inscription on the wall of Gūtmaņala cave
AB
SandiS Laime
388
pitch-dark in the branches of the cave, where the 17th century writings have been carved. For these reasons it was in the
rst half of the 17th century already that the Upurala became a sightseeing place for local Baltic Germans, while at the same
time maintaining the function of a sacred place among the local Livs. Although one of the central driving forces for the
development of tourism has been the wish to explore distant and foreign countries and places (Gyr 2010: 11), it cannot be
denied that travelling habits developed when people rst travelled around their local surrounding area.
In the 18th century, oering in the Upurala continued, though the intensity subsided considerably. Only 13 coins dating
back to the 18th century have been found in archaeological research inside the cave and in the river near the cave. It is
possible that food and other organic substances were left as oerings more in the cave during this period. For example,
in the 1739 visitation, the priest of the Salacgrīva parish noted that peasants still made oerings of money, ribbons, wool,
cabbages, meat and other things at the Upurala on St. Bartholomew’s day (Bregžis 1931: 88).
Judging by grati in the cave, the interest in the Upurala among local Baltic Germans also grew weaker in the 18th
century. Only two inscriptions from the 18th century (dating back to 1757 and 1777) have been found during the research.
A similar situation with 18th century inscriptions has also been established regarding Gūtmaņala Cave.
Oering in small amounts continued at the Upurala until the early 19th century. The practice stopped, evidently, due
to the gradual disappearance of the oering traditions (similarly to other places in Northern Vidzeme and throughout the
territory of Latvia). As a whole, it can be concluded that in the mid-19th century, the Upurala ceased to function as a sacred
site of the local peasants. At the same time, it is visible that the popularity of the ancient Livs’ sacred place increased and
that visitors started to arrive from more distant regions. Thus, for example, several scholars visited the Upurala in the early
19th century and later published descriptions of the cave. Doctor and ethnographer Otto von Huhn saw the cave in 1822
and found oerings of clothes and bread in it (Lövis 1908). On 15 August 1839, during a journey in Latvia to visit archaeo-
logical monuments, professor of history at the Tartu University Friedrich Kruse stopped at this site and noticed an oering
of dyed wool and rooster sparrows (Kruse 1842: 7, Tab. 67: 3). On 20 June 1846, the Upurala was visited by the participants
Fig. 4 17th century inscriptions “HANS SEHVSEN 1642”, “: M : BACH SALIS AO 1664” and magic signs on the wall of the Small Upurala (photo by:
S. Laime)
Offe ring C ave Of the Livs in L atvia – f rOm sa Cred PLaCe tO t Ourist dest inatiO n
389
of the rst Livs’ research expedition of Andreas Johan Sjögren. In his diary, Sjögren left the following text on the visit to the
cave: “[...] we had arranged a tour, where we went accompanied by the host [owner of Svētciems Manor Karl von Vegesack].
Inland, on the bank of a small river, in the Ikskul village, there was a place, which has been known for a long time as an old Livs’
oering site, so all guests had the habit of visiting it” (quoted as by: Blumberga 2006: 22). Sjögren gives a signicant note,
which indicates that the owner of Svētciems Manor, had always taken his guests to the Upurala. This coincides with the
conclusion drawn previously that the cave as an interesting natural object and an old sacred site of the Livs was visited in
th e 17 th and 18th century mostly by the local Baltic Germans – noblemen and clergymen, who also showed it to their guests.
The analysis of inscriptions carved onto the walls of the cave indicates that a mass tourism ow to the Upurala began
in the second half of the 19th century, namely, starting from 1860 (Fig. 5). Over a period of 220 years (from 1642 to 1860),
11 inscriptions had been carved in the Upurala, whereas during the next 40 years, from 1860 to 1899, people left 40. Jud-
ging by the carved surnames, Latvian and Estonian5 travellers also began to visit the Upurala in the second half of the 19th
century. The involvement of Latvians in the tourism movement was possible after the abolishment of serfdom, which took
place in 1819 in the Governorate of Livonia. When serfdom was abolished, peasants acquired the freedom of movement
and more rights to private property, as well as the chance to receive better education. On this basis, a stratum of intelligent
Latvians started to emerge, who published travel notes and descriptions of interesting places in Latvian, thus stimulating
the development of inland tourism. It seems that the mass increase in the number of tourists at the Upurala after 1860 can
be linked specically to Latvian travellers (i.e. the lowest social stratum at the time) engaging in tourism. At the same time,
one must note that exactly the mid-19th century was the time in Europe, when travel shifted from being a luxury activity of
higher classes of the society to mass tourism (Gyr 2010: 18).
