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Emotional vocalizations are central to human social life. Recent studies have documented that people recognize at least 13 emotions in brief vocalizations. This capacity emerges early in development, is preserved in some form across cultures, and informs how people respond emotionally to music. What is poorly understood is how emotion recognition from vocalization is structured within what we call a semantic space, the study of which addresses questions critical to the field: How many distinct kinds of emotions can be expressed? Do expressions convey emotion categories or affective appraisals (e.g., valence, arousal)? Is the recognition of emotion expressions discrete or continuous? Guided by a new theoretical approach to emotion taxonomies, we apply large-scale data collection and analysis techniques to judgments of 2,032 emotional vocal bursts produced in laboratory settings (Study 1) and 48 found in the real world (Study 2) by U.S. English speakers (N = 1,105). We find that vocal bursts convey at least 24 distinct kinds of emotion. Emotion categories (sympathy, awe), more so than affective appraisals (including valence and arousal), organize emotion recognition. In contrast to discrete emotion theories, the emotion categories conveyed by vocal bursts are bridged by smooth gradients with continuously varying meaning. We visualize the complex, high-dimensional space of emotion conveyed by brief human vocalization within an online interactive map.
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Cowen et al. (in press) - American Psychologist.
Mapping 24 Emotions Conveyed by Brief Human Vocalization
Alan S. Cowen1*, Hillary Anger Elfenbein2†, Petri Laukka3†, Dacher Keltner1
1 Department of Psychology, University of California, Berkeley, 5315 Tolman Hall, Berkeley,
CA 94720.
2 Olin School of Business, Washington University, 1 Brookings Drive, Saint Louis, MO 63130.
3 Department of Psychology, Stockholm University, 10691 Stockholm, Sweden
These authors contributed equally to the present study.
*Correspondence should be addressed to:
Alan S. Cowen
1130 Blake St.
Berkeley, CA 94702
Other author e-mails:,,
Running title: Mapping vocal emotion
Author Contributions. A.S.C. and D.K. conceived of and designed the study. P.L. and H.A.E.
provided 425 vocal bursts targeting 19 categories. A.S.C. recorded 1607 of the vocal bursts targeting
22 categories and collected all data with input from D.K. A.S.C. analyzed the data with input from
D.K. A.S.C. and D.K. wrote the paper with input from P.L. and H.A.E.
Cowen et al. (in press) - American Psychologist.
Title: Mapping 24 Emotions Conveyed by Brief Human Vocalization
Abstract. Emotional vocalizations are central to human social life. Recent studies have
documented that people recognize at least 13 emotions in brief vocalizations. This capacity
emerges early in development, is preserved in some form across cultures, and informs how
people respond emotionally to music. What is poorly understood is how emotion recognition
from vocalization is structured within what we call a semantic space, the study of which
addresses questions critical to the field: How many distinct kinds of emotions can be expressed?
Do expressions convey emotion categories or affective appraisals (e.g., valence, arousal)? Is the
recognition of emotion expressions discrete or continuous? Guided by a new theoretical
approach to emotion taxonomies, we apply large-scale data collection and analysis techniques to
judgments of 2032 emotional vocal bursts produced in laboratory settings (Study 1) and 48 found
in the real world (Study 2) by U.S. English speakers (n = 1105). We find that vocal bursts
convey at least 24 distinct kinds of emotion. Emotion categories (sympathy, awe) more so than
affective appraisals (including valence and arousal) organize emotion recognition. In contrast to
discrete emotion theories, the emotion categories conveyed by vocal bursts are bridged by
smooth gradients with continuously varying meaning. We visualize the complex, high-
dimensional space of emotion conveyed by brief human vocalization within an online interactive
Keywords: emotion; voice; affect; computational methods; semantic space
Mapping vocal emotion
It is something of an anatomical wonder how humans communicate with the voice: the
contraction of muscles surrounding the diaphragm produces bursts of air particles that are
transformed into sound through vibrations of the vocal folds, and leave the mouth, depending on
the position of the jaw, the tongue, and other implements of vocal control (Titze & Martin,
1998), in the form of words, laughter, playful intonation, crying, sarcastic tones, sighs, song,
triumphant hollers, growls, or motherese. In essential ways, the voice makes humans human.
Recent studies are finding the human voice to be an extraordinarily rich and ubiquitous
medium of the communication of emotion (Cordaro, Keltner, Tshering, Wangchuk, & Flynn,
2016; Juslin & Laukka, 2003; Kraus, 2017; Laukka et al., 2016; Provine & Fischer, 1989;
Vidrascu & Devillers, 2005). In the present investigation, we apply a new theoretical model to
address the following questions: How many emotions can we communicate with the voice? What
drives vocal emotion recognition, emotion categories or more general affect dimensions
(valence, arousal, etc.)? And is vocal emotion discrete or does it convey gradients of meaning?
The Richness of the Vocal Communication of Emotion. Humans communicate emotion
through two different kinds of vocalization (Keltner, Tracy, Sauter, Cordaro, & McNeil, 2016;
Scherer, 1986). One is prosodythe non-lexical patterns of tune, rhythm, and timbre in speech.
Prosody interacts with words to convey feelings and attitudes, including dispositions felt toward
objects and ideas described in speech (Mitchell & Ross, 2013; Scherer & Bänziger, 2004).
In the study of emotional prosody, participants are often recorded communicating
different emotions while delivering sentences with neutral content (e.g., “let me tell you
something). These recordings are then matched by new listeners to emotion words, definitions,
or situations. An early review of 60 studies of this kind found that hearers can judge five
different emotions in the prosody that accompanies speechanger, fear, happiness, sadness,
Mapping vocal emotion
and tendernesswith accuracy rates approaching 70% (Juslin & Laukka, 2003; Scherer,
Johnstone, & Klasmeyer, 2003). In a more recent study, listeners from four countries identified
nine emotions with above chance levels of recognition accuracy (Laukka et al., 2016).
A second way that humans communicate emotion in the voice is with vocal bursts, brief
non-linguistic sounds that occur in between speech incidents or in the absence of speech (Hawk
et al., 2009; Scherer & Wallbott, 1994). Examples include cries, sighs, laughs, shrieks, growls,
hollers, roars, oohs, and ahhs (Banse & Scherer, 1996; Cordaro et al., 2016). Vocal bursts are
thought to predate language, and have precursors in mammals: for example, primates emit
vocalizations specific to predators, food, affiliation, care, sex, and aggression (Snowdon, 2002).
As in the literature on emotional prosody, recent studies have sought to document the
range of emotions communicated by vocal bursts (for summary, see Cordaro et al., 2016). In a
paradigm typical in this endeavor, participants are given definitions (e.g., “awe is the feeling of
being in the presence of something vast that you don’t immediately understand”) and are asked
to communicate that emotion with a brief sound that contains no words (Simon-Thomas, Keltner,
Sauter, Sinicropi-Yao, & Abramson, 2009). Hearers are then presented with stories of emotion
antecedents (e.g., “the person feels awestruck at viewing a large waterfall”) and asked to choose
from 3-4 vocal bursts the one that best matches the content of the story. Currently, it appears that
13 emotions can be identified from vocal bursts at rates substantially above chance (Cordaro et
al., 2016; Laukka et al., 2013). The capacity to recognize vocal bursts emerges by two years of
age (Wu, Muentener, & Schulz, 2017) and has been observed in more than 14 cultures, including
two remote cultures with minimal Western influence (Cordaro et al., 2016; Sauter, Eisner,
Ekman, & Scott, 2010; but see Gendron, Roberson, van der Vyver, & Barrett, 2014).
Vocal bursts are more than just fleeting ways we communicate emotion: they structure
Mapping vocal emotion
our social interactions (Keltner & Kring, 1998; Van Kleef, 2010). They convey information
about features of the environment, which orients hearers’ actions. For example, toddlers are four
times less likely to play with a toy when a parent emits a disgust-like vocal burstyuchthan a
positive one (Hertenstein & Campos, 2004). They regulate relationships. From laughs, adults can
infer a person’s rank within a social hierarchy (Oveis, Spectre, Smith, Liu, & Keltner, 2013),
and, from shared laughs, whether two individuals are friends or strangers (Smoski &
Bachorowski, 2003; Bryant et al., 2016). Finally, vocal bursts evoke specific brain responses
(Frühholz, Trost, & Kotz, 2016; Scott, Lavan, Chen, & McGettigan, 2014). For example,
screams comprise powerfully evocative acoustic signals that selectively activate the amygdala
(Arnal et al., 2015). Within 50ms, an infant’s cry or laugh triggers activation in a parent’s brain
regionthe periaqueductal greythat promotes caring behavior (Parsons et al., 2014).
