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The Case Against Linking Environmental Degradation and National Security
... As might be expected, some observers favor keeping a narrow definition of security focused on military threats (Dunlap 1992-93). Others oppose a redefinition of security but fully support the identification of environmental degradation as a major concern (Deudney 1990;Dalby 1992;Bruyninckx 1993;Conca 1994;Diebert 1994). Deudney in particular questions the causal links between environmental change and interstate conflict, and therefore challenges the utility of using traditional security responses for pressing environmental problems. ...
... Antecedent political and economic variables, for these observers, represent the necessary and sufficient conditions that are truly responsible for the conflict Brock 1992). Deudney (1990), a foremost spokesperson for this position, recognizes certain ties between the environment and war as in the cases of environmental degradation caused by the preparation for war and by war itself. ...
... Therefore, this group of skeptics typically concludes that national security thinking should not be appropriated for what is viewed as the necessary and critical effort to address environmental degradation (Deudney 1990;Finger 1991;Dalby 1992;Conca 1994). The conflictual and competitive nature of nationalism and militarism so commonly associated with aggressive state behavior does not hold the answer to environmental challenges. ...
... This analysis is conducted primarily to fill a gap in the existing literature.^ The study is also conducted to answer claims that linking resource scarcity to ethnic conflict is not empirically upheld (Haas 2002) or intrinsically useful for understanding national security (Deudney 1990 Before a discussion of ethnic conflict can be fruitful, a discussion of what an ethnic group is should be undertaken. One must also seek to determine if there is some type of ethnic group that is more likely to be involved in conflict behavior than other types. ...
... Hauge and Ellingsen (1998) A Large N study is also necessary to answer the critics of studying the relationship between resource scarcity and ethnic conflict. Deudney (1990) made the case that linking environmental degradation to security was simply an attempt to gain "notice for the cause" by environmentalists. Haas (2002) says of claims that there is a relationship between environmental security and conflict, "Empirically none of these claims is upheld," (2002,6). ...
... This represents empirical evidence that contradicts the claim by Deudney (1990) and Haas (2002) that no empirical evidence exists to show that this relationship exists or is generalizable. Second, it affirms the arguments made by scholars such as Baechler (1998) and Homer- Dixon (1999) that renewable natural resource scarcity is a source of acute conflict and as such a source of ethnic conflict. ...
... In fact, the issue's modern origins date back to the 1960s and the debates about nuclear winter (Dalby 2009: 37-39;Gray 1985) and the 1970s when discussions about the "limits to growth" and the effects of overpopulation arose (Meadows/Meadows 1972;Ehrlich 1968). The debate became even more prominent in the 1980s and 1990s when concerns about the connection between environmental degradation and conflict became prevalent in academic circles and reached the highest political levels (Deudney 1990;Ullman 1983: 134;. However, in these earlier discussions climate change was only one issue amongst others in a broader environmental security debate and it was not until the mid-2000s, and especially since the year 2007, that climate security as such became a focal point of attention (Center for Naval Analyses 2007). ...
... Yet, in the ten years between the end of the Cold War and the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, there were openings in thinking about US security, including that regarding the environment. Environmental security forced a broader conceptualisation of security, from the spread of disease to operational concerns over shifting weather patterns-ironically, security concerns that existed before the Cold War, but were replaced with elite and rational-actor models during the nuclear arms race of the 1950s-1980s (Mathews 1989;Deudney 1990). However, even when these environmental concerns were raised, the popular portrayal differed from many academic approaches. ...
This chapter introduces the book, Climate Security in the Anthropocene— Exploring the Approaches of United Nations Security Council Member-States. Climate change is increasingly positioned as a security issue. A number of influential governance actors including states, international organisations, and civil society groups now connect climate change to a variety of security threats such as armed conflict, disasters, low socio-economic development, and fragile governing institutions. These threat perceptions have translated into political action and have led to the formation of a complex constellation of governance actors in response. In particular, over the past fifteen years both permanent and non-permanent member-states of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) have been instrumental in constructing and responding to climate security threats. This introductory chapter presents the overall aim of the book, which is to analyse whether the concept of security has shifted over time with respect to climate change, and if so, how these shifts have occurred in state practices. It begins by tracing the evolution of climate security in academic scholar- ship and in the UNSC. It then presents the theoretical framework of the book, which distinguishes between three ideal-types of climate security: national security, human security, and ecological security. It concludes by outlining the methodology of the book, which is comprised of fifteen case study chapters that explore the various ways in which member-states that sat on the UNSC between 2018 and in 2020 constructed and responded to climate security threats.