The number of writings dated with the rst half of the 20th century again decreases sharply, which is evidently linked
to the fact that the part of the cave’s entrance collapsed around this time. Between 1926 and 1970 only seven dated in-
scriptions have been carved in the Upurala. Seven writings over a period of almost 50 years indicate that it has been very
dicult or impossible to access the cave. Clearly, the number of visitors subsided in such conditions.
Tourists returned in considerable numbers to the Upurala in the 1970s. This has been due to researchers working in
the caves. In the summer of 1970 and 1971, Guntis Eniņš performed the rst precise measurements of the Upurala and
made a plan of the remaining part of the cave. Other specialists – geologist Viktors Grāvītis and archaeologist Juris Urtāns
– joined Eniņš to study the cave in 1972 and 1973. A pump was used in 1973 to wash tons of sand into Svētupe to uncover
the ground layer the way it was at the time, when oering was practised there. Subsequently, archaeological excavations
headed by Juris Urtāns were conducted in the Upurala. Publications by Eniņš and Urtāns stimulated the inux of tourists
and fuelled public interest on the site. Nowadays, the tourist ow is maintained by tourism infrastructure surrounding
5 N.Raudsepin1875,E.Kuskin1897.TheborderofEstoniaisonly25kilometresawayfromtheUpurala.
Fig. 5 Dated tourist grati (1642–2013) in the Small and the Large Upurala (n=127)
SandiS Laime
390
the cave (roadside signs leading to it, an information stand and a comfortable pathway to the cave), information in travel
guides and on the internet. Between 1970 and 1999, 34 tourist grati have been carved in the cave and a similar intensity
of carving has continued through the early 21th century, when over the period of 13 years, 24 dated inscriptions have been
left. Such intensity of carving new inscriptions raises concern over the future preservation of the historically most signi-
cant carvings – magic signs and writings of the 17th century.
Starting with the 1970s, a new visitor tradition appears at the Upurala – “oerings” of coins and at times other objects
(e.g. food, candies, wreaths; Fig. 6). In 2013 and 2014, a total of 320 “contemporary” coins (1957–2014) were counted that
have mostly been used as a means of payment in Latvia (USSR kopeks, Latvian santīms and lats, Latvian euro cents and
euros), but also foreign currency (Estonian, Lithuanian, Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, Swedish, Austrian, French, Italian, Dutch,
British, Mexican and Thai) coins. Although it is possible that some foreign coins have been left as “oerings” in the cave by
foreign tourists, it is likely that mostly these are “oerings” by Latvians, who have travelled to the respective countries. One
should also take into account that after Latvia joined the euro zone in 2014, the euros and euro cents of other countries are
an ocial means of payment also in the territory of Latvia. Although it is impossible to determine the aim, why they have
been left in the cave, judging only by modern-time object oerings, most likely they can be subdivided into two groups:
1) Tourist oerings, i.e. mostly coins of small nominal value that are thrown down similarly to the practice in other tou-
ristic places (especially in fountains) in order to, for example, return to the respective place etc. The leaving of small coins
as oerings at the Upurala could also be motivated by the description on the information stand about centuries-long tra-
ditions of coin oering in the cave, thus encouraging tourists to imitate a similar act. Judging by the 17 USSR coins (minted
between 1957 and 1991), this tradition began at the Lībiešu Upurala in the 1970’s after the cave entrance had been dug
open and the archaeological excavations were performed.
2) Oerings left in the cave by representatives of various folklore, Neopagan and esoteric movements. The (re)birth
of these movements in Latvia took place in the 1990s (see Muktupāvela 2013). Unlike tourist visits, the actions and rituals
Fig. 6 Contemporary oerings in the Large Upurala (photo by: S. Laime, 2014)
Offe ring C ave Of the Livs in L atvia – f rOm sa Cred PLaCe tO t Ourist dest inatiO n
391
performed by these visitors of the Upurala are much more complex, with necessary preparations done beforehand, se-
lection of specic days (e.g. solstices) and their character is not spontaneous. Most likely, making oerings is only a part of
the cave activities of this group of visitors. Others include, for example, having bonres at the entrance of the cave, singing
folk songs, meditating etc.