The Semantic Space of Emotion. What is less well understood is how the recognition of
emotion from vocal bursts is structured. How do people infer meaning from brief vocalizations?
As emotions unfold, people rely on emotion knowledgehundreds and even thousands of
concepts, metaphors, phrases, and sayings (Russell, 1991)to describe the emotion-related
response, be it a subjective experience, a physical sensation, or, the focus here, emotion-related
expressive behavior. The meaning ascribed to any emotion-related response can be mapped to
what we have called a semantic space (Cowen & Keltner, 2017, 2018), a multidimensional space
that represents all responses within a modality (e.g., experience, expression). Semantic spaces of
emotion are captured in analyses of judgments of the emotion-related response (see Fig. 1A).
A semantic spaces are defined by three features. The first is its dimensionalitythe
number of distinct varieties of emotion that people represent within a response modality. In
Mapping vocal emotion
terms of the present investigation, when we perceive various emotional vocalizations, how many
kinds of emotion do we recognize within this response modality? [[ Insert Fig. 1 here]]
A second property of semantic spaces is what we call conceptualization: how do emotion
categories (e.g., “sympathy”) and domain-general affective appraisals such as valence, arousal,
and other themes (e.g., control, unexpectedness) detailed in appraisal and componential theories
of emotion (Lazarus, 1991; Scherer, 2009; Smith & Ellsworth, 1985) capture the individual’s
representation of an emotion-related response (Shuman, Clark-Polner, Meuleman, Sander, &
Scherer, 2017)? When a parent hears a child cry, or a friend laugh, or people shouting in a bar in
response to a buzzer beating shot, are emotion categories necessary to capture the meaning the
hearer recognizes in the vocalization, or is the meaning captured by broader affective appraisals?
Studies have yet to formally address this question, though it is central to contrasting positions
within several theories of emotion (Barrett, 2006; Ekman & Cordaro, 2011; Russell, 2003;
Scherer, 2009). Here we use statistical models to compare how emotion categories and more
general affective appraisals capture the meaning people ascribe to vocal bursts.
Finally, semantic spaces of emotion are defined by how states are distributed within the
space. Do the emotions people recognize in the human voice (or in facial expression, song, etc.)
form clusters? What is the nature of the boundaries within that space? Are the categories really
discrete, with sharp boundaries between them? Or not (Barrett, 2006)?
In a first study applying large-scale inference methods to derive a semantic space of
emotion, we focused on reports of subjective emotional experience (Cowen & Keltner, 2017).
Guided by recent empirical advances and relevant theory, we gathered participants’ ratings
(forced choice of over 30 emotions, free response, and 13 affective appraisals) of their self-
reported experiences in response to 2185 evocative short videos “scraped” from the internet.
Mapping vocal emotion
New quantitative techniques allowed us to map a semantic space of subjective emotional
experience, as visualized in Fig. 1B. That study yielded three findings about the semantic space
of emotional experience. First, videos reliably (across participants) elicit at least 27 distinct
varieties of reported emotional experience; emotional experience is greater in varietythat is,
dimensionalitythan previously theorized (Keltner & Lerner, 2010; Shiota et al., 2017). With
respect to the conceptualization of emotion, categorical labels such as “amusement,” “fear,” and
“desire” captured, but could not be explained by, reports of affective appraisals (e.g. valence,
arousal, agency, certainty, dominance). Thus, as people represent their experiences with
language, emotion categories cannot be reduced to a few broad appraisals such as valence and
arousal. Finally, with respect to boundaries between emotion categories, we found little evidence
of discreteness, but rather continuous gradients linking one category of experience to another.
Here, we extend our theorizing about semantic spaces to study the recognition of emotion
from vocal bursts. This extension to emotion recognition is justified for empirical and theoretical
reasons. Most notably, self-reports of subjective experience and emotional expression are only
moderately correlated (for reviews, see Fernández-Dols & Crivelli, 2013; Matsumoto, Keltner,
Shiota, O’Sullivan, & Frank, 2008). This suggests that semantic spaces of emotional experience
and emotion recognition may have different properties, perhaps differing, for example, in their
conceptualization or distribution. More generally, examining a semantic space of emotional
expression offers new answers to central questions within emotion science: How many emotions
have distinct signals? What drives the recognition of emotion, categories or affective appraisals?
What is the nature of the boundaries between those categories?
The Present Investigation. The investigation of semantic spaces of emotion recognition
requires methodological departures from how emotion recognition has been studied in the past.
Mapping vocal emotion
To capture the dimensionality of emotion recognition, it is critical to study as wide an array of
expressive signals as possible. One way to achieve this is by sampling structural variations in
expression, for instance, by attempting to reconstruct variations in facial expression using an
artificial 3D model (Jack, Sun, Delis, Garrod, & Schyns, 2016). Another approach is to sample
naturalistic expressive behaviors of as many emotion concepts as possible (Cowen & Keltner,
2017). Early studies of emotional vocalization focused primarily on emotions traditionally
studied in facial expressionanger, sadness, fear, disgust, and surprise (Juslin & Laukka, 2003).
More recent studies have expanded in focus to upwards of 16 emotion concepts (Cordaro et al.,
2016; Laukka et al., 2016). Here we build upon these discoveries to consider how a wider array
of emotion concepts30 categories and 13 appraisalsmay be distinguished in vocal bursts.
To capture the distribution of recognized emotions, it is critical to account for nuanced
variation in expression, anticipated in early claims about expressive behavior (Ekman, 1993) but
rarely studied. Most studies have focused on 1 to 2 prototypical vocal bursts for each emotion
category (Cordaro et al., 2016; Gendron et al., 2014; Simon-Thomas et al., 2009). This focus on
prototypical expressions fails to capture how vocal bursts vary within an emotion category, and
can yield erroneous claims about the nature of the boundaries between categories (Barrett, 2006).
With respect to conceptualization, it is critical to have independent samples of hearers
rate the stimuli (vocal bursts) in terms of emotion categories and broader affective appraisals
such as valence, arousal, certainty, and dominance. A more typical approach has been to match
vocal bursts to discrete emotions, using words or brief stories depicting antecedents (Cordaro et
al., 2016; Simon-Thomas et al., 2009). More recently, investigators have been gathering ratings
not only of emotion categories, but also inferred appraisals and intentions (Nordström, Laukka,
Thingujam, Schubert, & Elfenbein, 2017; Shuman et al., 2017). By combining such data with
Mapping vocal emotion
statistical approaches developed in the study of emotional experience (Cowen & Keltner, 2017),
we can compare how emotion categories and affect appraisals shape emotion recognition.
In sum, to characterize the semantic space of emotion recognition of vocal bursts, what is
required is the study of a wide array of emotions, many examples of each emotion, and observer
reports of both emotion categories and affective appraisals. Guided by these considerations, we
present two studies that examine the semantic space of emotion recognition of vocal bursts. In
the first, participants rated the largest array of vocal bursts studied to dateover 2000for the
emotion categories they conveyed, for their affective appraisals, culled from dimensional and
componential theories of emotion (Lazarus, 1991; Scherer, 2009; Smith & Ellsworth, 1985), and
in a free response format. Building upon the discoveries of Study 1, and given concerns about the
nature of vocal bursts produced in laboratory settings, in Study 2 we gathered ratings of vocal
bursts culled from YouTube videos of people in naturalistic contexts. Guided by findings of
candidate vocal expressions for a wide range of emotion categories, along with taxonomic
principles derived in the study of emotional experience (Cowen & Keltner, 2017), we tested the
following hypotheses: (1) With respect to the dimensionality of emotion recognition in vocal
bursts, people will reliably distinguish upwards of twenty distinct dimensions, or kinds, of
emotion. (2) With respect to conceptualization, the recognition of vocal bursts in terms of
emotion categories will explain the perception of affective appraisals such as valence and
arousal, but not vice versa. (3) With respect to the distribution of emotion, emotion categories
(e.g., “awe” and “surprise”) will be joined by gradients corresponding to smooth variations in
how they are perceived (e.g., reliable judgments of intermediate valence along the gradient).