... Os meios militares não seriam adequados para lidar com as ameaças ambientais ao bem-estar humano; enquanto as ameaças militares são ocasionais e fora do cotidiano dos Estados, a degradação ambiental é um processo de longo prazo derivado das atividades econômicas cotidianas (Dalby, 2009). Deudney (1990Deudney ( , 1999 aponta que se trata de uma visão contraprodutiva já que visa solucionar problemas relacionados à segurança nacional e muitos problemas ambientais precisam da cooperação internacional para serem solucionados ou mitigados. ...
... Os meios militares não seriam adequados para lidar com as ameaças ambientais ao bem-estar humano; enquanto as ameaças militares são ocasionais e fora do cotidiano dos Estados, a degradação ambiental é um processo de longo prazo derivado das atividades econômicas cotidianas (Dalby, 2009). Deudney (1990Deudney ( , 1999 aponta que se trata de uma visão contraprodutiva já que visa solucionar problemas relacionados à segurança nacional e muitos problemas ambientais precisam da cooperação internacional para serem solucionados ou mitigados. ...
Fruto de esforços e de reflexões coletivas desenvolvidas no âmbito do Grupo de Estudos de Defesa e Segurança Internacional (GEDES), o livro é resultado do curso de extensão que foi ministrado pelos autores no PPG RI San Tiago Dantas (UNESP/UNICAMP/PUC-SP) em 2017 e 2018.
A partir da experiência do curso, constatamos a demanda por livros em português, com caráter paradidático e que apresentassem os conceitos, as discussões e alguns dos eventos históricos que tiveram impacto no desenvolvimento do campo de estudos da Segurança Internacional e da Defesa – pontuando algumas consequências para o Brasil e para o Sul Global.
... 9 Second, as Peterson's intervention shows, strongly divergent views about the ethical consequences of framing HIV/AIDS as a security issue are beginning to emerge, necessitating more systematic attention to the possible benefits and drawbacks of framing the disease in this manner. Over the past decade, such normative debates have proved similarly unavoidable in relation to a wide variety of other nonmilitary issues framed by the international community as security concernsFranging from the environment (Deudney 1990;Kakonen 1994;Litfin 1999;Ney 1999;Ostrauskaite 2001) and migration (Weiner 1992(Weiner /1993Waever et al. 1993;Huysmans 1995Huysmans , 2000Bigo 1998;Doty 1998;Ceyhan and Tsoukala 2002), to the ''war on drugs'' (Husak 1992;Aradau 2001), transnational crime (Emmers 2003), and even development more generally (Duffield 2001). Given the growing policy resonance of arguments about the security implications of HIV/AIDS, the time has come to reflect more thoroughly on how such a framing of the pandemic could facilitate international efforts to reduce its spread and how this framing might also be counterproductive to these efforts. ...
... These arguments closely parallel those inDeudney (1990).9 For more general reflections on the normative questions the AIDS pandemic gives rise to, seeHarris and Siplon (2001), and the special section on ''Health and Global Justice'' in Ethics and International Affairs 16 (2), Fall 2002. ...
... Richard Falk's (1971) ideas of 20 years earlier blossomed into a much larger discourse of that became known as environmental security. Sceptics were concerned that this might be a seriously misleading mode of policy analysis (Deudney 1990). Politicians looking ahead were quoting the Brundtland Commission's prognostications on "Our Common Future" and thinking ahead to what was to become the second "earth summit" the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held in Rio de Janerio in June 1992. ...