The Lībiešu Upurala is a good example of one and the same place taking dierent meanings to various groups of the
society, whereas the interaction of these meanings can over time create a complex identity of the respective place. Jud-
ging by the available data, the Upurala has since the 14th century turned from a sacred place of local signicance into a
contemporary tourism destination of a national scale, while losing the meaning of a specially-labelled sacred site in the
interpretation of the local population along the way. The rich scope of available sources not only allows tracing the “bio-
graphy” of the Lībiešu Upurala itself, but also provides an insight into such problems as transmission from folk religion to
folk Christianity and from folk Christianity to Christianity in Northern Vidzeme from the 14th to 19th century and the expan-
sion of tourism traditions in Latvia since their beginning in around the 17th century up until nowadays.
SandisLaime
UniversityofLat via
InstuteofLiterature,FolkloreandArt
Mūkusalasiela3
Riga,LV-1423
sandis.laime@lulfmi.lv
SandiS Laime
392
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Balaško, A., Cimermanis, S. 2003, Par Rietumvidzemes
pašvaldību iespējamo atbalstu valsts ilgtermiņa
mērķprogrammas „Lībieši Latvijā” zinātniskās da ļas
īstenošanai: rosinājumi pētījumu paplašināšanai,
Latvijas Zinātņu Akadēmijas Vēstis, Nr. 5/6, 201–
209.
Blumberga, R. 2006, Lībieši dokumentos un vēstulēs: So-
mijas zinātnieku ekspedīcijas pie lībiešiem, Latvijas
vēstures institūta apgāds, Rīga.
Bregžis, K. 1931, Baznīcu vizitāciju protokoli. Izraksti par
jautājumu: kristīgās ticības cīņa ar latvju tautas
reliģiju, Valters un Rapa, [Rīga].
Eniņš, G. 1995, Lībiešu Upuralas, in: Latvijas daba: En-
ciklopēdija. 3. sēj., Latvijas enciklopēdija, Rīga, 113.
Grewingk, C. 1861, Geologie von Liv- und Kurland mit
Inbegri einiger angrenzenden Gebiete, Heinrich
Laakmann, Dorpat.
Gyr, U. 2010, e History of Tourism: Structures on the
Path to Modernity, European History Online (EGO),
http://www.ieg-ego.eu/gyru-2010-en (12 July 2016).
Kruse, F. 1842, Necrolivonica oder Alterthümer Liv-, Esth-
und Curlands bis zur Einführung der Christlichen
Religion in dem Kaiserlich Russischen Ostsee-Gou-
vernements, Leopold Voss, Dorpat-Leipzig.
Laime, S. 2006, Rock Carvings as a New Kind of Cultu-
ral and Historical Resource in Latvia, Cosmos: e
Journal of the Traditional Cosmology Society, Vol. 22,
No. 1, 3–19.
Laime, S. 2009, Svētā pazeme. Latvijas alu folklore,
Zinātne, Rīga. English summary: e Sacred Un-
derworld: Cave Folklore in Latvia, pp. 436–470.
Laime, S., Urtāns, J. 2014. Svētupes Lībiešu Upuralas –
no svētvietas līdz tūrisma objektam, in: Kultūras
krustpunkti. 2013. gada 1.–2. novembra konference.
Starptautiskās zinātniskās konferences materiāli. 6.
laidiens, Nordik, Rīga, 21–34.
Limbaži, 1962, Limbaži: tūrisma ceļvedis pa Limbažiem un
to apkārtni, Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, Rīga.
Lövis, K. 1908, Schloss Salis, Düna-Zeitung, 28. aug.
Mellin, L. A. 1794, Nachricht von der alten lettischen Burg
Pilliskaln, und von mehrern ehemaligen festen Plät-
zen der Letten und Ehsten; auch von etlichen andern
lief- und ehstländischen Merkwürdigkeiten, Neue
Nordische Miscellaneen von August Wilhelm Hu-
pel, IX–X St., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch, Riga.
Muktupāvela, R. 2013, e Mythology of Ethnic Identity
and the Establishing of Modern Holy Places in Post-
Soviet Latvia, e Pomegranate: e International
Journal of Pagan Studies, Vol. 14 (1), 69–90.
Urtāns, J. 1980, Svētupes Lībiešu Upuralu arheoloģiskās
izpētes rezultāti, Latvijas PSR Zinātņu Akadēmijas
Vēstis, Nr. 11 (400), 71–84.
Urtāns, J. 2014, Latvian Watercourses and their Place
Names with roots svēt-, svent- (sacred) as the Mar-
ks of Ancient Boundaries, in: Water, Borders and
Boundaries, Turku, in print.