Experiment 1: The Dimensionality, Conceptualization, and Distribution of Emotion
Recognition of Voluntarily Produced Vocal Bursts. Characterizing emotion-related semantic
Mapping vocal emotion
spaces requires: 1) the study of as wide an array of emotions as possible; 2) the study of a rich
array of expressions, to expand beyond the study of expression prototypes; and 3) judgments of
emotion categories and affective appraisals. Toward these ends, we captured 2032 vocal bursts in
the laboratory. One set of participants then judged these vocal bursts in terms of emotion
categories. A second set of participants judged the vocal bursts using a free response format. A
final set of participants judged the vocal bursts for 13 scales of affect, guided by the latest
advances in appraisal and componential theories, which reflect the most systematic efforts to
characterize the full dimensionality of emotion using domain-general concepts. With new
statistical techniques, we tested hypotheses concerning the dimensionality, conceptualization,
and distribution of emotions as recognized in the richest array of vocal bursts studied to date.
Methods. Creation of Library of Vocal Bursts. Guided by past methods (Simon-Thomas et
al., 2009), we recorded 2032 vocal bursts by asking 56 individuals (26f, ages 18-35) to express
their emotions as they imagined being in scenarios that were roughly balanced in terms of 30
emotion categories and richly varying along 13 commonly measured affective appraisals (Tables
S1-2). The individuals were recruited from four countries (27 USA, 9 India, 13 Kenya, 7
Singapore) and including professional actors and amateur volunteers (see SOM-I for details).
The emotion categories were derived from recent studies demonstrating that a number of
categories of emotion are reliably conveyed by vocal bursts (Laukka et al., 2013; Cordaro et al.,
2016; Simon-Thomas et al., 2009; for summary, see Table S3 and Keltner et al., 2016) and from
findings of states found to reliably occur in daily interactions (Rozin & Cohen, 2003). They
Mapping vocal emotion
culled from dimensional and componential theories of emotion (for summary, see Table S4).
and SAFETY VS. UNSAFETY (Mehrabian & Russell, 1974; Russell, 2003; Scherer, 2009; Smith &
Ellsworth, 1985). 425 of the stimuli were recorded as part of the VENEC corpus (Laukka et al.,
2013); 1607 are introduced here. Due to potential limitations both in the expressive abilities of
the individuals who produced the vocal bursts and the range of emotional scenarios used to elicit
the vocal bursts, our results should not be taken as evidence against the possibility of other
emotions that might be expressed with vocal burststhat is, we do not claim that the expressions
studied here are fully exhaustive of human vocal expression. Our intention was to create as
complex an array of emotional vocal bursts as warranted by the current scientific literature.
Categorical, Affective Appraisal, and Free Response Judgments of Vocal Bursts. In our
study of emotional experience, collecting judgments from approximately 10 participants has
proven sufficient to closely approximate the population mean in terms of reliability (Cowen &
Keltner, 2017). Presuming that this would extend to vocal bursts, we used Amazon Mechanical
Turk to obtain repeated (9-12) judgments of each vocal burst in three randomly assigned formats.
A total of 1017 U.S. English-speaking raters ages 18-76 (545 female, mean age = 36)
participated. See Figure S1 for a breakdown of participant age and gender by response format.
Participants were randomly assigned to one of three emotion recognition conditions. In a first,
participants judged each sound in terms of the 30 aforementioned emotion categories, choosing
the category that best matched the sound that they heard from a list of 30 presented
Mapping vocal emotion
alphabetically, alongside relevant synonyms. A second group of participants rated each sound in
terms of the 13 affective scales, covering not only valence and arousal but other affective
appraisals required to differentiate more complex arrays of emotions (Lazarus, 1991; Scherer,
2009; Smith & Ellsworth, 1985). Given the limitations of forced choice formats (DiGirolamo &
Russell, 2017; Russell, 1994), a third group of participants provided free response descriptions of
the emotion conveyed by each sound. For this, they were instructed to type in whatever
interpretation of the vocal burst they felt appropriate. After typing each letter, a set of all possible
completions from a comprehensive list of 600 emotion terms appeared (Dataset S1). This search-
based format is not entirely unconstrained, but it addresses the critique that multiple choice
formats prime participants with a list of concepts and has the advantage of ruling out ambiguities
from multiple spellings and conjugations of each term. Examples of each judgment format are
given in Fig. 2A-C. The experimental procedures were approved by the Institutional Review
Board at the University of California, Berkeley. All participants gave their informed consent.
On average, a participant judged 279.8 vocal bursts. With these methods, a total of
284,512 individual judgments (24,384 forced-choice categorical judgments, 24,384 free response
judgments, and 237,744 nine-point affective scale judgments) were gathered to enable us to
characterize the semantic space of vocal emotion recognition. These methods were found to
capture an estimated 90.8% and 91.0% of the variance in the population mean categorical and
affective scale judgments, respectively, indicating that they accurately characterized the
population average responses to each individual stimulus, and demonstrating that they did so
with roughly equivalent precision for each judgment type. (See SOM-I for details regarding
explainable variance calculation. Our methods captured 58.2% of the variance in population
Mapping vocal emotion
mean free response judgments, due to the multiplicity of distinct free responses, but none of our
analyses rely on the estimation of mean free response judgments of individual stimuli.)
Results. How Many Emotions Can Vocal Bursts Communicate? Our first hypothesis
predicted that people recognize upwards of 20 distinct emotions in the 2032 vocal bursts. We
tested this hypothesis in two ways: by assessing the degree to which participants agreed in their
labeling of the vocal bursts, and by analyzing commonalities in forced choice and free response
labeling of the vocal bursts to uncover the number of emotions recognized with both methods.
Forced Choice Labeling. We first analyzed how many emotion categories were recognized at
above-chance levels in judgments of the 2032 vocal bursts. Most typically, emotion recognition
has been assessed in the degree to which participants’ judgments conform to experimenters’
expectations regarding the emotions conveyed by each expression (see Laukka et al., 2013 for
such results from an overlapping set of vocal bursts). We depart from this confirmatory approach
for two reasons: it assumes that each scenario that prompted the production of a vocal burst can
elicit only one emotion (rather than blends of emotions and/or emotions different from
experimenters predictions); and (2) the vocal bursts recorded during each session were not
always attributable to a single scenario (see SOM-I for details). To capture emotion recognition,
we instead focus on the reliable perception (recognition) of emotion in each vocal burst,
operationalized as interrater agreementthe number of raters who chose the most frequently
chosen emotion category for each vocal burst. This approach is motivated by arguments that the
signal value of an expression is determined by how it is normally perceived (Jack et al., 2016).
In this preliminary test of our first hypothesis, we found that 26 of the 30 emotion
categories were recognized at above-chance rates from vocal bursts (mean 57.6 significant vocal
bursts per category; see Fig. 2D). Overall, 77% of the 2032 vocal bursts were reliably identified
Mapping vocal emotion
with at least one category (false discovery rate [FDR] q < .05, simulation test, detailed in SOM-
I). For interrater agreement levels per vocal burst, as well as the number of significantly
recognized vocal bursts in each category, see Fig. 2D. In terms more typically used in the field,
the average rate of interrater agreementthat is, the average number of raters who chose the
maximally chosen category for each vocal burstwas 47.7%, comparable to recognition levels
observed in past vocal burst studies (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002; Cordaro et al., 2016; Simon-
Thomas et al., 2009; Sauter et al., 2010; Laukka et al., 2013). (Note that interrater agreement
rates did not differ substantially by culture in which vocal bursts were recorded; see Fig. S2A).
Relating Categories to Free Response Judgments. Our first finding, then, is that as many as 26
emotion categories are recognized at above-chance levels in vocal bursts in a forced choice
format. Such univariate accuracy metrics, however, do not determine the number of categories
that are truly distinct in the recognition of emotion, despite their centrality to past studies of
emotion recognition. For example, any two categories, such as “sadness” and “disappointment,”
may both have been reported reliably even if they were used interchangeably (e.g., as
synonyms). Given this issue, and potential limitations of forced choice judgments (Russell, 1994;
DiGirolamo & Russell, 2017), we tested our first hypothesis in a second way, by determining
how many distinct dimensions, or patterns of responses, within the category judgments were also
reliably associated with distinct patterns of responses within the free response judgments.