... Indeed it is precisely the danger that conventional geopolitical thinking, of rivalries, state priorities for "security", territorial surveillance and the violence of spatial exclusion, will be the discourses invoked to deal with environmental changes and potential disasters that stimulated some early critical voices of the environmental security arguments in the early 1990s (Deudney, 1990). The inappropriateness of the military as an institution for dealing with environmental matters was obvious, but so too the military as an institution uses huge quantities of resources, land and fuel and it left a massive legacy of toxic and radioactive waste from the cold war period. ...
Geopolitics is about how the world is understood politically at the planetary scale. It is simultaneously a term that refers to great power rivalries and the knowledge and representational practices that legitimate that mode of rule. Now in the face of climate change the premises for thinking about human politics have been dramatically changed, even if many political elites and scholars have yet to face up to the changed circumstances for geopolitical thinking and practical matters of ruling a biosphere that is being transformed by human action. Where geopolitics in the past provided the context for thinking about human actions, in coming decades the political decisions that are made will shape that human context fundamentally. Anthropocene thinking changes the parameters of geopolitics, but it remains to be seen whether institutions capable of making intelligent decisions about such matters as whether the planet will have polar ice caps in coming centuries will emerge in the coming decades.
... It is not the objective of this article to securitise Covid-19 in a way that would reinforce exclusionary or competitive national approaches. As others have observed with reference to climate change (Deudney 1990;Diez, Von Lucke, and Wellmann 2016;Warner and Boas 2019), securitising challenges may bring resources and political attention, but it can also bring negative consequences. Anecdotal evidence of the securitisation of Covid-19 certainly supports a critical view in terms of government responses (Liu and Bennett 2020;Stott, West, and Harrison 2020;Amnesty International 2021;Bueno de Mesquita, Kapilashrami, and Meier 2021;Hapal 2021;Kuteleva and Clifford 2021), including in terms of the use of Covid-19 as a pretext for exclusion of migrants and refugees (Ramji-Nogales and Lang 2020; Libal et al. 2021;Meer et al. 2021). ...
From a human security perspective, the concept and practices of security should be oriented around the everyday needs of individuals and communities, whatever the source or nature of threat they may face. Human security has lost some momentum as an intellectual project as a result of its imprecise definition and scope. In addition, in policy terms, human security has been eclipsed by a resurgence of geopolitical visions of security, reinforced by a rise in nationalism and great power rivalry. Yet Covid-19 demonstrates how human security brings added value as an analytical and normative framework. The pandemic exposed the limitations of the traditional security paradigm and it demonstrated that traditional measures of national security are no assurance of societal resilience or individual protection. Moreover, from a human security perspective, Covid-19 exposes the structural inequalities and contradictions which underpin norms of security in many societies, given that experiences of security and insecurity are shaped by gender, socio-economic inequalities, and ethnicity.
... Scholars such as Deudney (1990) lament the interlinking of environmental problems with security studies, for Dalby, since matters such as ozone depletion, pollution, and ‗many situations with a vaguely environmental designation' are now ‗part of international political discourse and policy initiatives, environment cannot be separated from matters of what is now called -global‖ security' (Dalby, 2002a: 95). For state-makers environmental security is, first and foremost, threats posed to sovereign states by environmental change (Swatuk, 2004). ...