To assess the number of dimensions of emotion, or kinds of emotion, that participants
reliably distinguished from the 2032 vocal bursts across the two methods, we used canonical
correlations analysis (CCA) (Hardoon, Szedmak, & Shawe-Taylor, 2004) (see SOM-I for
discussion of limitations of factor analytic approaches used by past studies). This analysis
uncovered dimensions in the category judgments that correlated significantly with dimensions in
Mapping vocal emotion
the free response judgments. As one can see in Fig. 3A, we found that 24 distinct dimensions, or
kinds of emotion (p = .014), were required to explain the reliable correlations between the
category and free response judgments of the 2032 vocal bursts. What this means is that there
were 24 distinct kinds of emotion evident in the patterns of covariation between forced choice
and free response judgments, a finding that goes beyond the interrater agreement findings in
showing that people not only reliably identify but also reliably distinguish a wide variety of
emotions from the 2032 vocal bursts, and that is in keeping with our first hypothesis. Vocal
bursts can communicate at least 24 distinct emotions, nearly doubling the number of emotions
recognized from vocal bursts documented in past studies (e.g., Cordaro et al., 2016).
In our next analysis, we determined the meaning of the 24 dimensions of emotion
conveyed by the vocal bursts. We did so with a technique that reduces the patterns of category
judgments to their underlying dimensions, or what one might think of as core meaning. Although
different techniques extract rotations of the same dimensional space, we chose non-negative
matrix factorization (NNMF) (Lee & Seung, 1999) because it produces dimensions that are
easily interpretable, having only positive loadings on each category. We applied NNMF with an
increasing number of dimensions, ranging from 1 to the maximum, 29 (the number of emotion
categories after excluding “Neutral”, which is redundant given the forced-choice nature of the
judgments). We then subsequently performed CCA between the resulting dimensions of the
emotion category judgments and the free response judgments. The results of this analysis (Fig.
3A) reveal that NNMF extracted 24 dimensions that were reliably shared with the free response
judgments (p = .011). In other words, when NNMF extracted 24 dimensions from participants’
emotion category judgments of the vocal bursts, it captured the 24 distinct kinds of emotion
required to explain correlations between category and free response judgments.
Mapping vocal emotion
To interpret the 24 kinds of emotion conveyed by the vocal bursts, we assessed the
weights of each dimension extracted by NNMF on the 30 categories of emotion with which we
began. This analysis determines how each emotion category judgment contributes to each of the
24 dimensions we have uncovered in patterns of covariation across the forced choice and free
response methods. Which categories do each of the 24 dimensions represent? The answer to this
question is represented in Fig. 3B. In this chart, the colored letters on the horizontal axis refer to
the 24 dimensions, and the category names are presented on the vertical axis. The dimensions
SURPRISE (POSITIVE), SYMPATHY and TRIUMPH. (The categories that did not correspond to distinct
dimensionsGUILT, PRIDE, ROMANTIC LOVE, SERENITY, and SHAMEwere among the least
frequently chosen, as shown in Fig. S2B. Hence, the categories people chose more regularly
tended to be used reliably.) [[ Insert Fig. 3 here]]
To verify that the 24 dimensions of emotion conveyed by vocal bursts can be accurately
interpreted in terms of the 24 categories above, we examined whether participants used similar
emotion terms in the free response format to describe each vocal burst. The results of this
analysis are presented in Fig. 3C, which shows how the dimensions, labeled in colored terms to
the left of each row, correspond to the free response terms, in black, chosen to label the 2032
vocal bursts, listed in order of descending correlation. These results indicate that each of the 24
dimensions, or kinds of emotion, was closely correlated with the use of the free response term
identical to its maximally loading category found in the forced choice judgments, along with
synonyms and related terms. To illustrate, awe emerged as a kind of emotion conveyed with
Mapping vocal emotion
vocal bursts, and in free response format, people were most likely to label vocal bursts
conveying awe with “awestruck, amazement, and awe.” Thus, the dimensions accurately capture
the meaning attributed to each vocal burst, as opposed to reflecting methodological artifacts of
forced choice, such as process of elimination (DiGirolamo & Russell, 2017).
Taken together, the results thus far lend support to our first hypothesis: 24 dimensions of
emotion were reliably identified in categorical and free response judgments of 2032 vocal bursts.
The Conceptualization of Emotion: Are Emotion Categories, Affective Appraisals, or Both
Necessary to Capture the Recognition of Emotion? What captures the recognition of emotion
from vocal bursts: emotion categories, more general affective appraisals (such as valence,
arousal, certainty, effort, and dominance), or both? Our second hypothesis derived from our past
study of emotional experience (Cowen & Keltner, 2017), and held that participants’ categorical
judgments of vocal bursts would explain their judgments along the 13 affective scales, but not
vice versa. Emotion categories, this hypothesis holds, offer a broader conceptualization of
emotion recognition than the most widely studied affective appraisals. [[ Insert Fig. 3 here]]
This prediction can be formally tested using statistical models. With the present data we
used cross-validated predictive models, which determined the extent to which participants’
affective scale judgments (of valence, arousal and so on) explained participants’ categorical
judgments, and vice versa. In keeping with our second hypothesis, we found that using both
linear (ordinary least squares) and nonlinear (nearest neighbors) models, the categories explain
almost all of the explainable variance in the scales of affect (90% and 97%), whereas the scales
of affect explain at most around half of the explainable variance in the categories (32% and
52%). (See SOM-I for more details of this analysis.) In Fig. 4A we illustrate how the information
carried in participants’ ratings using the 13 affective scalesvalence, arousal, dominance, etc. as
Mapping vocal emotion
represented in greenis a subspace of the information carried by the emotion categories, as
represented in orange. What this means is that how people conceptualize emotion in vocal bursts
in terms of valence, arousal, certainty, and so on can be explained by how they categorize the
emotion with emotion categories, but there is variance in the emotions conveyed by vocal bursts
that is not explained by valence, arousal, dominance, and other affective appraisals. This finding
supports our second hypothesis, that emotion categories have greater explanatory value than the
affective scales in representing how people recognize emotion in vocal bursts.
Are Emotion Categories Discrete or Not? The Distribution of Emotion Categories. To test
our third hypothesis, that we would find smooth gradients between the different categories of
emotion recognized in vocal bursts, we first visualized the distribution of the category judgments
of vocal bursts within the 24-dimensional space we have uncovered. We did so using a method
called t-distributed stochastic neighbor embedding (t-SNE) (Maaten & Hinton, 2008). This
method projects high-dimensional data into a two-dimensional space in a way that attempts to
preserve the local distances between data points, in this case separate vocal bursts, as much as
possible, but allows for distortions in longer distances between data points, with the goal of
illustrating the shape of the distribution of the data. We applied t-SNE to the projections of the
vocal burst categorical judgments into the 24-dimensional space extracted using NNMF (Fig. 4).
As expected, t-SNE distorted larger distances between vocal bursts in the 24-dimensional space
but preserved more fine-grained similarities between vocal bursts, such as continuous gradients
of perceived emotional states, illustrated by smooth variations in color in Fig. 4. In an online
interactive version of Fig. 4 (, each of the
2032 sounds can be played in view of their relative positions within the 24-dimensional space of
vocal emotion. This visualization simultaneously represents the distribution of the 24 distinct
Mapping vocal emotion
emotion categories uncovered in prior analyses within a semantic space, the variants of vocal
bursts within each emotion category, and the gradients that bridge categories of emotion.
Visual and auditory inspection of this representation of the semantic space of emotion
recognition in vocal bursts yields several insights that converge with claims in the science of
emotion: that the emotions of moral disapprovalanger, disgust, and contempt (see bottom left
of figure) are in a similar general space but distinct (Rozin, Lowery, & Haidt, 1999), that one set
of emotionsinterest, awe, realization, and confusion (see middle, to the right of the figure)
track the individual’s understanding of the world (Shiota et al., 2017), that expressions of love
(adoration) and desire are distinct, as anticipated by attachment theory (Gonzaga, Keltner,
Londahl, & Smith, 2001), that embarrassment and amusement (see upper left of figure) are close
in meaning (Keltner, 1996) as are surprise and fear (Ekman, 1993). [[ Insert Fig. 4 here]]
As evident in these figures, and in keeping with our third hypothesis, the semantic space
of emotion recognition from the human voice is a complex, non-discrete structure with smooth
within-category variations in the relative location of each individual vocal burst. For example,
some vocal bursts most frequently labeled “negative surprise” were placed further away from
vocal bursts labeled fear, while others were placed adjacent to fear. Listening to these different
surprise vocal bursts gives the impression that the ones placed closer to fear signal a greater
potential for danger than those placed further away, suggesting that surprise and fear may occupy
a continuous gradient despite typically being considered discrete categories. Similar gradients
were revealed between a variety of other category pairs, bridging anger with pain, elation with
triumph, relief with contentment, desire with ecstasy, and more (Fig. 4, left).
One explanation for these results is that many of the vocalizations were perceived one
way by some participants (e.g., as anger) and differently by others (e.g., as pain). An alternative
Mapping vocal emotion
possibility is that while some vocal bursts clearly signal one emotion, others reliably convey
intermediate or mixed emotional states. To address these contrasting possibilities, we compared
proximity to category boundaries (operationalized as the standard deviation in category ratings)
to the standard deviation in ratings of the affective scales. If the smooth gradients between
categories were caused by ambiguity in meaning, then vocal bursts that fell near the boundary
between two categories that consistently differed in their affective appraisals would also have
received highly variable affective scale judgments, across participants.
We find that gradients between categories correspond to smooth variations in meaning. In
many cases, neighboring categories (e.g., adoration, sympathy) differed dramatically in their
affective appraisals, but intermediacy between categories did not relate to ambiguity in affective
appraisals such as valence, as seen in Fig. 4, right. Overall, the correlation between category and
affective scale ambiguitythe sum of the standard deviations of each attributewas quite weak
(Pearson’s r = .14, Spearman’s r = .13). These results suggest that the smooth gradients between
categories largely reflect what might be thought of as emotional blends of categories, as opposed
to ambiguity in meaning. These findings align with the recent interest in blended emotions
captured in subjective experience (Cowen & Keltner, 2017; Watson & Stanton, 2017) and facial
expression (Du, Tao, & Martinez, 2014). For further analyses confirming that smooth gradients
between specific categories correspond to smooth variations in meaning, see Figure S3.
Experiment 2: The conceptualization of emotion in real-world vocal bursts
Methods. A shortcoming in our first study, common to the study of emotional vocalization, is
that the vocal bursts were produced in laboratory settings. This raises the question of whether our
findings extend to vocalizations found in the real world (Anikin & Lima, 2017; Juslin, Laukka,
& Bänziger, 2018; Sauter & Fischer, 2018; Scherer, 2013). With respect to the conceptualization
Mapping vocal emotion
of emotion recognition in vocal bursts, concerns regarding ecological validity may limit our
finding that emotion categories explain the signaling of affective scales such as valence and
arousal, given that signals of valence, arousal, and so on may vary more in ecological contexts
(e.g., Russell, 1994). To address this possibility, we obtained judgments of a set of 48 vocal
bursts recorded in more naturalistic settings and used these data to further examine whether
categories judgments reliably capture scales of affect in real-life vocal bursts.
Guided by the 24 kinds of emotion recognized in vocal bursts documented in our first
study, we extracted a library of 48 vocal bursts from richly varying emotional situations captured
in naturalistic YouTube videos. These contexts were intended to span the 24 dimensions of
emotion observed in Study 1 and to richly vary along the 13 affective scales (see Table S6 for
description of the contexts in which the sounds were extracted, predicted categorical and
affective appraisals, as well as links to each sound). The vocal bursts were found in emotionally
evocative situations—watching a baby’s pratfalls, viewing a magic trick, disclosures of infidelity
or the loss of virginity, observing physical pain, eating good food or receiving a massage. Videos
were located using search terms associated with of emotional content (e.g., puppy, hugged,
falling, magic trick) and vocal bursts were extracted from emotional situations within each
video. We obtained repeated (18) judgments of each vocal burst in terms of the 30 categories and
the 13 affective scales, as in Experiment 1, using Amazon Mechanical Turk. A total of 88
additional U.S. English-speaking raters (46 female, mean age = 36) participated in these surveys.
Results. Interrater agreement for the naturalistic vocal bursts averaged 42.6%, comparable to
those observed for laboratory-induced vocal bursts in Experiment 1 (Fig. S2A, S4), despite
potential limitations in the quality of recordings found on YouTube. Using predictive models
estimated on data from Experiment 1 and tested on data from Experiment 2, we determined the
Mapping vocal emotion
extent to which categorical judgments explained affective appraisal judgments and vice versa in
the naturalistic vocal bursts. Replicating results from Experiment 1, and in keeping with
Hypothesis 2, we found that the categories explained almost all of the explainable variance in the
affective scales (89% and 92%) whereas the affective scales explained around half of the
explainable variance in the categories (41% and 59%), as shown in Fig. 4B. These results extend
our findings from vocal bursts collected in the laboratory to samples from the real world,
confirming that emotion categories capture, but cannot be captured by, affective scales
representing core affect themes such as valence, arousal, dominance, and so on.
Discussion. The human voice is a complex medium of emotional communication that richly
structures social interactions. Recent studies have made progress in understanding which
emotions are recognized in the voice, how this capacity emerges in development and is preserved
across cultures, and parallels between emotional communication in the voice and feelings
induced by music. Given past methodological tendencies (e.g., the focus on prototypical
vocalizations of a limited number of emotions), what is only beginning to be understood is how
the emotions conveyed by the voice are represented within a multidimensional space.
Toward this end, we have proposed a theoretical approach to capturing how people
represent emotion-related experience and expression within a semantic space (Cowen & Keltner,
2017, 2018). Semantic spaces are defined by their dimensionality, or number of emotions, their
conceptualization of emotional states (e.g., specific emotion categories or domain-general
affective appraisals), and the distribution of emotion-related responses, in all their variation,
within that space. Building upon a study of emotional experience (Cowen & Keltner, 2017), in
the present study we examined the semantic space of emotion recognition of vocal bursts. We
gathered vocal bursts from 56 individuals imagining over a hundred scenarios richly varying in
Mapping vocal emotion
terms of 30 categories of emotion and 13 affective scales, yielding the widest array of emotion-
related vocalizations studied to date. Participants judged these 2032 vocal bursts with items
derived from categorical and appraisal/constructionist approaches, as well as in free response
format. These methods captured a semantic space of emotion recognition in the human voice,
revealing the kinds of emotion signaled and their organization within a multidimensional space.
Taken together, our results yield data-driven insights into important questions within
emotion science. Vocal bursts are richer and more nuanced than typically thought, reliably
conveying 24 dimensions of emotion that can be conceptualized in terms of emotion categories.
In contrast to many constructivist and appraisal theories, these dimensions cannot be explained in
terms of a set of domain-general appraisals, most notably valence and arousal, that are posited to
underlie the recognition of emotion and commonly used in the measurement of emotion-related
response. However, in contrast to discrete emotion theories, the emotions conveyed by vocal
bursts vary continuously in meaning along gradients between categories. These results converge
with doubts that emotion categories “carve nature at its joints” (Barrett, 2006). Visualizing the
distribution of 2032 vocal bursts along 24 continuous semantic dimensions (https://s3-us-west- demonstrates the variety and nuance of emotions they signal.
Vocal bursts signal myriad positive emotions that have recently garnered scientific
attention, such as adoration, amusement, awe, contentment, desire, ecstasy, elation, interest, and
triumph (Shiota et al., 2017; Tracy & Matsumoto, 2008). Evidence for expressions distinguishing
these states validates the recent expansion in the range of emotions investigated empirically. So,
too, do findings of distinctions between nuanced states relevant to more specific theoretical
claims: adoration/sympathy, anger/disappointment, distress/fear, and negative/positive surprise
(Egner, 2011; Johnson & Connelly, 2014; Reiss, 1991; Shiota et al., 2017).
Mapping vocal emotion
That many categories were bridged by smooth gradients converges with recent studies of
emotional blends in subjective experience and facial expression (Cowen & Keltner, 2017;
Watson & Stanton, 2017; Du et al., 2014). Across gradients between categories, vocal signals
vary continuously in meaning. For example, as they traverse the gradient from “disappointment
to “sympathy” to “love”, vocal bursts increasingly signal the desire to approach (Fig. S3). These
findings point to a rich landscape of emotional blends in vocalization warranting further study.