Migration is a strong expression of spatial flows, which gives not only life and impetus to the dynamic global political economy, but also to changes in demography and environment. Africa’s migration history is complex, and deeply rooted in historical antecedents. Hence, migration policies in Africa, nay, Nigeria began to take shape after independence was granted to her in the early 1960s. This paper interrogates the nexus between transnational migration and environmental security in Africa with theoretical and empirical evidence from Nigeria. Specifically, we examined how environmentally-linked migration that spans Nigeria’s territory interacts with geopolitical and social factors to influence herdsmen-farmers conflicts in the 21st century Africa political economy. The theoretical framework that anchored the study is the group identity and simple scarcity. Data was gathered through the documentary method of data collection. Our data analysis was based on qualitative descriptive analysis and the ex-post facto research design was adopted. The study found that environmental issues and natural resources scarcity in particular, have made migration a global problem. The study recommended for the need to integrate and translate climate change adaptation, migration policies, and conflict management programmes into concrete projects for they are not stand-alone levers, but functions within the wider political economy. Keywords: Transnational migration, migration-environment nexus, Environmental security, Conflicts and Geopolitics
... It is always necessary to begin by introducing a meaning in order that there can be a fact" (quoted in Jenkins, 1997 : 121). 3 For the sake of clarity, I stick to the definition of action as behaviour imbued with meaning: "running in the streets aimlessly is mere behavior, running after a thief is an action endowed with meaning" ( Adler & Pouliot, 2011 : 5). 4 For two early critiques, see Deudney (1990Deudney ( , 1991 and Dalby (1996 ). 5 See, for instance, Waever (1998 ) and Tickner and Waever (2009 ). 6 The is a kind of a paradox in the fact that the most prestigious university programs in African Studies are taught in London, Oxford, or Leiden. ...
Examining the interplay between the oil economy and identity politics using the Kurdistan Region of Iraq as a case study, this book tells the untold story of how extractivism in the Kurdish autonomous region is interwoven in a mosaic of territorial disputes, simmering ethnic tensions, dynastic rule, party allegiances, crony patronage, and divergent visions about nature.
Since the ousting of Saddam Hussein, the de-facto borders of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq have repeatedly changed, with energy interests playing a major role in such processes of territorialisation. However, relatively little research exists on the topic. This book provides a timely, empirical analysis of the intersections between extractive industries, oil imaginaries, and identity formation in one of the most coveted energy frontiers worldwide. It shines a light on relations between the global production networks of petro-capitalism and extractive localities. Besides the strained federal relationship with the Iraqi central government, the transformative effects the petroleum industry has had on Kurdish society are also explored in depth. Moreover, the book fills a gap in the literature on Kurdish Studies, which has devoted scant attention to energy-related issues in the re-imagination of Kurdish self-determination.
This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of the extractive industries, energy studies, conflict studies, Middle Eastern politics, and political ecology.
... The indictment of the US military led to several efforts at cleaning up environment by military establishments and the consideration of environmental protection as part of military operation, thus defense environmental security was coined to capture the new policy direction. The contradictions between preservation of environment and the imperative of secrecy in military activities generated enormous criticism and indeed scholars have agreed that global military activities and establishment are the major cause of environmental degradation, which contribute immensely to environmental insecurity (Deudney, 1990;Finger, 1991). ...
... Political studies (especially IR) widely use the term 'securitization' to describe a situation in which the representatives of the political elite present the most varied aspects of social or economic life as a question of national security. Many scholars noted that securitization is deeply connected to the idea of the state of emergency or emergency measures: the affirmation that something is a problem of national security many times was and now can be used to justify breaking or curtailing the normal activity of known laws and rules in their relevant spheres (Deudney 1990;Buzan, Waever, and de Wilde 1998). Securitization and increasing usage of different types of state of emergency is one of the most important trends in contemporary world politics (Agamben 1998). ...
In today’s Russia, one can observe aspiration of ruling political elites to securitize cultural politics, i.e. to present culture as an issue of state security. This process is very noticeable in youngsters’ pop culture: in the 2010s, it became an object of close attention and “management” on the part of political actors and institutions. This article is focused on complex relationships between this policy of securitization and waves of moral panic regularly arising in the Russia’s society. These moral panics can be entailed with many types of agents, from local state employees to conservative groups of parents. These panics can be used as a reason for the further securitization. This reciprocal interdependency of local agents and state-level subjects of cultural politics (and cultural policy) now experience a hidden crisis, caused with current processes of self-organization and growing politicization in the Russia’s pop culture milieu.
... However, the traditional theorists severely criticized such a widened concept of security. They annotated that inclusion of all life-threatening factors to the domain of security would make the security an ambiguous and meaningless term (Daniel, 1990). Buzan et al. (1998) tried to justify his views by defining the criteria for security and political issues. ...