The present findings also inform progress in related fields, including the neural basis of
emotion recognition and the training of machines to decode emotion. Future neuroscience studies
will need to expand in focus beyond discrete prototypes of a few emotion categories to explain
how the rich variety of categories are distinguished by the brain and how continuous variation
between categories may be represented in continuously varying patterns of brain activity (for
indications of this, see (Harris, Young, & Andrews, 2012). Similarly, machine learning efforts to
decode emotion from audio will need to expand in focus beyond a small set of discrete categories
or two affective appraisals (Scherer, Schüller, & Elkins, 2017) to account for how a wide array
of categories and continuous gradients between them are conveyed by acoustic features (for
relationship with duration, fundamental frequency, and harmonic-to-noise ratio, see Figure S5).
In considering these findings, it is worth noting that they are based on vocal emotion
recognition by U.S. participants. Further work is needed to examine variation in the semantic
space of recognition in other cultures, though preliminary studies have suggested that upwards of
20 emotion categories may be recognized even in remote cultures (Cordaro et al., 2016),
supporting possible universals in the semantic space of vocal emotion. Likewise, given reports of
developmental change and age-related decline in vocal emotion recognition (Lima, Alves, Scott,
& Castro, 2014; Sauter, Panattoni, & Happé, 2013), it would also be interesting to examine
Mapping vocal emotion
variation in the semantic space of vocal emotion recognition across the life span. Finally, given
the acoustic similarities between emotion recognition in vocalization and in music (Juslin &
Laukka, 2003; Laukka & Juslin, 2007), it would be interesting to compare these semantic spaces.
The present findings dovetail with recent inquiries into the semantic space of emotional
experience (Cowen & Keltner, 2017). There is substantial overlap between the varieties of
emotion recognition uncovered in the present study and those identified in reported emotional
categories captured a broad space of emotion recognition, and continuous gradients bridged
categories such as interest and awe. Together, these results converge on a high-dimensional
taxonomy of emotion defined by a rich array of categories bridged by smooth gradients.
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Mapping vocal emotion
Fig. 1. A. Schematic representation of a semantic space of emotion. A semantic space of
emotion is described by (1) its dimensionality, or the number of varieties of emotion within the
space; (2) the conceptualization of the emotional states in the space in terms of categories and
more general affective features; that is, the concepts which tile the space (upper right); and (3)
the distribution of emotional states within the space. A semantic space is the subspace that is
captured by concepts (e.g., categories, affective features). For example, a semantic space of
expressive signals of the face is a space of facial movements along dimensions that can be
conceptualized in terms of emotion categories and affective features, and that involves clusters or
gradients of expression along those dimensions. B. 27-dimensional semantic space of reported
emotional experience evoked by 2185 short videos. Each letter represents a video. Videos are
positioned and colored according to 27 distinct dimensions required to account for the emotions
people reliably reported feeling in response to different videos, which corresponded to emotion
categories. Within the space, we can see that there are gradients of emotion between categories
traditionally thought of as discrete. Images from illustrative videos are shown for 18 of the
dimensions. An interactive version of the figure is available here: https://s3-us-west-
Mapping vocal emotion
Fig. 2. Judgment formats and response distributions. A-C. Example survey segments are
shown from the (A) categorical, (B) affective scale, and (C) free response surveys. D. Interrater
agreement levels per vocal burst, per category for all 30 categories. Non-zero interrater
agreement rates are shown for each category across all 2032 vocal bursts. The number of vocal
bursts in each category with significant interrater agreement rates (FDR < .05, simulation test
described above) is shown to the right of each dot plot, and varies from 0 (guilt, romantic love,
serenity, and shame) to 166 (amusement); mean = 57.6, SD = 43.0. Dots have been jittered for
clarity. E. Response distribution by affective scale. Smooth histograms indicate the distribution
of average judgments of the vocal bursts for each affective scale. F. Free response term usage
frequency. The height of each term is directly proportion to its usage frequency. The most
commonly used term, “disgust” was applied 1074 times.
Mapping vocal emotion
Fig. 3. Vocal bursts reliably
and accurately convey 24
distinct dimensions of emotion.
A. The application of canonical
correlations analysis (CCA)
between the categorical and free
response judgments revealed 24
shared dimensions (p<.05).
Here, the results of a subsequent
analysis reveal that this 24-
dimensional space can be
derived by applying non-
negative matrix factorization
(NNMF) to the categorical judgments. NNMF was applied iteratively with increasing numbers of
factors, from 1 to 29. The first 24 all span separate dimensions of meaning shared with the free
response judgments when subsequently applying CCA (p < .05). B. Shown here are the 24
dimensions of emotion conveyed by vocal bursts, extracted by applying NNMF to the category
judgments. We can see that they each load maximally on a distinct category. C. The free
response terms most closely correlated with each of the 24 dimensions consistently include this
maximally loading category and related terms (for corresponding correlation values, see Table
S5). Together, these results reveal that vocal bursts can reliably (in terms of consistency across
raters) and accurately (in terms of recognized meaning) convey at least 24 semantically distinct
semantic dimensions of emotion.
Mapping vocal emotion
Fig. 4A. Affective scale judgments of the vocal bursts are explained by, but cannot explain,
the category judgments. Both linear and nonlinear models reveal that the explainable variance
in the 13 affective scale judgments is almost entirely a subspace of the explainable variance in
the forced-choice categorical judgments. (See SOM-I for details.) Thus, the categories have more
explanatory value than the scales of affect in explicating how emotions are reliably recognized
from vocal bursts. B. These results extend to real-world expressions. Models were trained on
data from Experiment 1 and tested on ratings of the naturalistic vocal bursts gathered in
Experiment 2. Both linear and nonlinear models reveal that the explainable variance in the 13
affective scale judgments is almost entirely a subspace of the explainable variance in the forced-
choice categorical judgment. The categories have more explanatory value than the scales of
affect in explicating how emotions are reliably recognized from vocal bursts. C. Map of 2032
Mapping vocal emotion
vocal bursts within a 24-dimensional space of vocal emotion generated with t-distributed
stochastic neighbor embedding (t-SNE). T-SNE approximates local distances between vocal
bursts without assuming linearity (factor analysis) or discreteness (clustering). Each letter
corresponds to a vocal burst and reflects its maximal loading on 24 dimensions extracted from
the category judgments. Unique colors assigned to each category are interpolated to smoothly
reflect the loadings of each vocal burst on each dimension. The map reveals smooth structure in
the data, with variations in the proximity of vocal bursts within each category to other categories.
See the interactive map ( to explore every
sound and view its ratings. D & E. Standard deviations in judgments of the categories and
affective scales. A black-to-red scale represents the sum, across categories or affective scales, of
the standard deviations in judgments across participants. For example, vocal bursts plotted in
black had lower standard deviations in categorical judgments (i.e., high interrater agreements)
and thus were further from the perceptual boundaries between categories. There is little
relationship between affective scale ambiguity and proximity to category boundaries, suggesting
that the categories are confused primarily because they are bridged by smooth gradients in
meaning rather than due to ambiguity. See Fig. S3 for further analyses confirming this for
specific gradients. F. Cross-category gradients correlate with variations in valence (green),
arousal (red), and dominance (blue). Despite the weak relationship between affective scale
ambiguity and proximity to category boundaries, categories predict smooth gradients in affective
meaning, further establishing that these gradients are not a byproduct of ambiguity. We can also
see why the affective scales are insufficient to explain the category judgments, given that almost
every unique colori.e. combination of valence, arousal, and dominanceis associated with
multiple regions in the semantic space of emotion recognized in vocal bursts.
... Human voice is capable of conveying emotions through speech (Banse & Scherer, 1996;Darwin & Prodger, 1998;Scherer et al., 1991;Wallbott & Scherer, 1986) and non-speech vocalisations (Cowen et al., 2019). Furthermore, analysis of non-speech vocalisations (voice) and speech has received much recognition during the past decade to detect various emotional/affective states (El Ayadi et al., 2011;Schuller et al., 2011). ...
... It is well-known and established that communication by speech is a powerful means of human expression and connection. The human voice has proven to be a good indicator of emotional/affective state in several studies (Cowen et al., 2019;Juslin & Laukka, 2003;Mitchell & Ross, 2013). In the areas of HCI and affective computing, recognition of emotions and human affective states is one of the most challenging tasks. ...
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Stress during public speaking is common and adversely affects performance and self-confidence of individuals in various professional contexts. Virtual reality (VR) has been used in psychology and human-computer interaction (HCI) to induce and measure barriers to good public speaking skills, such as anxiety and fear. We reviewed the most significant papers published on major indexed journals across the past 20 years. We outline how minimal research has been conducted to detect stress via auditory means in real time during public speaking. As a measurement criterion, the use of questionnaires and physiological parameters remains prevalent. Furthermore, to induce and provide feedback, past experiments relied on simulated audiences that are either scripted or controlled by outside human agents. In this context, we explore the current complexities, limitations and opportunities for novel systems that can provide more engaging and immersive experiences. Hence, we propose a conceptual framework for the development of a voice analysis-based stress-detection computational algorithmic model that can be integrated into a virtual reality simulation. The implementation of the proposed model would ultimately help users to gradually learn how to overcome their stress in real-time and improve their public speaking performance.KeywordsVirtual realityAffect sensing and analysisNonverbal signalsReal-time feedback systemVoice analysisIntelligent virtual agentsSignal processing
... However, the use of only basic emotions can be an issue because they include only one positive emotion, happiness, and therefore participants only need to notice a difference in valence to "recognize" an emotion expression as happy. There has been growing awareness of the value of expanding the types of emotions studied given that this is a very limited range of possible emotions (e.g., Bänziger et al., 2009;Cowen et al., 2019;Simon-Thomas et al., 2009). For example, Cowen et al. (2019) found that participants could recognize 24 different emotions from short vocal bursts. ...
... There has been growing awareness of the value of expanding the types of emotions studied given that this is a very limited range of possible emotions (e.g., Bänziger et al., 2009;Cowen et al., 2019;Simon-Thomas et al., 2009). For example, Cowen et al. (2019) found that participants could recognize 24 different emotions from short vocal bursts. Further, even within the basic emotions, performance on emotion recognition tasks can vary depending on the types of cues available to use, such as facial expressions or different vocal cues, as well as the range of emotions (e.g., four vs. six) present across trials (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002). ...
The present study examined individuals' ability to identify emotions being expressed in vocal cues depending on the accent of the speaker as well as the intensity of the emotion being expressed. Australian and Canadian participants listened to Australian and Canadian speakers express pairs of emotions that fall within the same emotion family but vary in intensity (e.g., anger vs. irritation). Accent of listener was unrelated to emotion recognition. Instead, performance varied more based on emotion intensity and sex; Australian and Canadian participants generally found high intensity emotions easier to recognize compared to low intensity emotions as well as emotion conveyed by females compared to males. Participants found it particularly difficult to recognize the expressed emotion of Australian males. The results suggest the importance of considering the context in which emotion recognition is embedded. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).
... Speech signals convey both linguistic and nonlinguistic information such as a speaker's age, gender, and emotional state [1]. These are known to affect the perceived impression or behavior of the listener [2,3,4]. ...
... Apart from the lexicon, which can easily be attached to a type of emotion, prosody has been described as an important source in the expression of emotions [5]. Based on prosodic features, listeners have the ability to identify different types of emotions not only within their culture, but also cross-culturally [6,7]. Automatic emotion recognition has been developed for various applications [8]. ...
Conference Paper
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This study is based on the exploitation of telephone calls to hospital emergency departments in order to train artificial intelligence tools for the automatic recognition of vocal emotions for the purpose of improving emergency medical regulation. The main objective is to extract the most characteristic acoustic cues of vocal emotions. Very limited samples were selected from the audio databases of two University Hospitals in the Jura Arc (CHRU of Besançon in France and CHUV of Lausanne in Switzerland). Only extracts containing linguistic vocal emotions with a negative polarity (angst, anger, embarrassment and sadness) were retained for the study. These extracts were segmented and labeled, and their acoustic parameters (F0, intensity and duration) were measured manually. The preliminary results show that F0 modulations seem more accurate to discriminate the four vocal emotions.
... • Text (Strapparava and Mihalcea, 2007;Demszky et al., 2020;Liu et al., 2019), 8 • Image Kosti et al., 2017), and • Audio (Cowen et al., 2019. ...
... The first comprised multiplechoice categorical judgements; that is, in each sound, participants were required to select the best 5 emotional categories in ranking elicited by each sound from a list of 33 categories (see S3 Appendix). The 33 emotion categories were derived from emotion taxonomies of prominent theorists, Keltner and Lerner (2010) and based on the previous study by Cowen et al., (2017;2019;2020). The second kind comprised nine-point dimensional judgments; that is, after hearing the sounds, participants were required to rate each sound along the valence and arousal. ...
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Sound perception extends beyond the boundaries of auditory sensation, encompassing a profound engagement with the entire human body. This intricate interplay between sound and body sensation has long captivated the interest of researchers. In this study, we examined the relationship between our perception of sound pitch and our bodily position senses, while also exploring the role of emotions in shaping this intriguing cross-modal correspondence. We also compare the topography of pitch-triggered body sensations between depressive, alexithymia, and the control groups, and examine their associations with anxiety. Our findings reveal that individuals with depression and alexithymia experience diffuse and less localized body sensations in response to sound pitch, accompanied by heightened feelings of anxiety and negative emotions. These findings imply that diffuse bodily sensations in response to sound may trigger negative emotions such as anxiety and indicate that monitoring pitch-triggered body sensations could serve as a valuable biomarker for emotional disorders. Our study sheds light on the profound importance of body sense awareness in response to sounds, a phenomenon that may be mediated by interoception. This research enhances our understanding of the intricate relationship between sound, emotions, and the human body, offering insights for potential interventions in emotional disorders.
... (Dal Ben, 2019). Affect bursts (happy, elated, angry, and disgusted) were selected from a validated database (Cowen et al., 2019) and supplemented with neutral vocalizations (clearing throat, yawning) from the social media platform "youtube." All silent periods at the beginning and the end of the sound files were manually trimmed and normalized to −23 LUCS (Loudness Units Full Scale) using the opensource software Audacity® (v.2.4.2, ...
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It has repeatedly been shown that visually presented stimuli can gain additional relevance by their association with affective stimuli. Studies have shown effects of associated affect in event-related potentials (ERP) like the early posterior negativity (EPN), late positive complex (LPC), and even earlier components as the P1 or N170. However, findings are mixed as to the extent associated affect requires directed attention to the emotional quality of a stimulus and which ERP components are sensitive to task instructions during retrieval. In this preregistered study ( ), we tested cross-modal associations of vocal affect-bursts (positive, negative, neutral) to faces displaying neutral expressions in a flash-card-like learning task, in which participants studied face-voice pairs and learned to correctly assign them to each other. In the subsequent EEG test session, we applied both an implicit ("old-new") and explicit ("valence-classification") task to investigate whether the behavior at retrieval and neurophysiological activation of the affect-based associations were dependent on the type of motivated attention. We collected behavioral and neurophysiological data from 40 participants who reached the preregistered learning criterium. Results showed EPN effects of associated negative valence after learning and independent of the task. In contrast, modulations of later stages (LPC) by positive and negative associated valence were restricted to the explicit, i.e., valence-classification, task. These findings highlight the importance of the task at different processing stages and show that cross-modal affect can successfully be associated to faces.
The proper measurement of emotion is vital to understanding the relationship between emotional expression in social media and other factors, such as online information sharing. This work develops a standardized annotation scheme for quantifying emotions in social media using recent emotion theory and research. Human annotators assessed both social media posts and their own reactions to the posts’ content on scales of 0 to 100 for each of 20 (Study 1) and 23 (Study 2) emotions. For Study 1, we analyzed English-language posts from Twitter (N = 244) and YouTube (N = 50). Associations between emotion ratings and text-based measures (LIWC, VADER, EmoLex, NRC-EIL, Emotionality) demonstrated convergent and discriminant validity. In Study 2, we tested an expanded version of the scheme in-country, in-language, on Polish (N = 3648) and Lithuanian (N = 1934) multimedia Facebook posts. While the correlations were lower than with English, patterns of convergent and discriminant validity with EmoLex and NRC-EIL still held. Coder reliability was strong across samples, with intraclass correlations of .80 or higher for 10 different emotions in Study 1 and 16 different emotions in Study 2. This research improves the measurement of emotions in social media to include more dimensions, multimedia, and context compared to prior schemes.