... Studies have long argued that the tendency of political elites to frame their country's energy policy as an existential national security concern (a practice known as "energy securitization") damages internal cooperation between state agencies (Deudney 1990;Littlefield 2013;Fischendler and Nathan 2014;Fischhendler 2018). By adding unnecessary urgency and secrecy to the process, securitization blocks the ability of relevant groups within the country to present their interests and participation, resulting in suboptimal policymaking for the energy sector. ...
Does energy securitization promote or hinder regional cooperation over energy resources? This paper argues that policymakers frame energy issues as existential threats to facilitate both outcomes, depending on how they perceive the reliability of their country's energy supply. When countries are confident in their supply, they begin to seek regional cooperation opportunities that they had previously rejected. Rather than abandon existential rhetoric that served to prevent cooperation when supply was vulnerable, policymakers adopt opposing constructs of security and direct them toward different audiences to gain their support. When addressing the international community, policymakers employ neoliberal concepts of security as a mutually beneficial result of trade and cooperation. When addressing domestic audiences, policymakers employ realist paradigms of security as competition toward self-preservation and dominance. Israel serves as a case study to test this argument. This paper examines how major natural gas discoveries in 2009 shifted longstanding Israeli isolationism and encouraged it to seek deeper economic ties with its neighbors. To promote its new policy, the Israeli government argued before its domestic audience that gas exports are essential for creating leverage against the EU and preventing terrorism on its borders, while simultaneously arguing toward foreign audiences that the exports serve to promote regional unity.
... With other concerns like the coronavirus also contributing to large-scale death and economic disruption, policymakers have increasingly accepted that health and environmental threats can constitute security concerns. There is, of course, a longstanding debate about the merits of securitizing environmental and other problems, because of the potential for threat inflation, the use of emergency procedures for security problems, and the risks of reinforcing nationalist approaches to collective problem-solving (Deudney, 1990). ...
The field of climate and security has matured over the past 15 years, moving from the margins of academic research and policy discussion to become a more prominent concern for the international community. The practice of climate and security has a broad set of concerns extending beyond climate change and armed conflict. Different national governments, international organizations, and forums have sought to mainstream climate security concerns emphasizing a variety of challenges, including the risks to military bases, existential risks to low-lying island countries, resource competition, humanitarian emergencies, shocks to food security, migration, transboundary water management, and the risks of unintended consequences from climate policies. Despite greater awareness of these risks, the field still lacks good insights about what to do with these concerns, particularly in ‘fragile’ states with low capacity and exclusive political institutions.
... Much of the alarming political debate on climate security is based on academic literature about the nexus between the environment, climate change and security (Buhaug et al. 2014;Brauch and Scheffran 2012;Lee 2009;Raleigh and Urdal 2007;. This research to a considerable extent draws on older works on environmental security and conflict originating in the 1980s and 1990s (Ullmann 1983, p. 134;Dalby 2009, p. 14;Deudney 1990;Deudney and Matthew 1999;Pirages 1991). It also stems from the theoretical debates about the 'broadening' (e.g. ...
This chapter looks at the securitisation of climate change in Germany. In contrast to the US, the disciplinary and governmental discourses and the argumentation of climate change as a risk to the human security of poor populations in the Global South prevailed. This helped to legitimise progressive climate policies, coin concepts such as ‘climate diplomacy’ and ‘climate foreign policy’, and had a significant impact on German development policy. Moreover, it legitimised a different set of actors mainly consisting of research institutions, civil society actors and development organisations. This form of securitisation avoided a one-dimensional and short-sighted focus on the symptoms of climate change. Nonetheless, it contributed to a problematic juxtaposition of a climate resilient and powerful Global North, with an ‘unruly’, unprepared and victimised Global South.
... Научници веома често нападају студије еколошке безбедности и безбедности животне средине. Они сматрају да није реч о легитимној области истраживања, да су границе истраживања у овој области веома нејасне или пак критикују еластичност концепта с обзиром на то да прелази оквире традиционалне војне области (Deudney, 1990;Levy, 1995). Од 1990-их година проширивање концепта безбедности напредовало је и коришћени су концепти 'безбедност животне средине' (UNEP, OSCE, OECD, UNU, EU), 'безбедност хране' (FAO), 'здравствена безбедност' (WHO), 'енергетска безбедност' (Светска банка, IEA), и 'безбедност прихода' (OECD). ...