Affective speech analysis is an ongoing topic of research. A relatively new problem in this field is the analysis of affective vocal bursts, which are non-verbal vocalisations such as laughs or sighs. The current state of the art in the analysis of affective vocal bursts is predominantly based on wav2vec2 or HuBERT features. In this paper, we investigate the application of the wav2vec2 successor data2vec and the extension wav2vec2phoneme in combination with a multi-task learning pipeline to tackle different analysis problems at once, e.g., type of burst, country of origin, and conveyed emotion. Finally, we present an ablation study to validate our approach. We discovered that data2vec appears to be the best option if time and lightweightness are critical factors. On the other hand, wav2vec2phoneme is the most appropriate choice if overall performance is the primary criterion.Keywordsdata2vecwav2vec2wav2vec2phonemeVocal burstsAffective vocal bursts
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We present a mathematically based framework distinguishing the dimensionality, structure, and conceptualization of emotion-related responses. Our recent findings indicate that reported emotional experience is high-dimensional, involves gradients between categories traditionally thought of as discrete (e.g., 'fear', 'disgust'), and cannot be reduced to widely used domain-general scales (valence, arousal, etc.). In light of our conceptual framework and findings, we address potential methodological and conceptual confusions in Barrett and colleagues' commentary on our work.
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This study explored the perception of emotion appraisal dimensions on the basis of speech prosody in a cross-cultural setting. Professional actors from Australia and India vocally portrayed different emotions (anger, fear, happiness, pride, relief, sadness, serenity and shame) by enacting emotioneliciting situations. In a balanced design, participants from Australia and India then inferred aspects of the emotioneliciting situation from the vocal expressions, described in terms of appraisal dimensions (novelty, intrinsic pleasantness, goal conduciveness, urgency, power and norm compatibility). Bayesian analyses showed that the perceived appraisal profiles for the vocally expressed emotions were generally consistent with predictions based on appraisal theories. Few group differences emerged, which suggests that the perceived appraisal profiles are largely universal. However, some differences between Australian and Indian participants were also evident, mainly for ratings of norm compatibility. The appraisal ratings were further correlated with a variety of acoustic measures in exploratory analyses, and inspection of the acoustic profiles suggested similarity across groups. In summary, results showed that listeners may infer several aspects of emotion-eliciting situations from the non-verbal aspects of a speaker’s voice. These appraisal inferences also seem to be relatively independent of the cultural background of the listener and the speaker.
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It has been the subject of much debate in the study of vocal expression of emotions whether posed expressions (e.g., actor portrayals) are different from spontaneous expressions. In the present investigation, we assembled a new database consisting of 1877 voice clips from 23 datasets, and used it to systematically compare spontaneous and posed expressions across 3 experiments. Results showed that (a) spontaneous expressions were generally rated as more genuinely emotional than were posed expressions, even when controlling for differences in emotion intensity, (b) there were differences between the two stimulus types with regard to their acoustic characteristics, and (c) spontaneous expressions with a high emotion intensity conveyed discrete emotions to listeners to a similar degree as has previously been found for posed expressions, supporting a dose–response relationship between intensity of expression and discreteness in perceived emotions. Our conclusion is that there are reliable differences between spontaneous and posed expressions, though not necessarily in the ways commonly assumed. Implications for emotion theories and the use of emotion portrayals in studies of vocal expression are discussed.
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Significance We find that very young children make fine-grained distinctions among positive emotional expressions and connect diverse emotional vocalizations to their probable eliciting causes. Moreover, when infants see emotional reactions that are improbable, given observed causes, they actively search for hidden causes. The results suggest that early emotion understanding is not limited to discriminating a few basic emotions or contrasts across valence; rather, young children’s understanding of others’ emotional reactions is nuanced and causal. The findings have implications for research on the neural and cognitive bases of emotion reasoning, as well as investigations of early social relationships.
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This research tests the prediction that voice-only communication increases empathic accuracy over communication across senses. We theorized that people often intentionally communicate their feelings and internal states through the voice, and as such, voice-only communication allows perceivers to focus their attention on the channel of communication most active and accurate in conveying emotions to others. We used 5 experiments to test this hypothesis (N = 1,772), finding that voice-only communication elicits higher rates of empathic accuracy relative to vision-only and multisense communication both while engaging in interactions and perceiving emotions in recorded interactions of strangers. Experiments 4 and 5 reveal that voice-only communication is particularly likely to enhance empathic accuracy through increasing focused attention on the linguistic and paralinguistic vocal cues that accompany speech. Overall, the studies question the primary role of the face in communication of emotion, and offer new insights for improving emotion recognition accuracy in social interactions.
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Significance Claims about how reported emotional experiences are geometrically organized within a semantic space have shaped the study of emotion. Using statistical methods to analyze reports of emotional states elicited by 2,185 emotionally evocative short videos with richly varying situational content, we uncovered 27 varieties of reported emotional experience. Reported experience is better captured by categories such as “amusement” than by ratings of widely measured affective dimensions such as valence and arousal. Although categories are found to organize dimensional appraisals in a coherent and powerful fashion, many categories are linked by smooth gradients, contrary to discrete theories. Our results comprise an approximation of a geometric structure of reported emotional experience.
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Posed stimuli dominate the study of nonverbal communication of emotion, but concerns have been raised that the use of posed stimuli may inflate recognition accuracy relative to spontaneous expressions. Here, we compare recognition of emotions from spontaneous expressions with that of matched posed stimuli. Participants made forced-choice judgments about the expressed emotion and whether the expression was spontaneous, and rated expressions on intensity (Experiments 1 and 2) and prototypicality (Experiment 2). Listeners were able to accurately infer emotions from both posed and spontaneous expressions, from auditory, visual, and audiovisual cues. Furthermore, perceived intensity and prototypicality were found to play a role in the accurate recognition of emotion, particularly from spontaneous expressions. Our findings demonstrate that perceivers can reliably recognise emotions from spontaneous expressions, and that depending on the comparison set, recognition levels can even be equivalent to that of posed stimulus sets.
On the basis of the proposition that love promotes commitment, the authors predicted that love would motivate approach, have a distinct signal, and correlate with commitment-enhancing processes when relationships are threatened. The authors studied romantic partners and adolescent opposite-sex friends during interactions that elicited love and threatened the bond. As expected, the experience of love correlated with approach-related states (desire, sympathy). Providing evidence for a nonverbal display of love, four affiliation cues (head nods, Duchenne smiles, gesticulation, forward leans) correlated with self-reports and partner estimates of love. Finally, the experience and display of love correlated with commitment-enhancing processes (e.g.. constructive conflict resolution, perceived trust) when the relationship was threatened. Discussion focused on love, positive emotion, and relationships.
At the heart of emotion, mood, and any other emotionally charged event are states experienced as simply feeling good or bad, energized or enervated. These states - called core affect - influence reflexes, perception, cognition, and behavior and are influenced by many causes internal and external, but people have no direct access to these causal connections. Core affect can therefore be experienced as free-floating (mood) or can be attributed to some cause (and thereby begin an emotional episode). These basic processes spawn a broad framework that includes perception of the core-affect-altering properties of stimuli, motives, empathy, emotional meta-experience, and affect versus emotion regulation; it accounts for prototypical emotional episodes, such as fear and anger, as core affect attributed to something plus various nonemotional processes.
While trait positive emotionality and state positive-valence affect have long been the subject of intense study, the importance of differentiating among several “discrete” positive emotions has only recently begun to receive serious attention. In this article, we synthesize existing literature on positive emotion differentiation, proposing that the positive emotions are best described as branches of a “family tree” emerging from a common ancestor mediating adaptive management of fitness-critical resources (e.g., food). Examples are presented of research indicating the importance of differentiating several positive emotion constructs. We then offer a new theoretical framework, built upon a foundation of phylogenetic, neuroscience, and behavioral evidence, that accounts for core features as well as mechanisms for differentiation. We propose several directions for future research suggested by this framework and develop implications for the application of positive emotion research to translational issues in clinical psychology and the science of behavior change.