... Indeed, this fits in with Huysmans domain of insecurity as Trump has instilled fear through politicising Latinos as dangerous to democracy. However, Deudney (1990) highlighted that the rhetoric, language in securitization organises sentimental feelings concerning national security. In conjunction with the polices race in securitization, this sentiment transforms into dichotomous terms that see the players within the process of securitization as either friends or enemies (Huysmans, 2006: 183). ...
In response to the title, this research project aims to provide the reasons, evidence of a racial, ethnic and cultural discrimination President Donald Trump’s securitizing methods partook when managing Latino migration by examining the case studies presented in this piece. In outline, the politics of race have created insecurities and reinforced by Trump to legitimise securitization to the Latino population concerning immigration. This point of analysis has concluded a finding that by polarising the referent object, the audience, the subjects of immigration has shed light to a new form of racism by securitizing means. However, it is important to remember that Trump’s supporters are majority white. Thus, Trump’s securitization led to a concentration of whiteness. Methodologically, this paper will utilise the framework of racism through evolved structures in securitization cooperatively with the security studies of the domains of security to analyse insecurities as a form of achieving the purpose of securitization. To determine this, Trump’s speech, use of media and policy will be explored as case studies. Even though this research engages in academic sources, I have concluded that further future research into this topic requires further analysis as it is still happening today. Nonetheless, the conclusion remains strong due to the frameworks and empirical evidence explored.
... Of course this explicitly normative question is distinct from the analytical bases upon which climate change challenges security/ stability or more specific empirical questions about whether (and in what circumstances) climate change triggers armed conflict, for example. Yet it is important to remember, as a range of analysts have noted (see Krause and Williams 1996;McDonald 2013;Hartmann 2009), that at the outset the environmental change-security debate was driven by normative concerns: advocates invoked the language of security in an apparently deliberate attempt to mobilise concern, resources and action to address environmental problems, while critics were as likely to focus on the dangers of this linkage as the empirical merits of the argument (see Deudney 1990). ...
The devastating bushfires of late 2019/ early 2020 in Australia placed the country firmly in the international spotlight. The unprecedented scale, number and severity of these fires drew attention to the role of Australia’s changing climate and the broader process of climate change. It also triggered debates about the link between climate change and security, not least given concerns over the deployment of military resources in response and the existential nature of the threat to people and ecosystems. This paper examines the climate change-security relationship in the Australian context. It examines how climate change and security are related before assessing the extent to which this connection is reflected in current policy and practices in Australia. The paper concludes by reflecting on whether the bushfire crisis of 2019–20 is likely to precipitate a major change in policy settings, practices and public debate on climate change and security in Australia.
... Based on the history, known that the development of the city usually largely started from the river area because the river is a source of human life [1]. Further, the imbalance of ecosystems becomes a global issue which keeps getting attention by several researcher such as by Dean [2], Deudney [3], Al-Mulali [4], and Duong [5], because the negative consequences of the imbalances have spread and increased, both qualitatively and quantitatively. United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in its exposition shows some common result that occurs because of the imbalance of nature. ...
... However, there is no common consensus among environmental conflict researchers on the link between resource scarcity, vulnerability due to source of livelihood and conflict. For instance, Deudney, (1990) argued that, security has a militarized framework, therefore analyzing environmental issues as a security concern is strategically not appropriate. But several researches on some specific case studies concluded that, strenuous struggles and competition over access to and control over natural resources arising from its decrease in quality and quantity; population migration; weak political institutions among others are responsible for resource tension and conflicts (see Galtung, 1982;Brundtland et al, 1987;Opschoor, 1989;Brock, 1991;Gleick, 1993;Homer-Dixon, 1991, 1994, 1999Shetima and Tar, 2008). ...
... Such rhetoric, used both as an attention-getting device and to stress the point that conventional politics has yet to grapple with the scale and speed of environmental change, invokes policy action on a scale analogous to the preparation for and prosecution of war (McKibben, 2016). What is far from clear is whether this is effective as political strategy or whether, as Deudney (1990) warned in the early stages of the environmental security discussion, it fosters inappropriate policy by aligning advocacy with the wrong social institutions for taking effective action. What is clear is that the most important causes of climate change are not coming out of peripheral agricultural places in the Global South; they are located in industrial production processes, suburban consumption modes of economy, and among the petroleum production regions. ...
... As Buzan presciently noted in the early 1980s, when environmental studies was just beginning to coalesce among various disciplines and fields, "With consequences so vast it is not impossible to envisage quite near futures in which environmental threats have the same standing as military ones, and in which military and environmental techniques play interactively in relations between states" (Buzan, 1983, p. 119). By the 1990s and since, the idea of framing environmental issues as national security was gaining momentum, despite continued opposition by security traditionalists (usually those falling within realist and neorealist theoretical camps, but including even some constructivists) (Barnett & Adger, 2007;Buzan, Waever, & de Wilde, 1998;Deudney, 1990;Homer-Dixon, 1994Levy, 1995;Oels, 2012;Romm, 1993;Trombetta, 2008). ...
There are several important linkages among environmental hazards and crises caused (at least in part) by human-caused global warming, and both homeland security and national security risk analysis and practice. Increasingly robust research has demonstrated (1) anthropogenic climate change and its interaction with other human environmental pressures (population, pollution, and resource consumption growth); (2) worsening climate disruption patterns and disaster projections, showing long-range risk to the very survival of human civilization; and (3) links among environmental hazards, human economic and political instability, and development of political violence. This paper discusses how and why environmental security (ES) and homeland security (HS) are linked, including the threat-multiplying aspect of climate disruption risk factors; briefly contextualizes their growing interconnectedness in both theory and policy practice; and reviews some of what is most recently known about the science of climate disruption. It reviews disaster mitigation and resilient adaptation policy implications of climate variables such as extreme heat and drought, extreme storms, sea level rise, ocean ecosystem damage, and food and water crises. Most U.S. government security-related organizations now incorporate HS-ES mission statements, but current environmental security risk management and planning investment is insufficient, and burdened by political obstruction and costly scientific uncertainties.
... Scholars supportive of this argument generally claim that the environment is an objective threat to security (Busby, 2008, Graeger, 1996, Podesta and Ogden, 2007or that the environment fits well with traditional approaches to security, notably the military's tendency to plan for all contingencies and the security community's focus on probabilities (Dabelko, 2009, Graeger, 1996. Opponents of environment-as-security argue environmental issues have little in common with traditional security concerns (interstate violence) and the appropriation of the environment by traditional security institutions empowers framings and organizations that have an interest in disorder, hierarchy, and competition in a sector that demands coordination and cooperation (Barnett, 2003, Conca, 1994, Deudney, 1990. National security organizations are generally conservative, secretive, and focused on short-term, obvious problems, making environmental issues more difficult to resolve as they are further integrated into conventional security apparatuses (Allenby, 2000). ...
... 21 Another critic, Daniel Deudney, in a rather sweeping judgement of this whole body of literature, challenges the assumption that violence will result from environmental degradation. 22 Three reasons are given to support this contention: ...
... Recent examples includePaehlke (2003) andDobson (2003). 6 Key Global Political Ecologists include KenConca (1994Conca ( , 1995, DanDeudney (1990), Paul Wapner (1996, and MatPaterson (2000). These scholars have adopted much more critical approaches to the study of global environmental politics compared to neoliberal institutionalists, who have dominated the study of environmental cooperation over the past two decades. ...
... Aqui, a preocupação principal centrou-se no potencial da degradação ambiental para pôr em risco as necessidades básicas, os direitos humanos e os valores das populações e comunidades (Barnett et al., 2010: 4). A premissa central era a de que grande parte da segurança humana está ligada ao acesso das 1 Ver Jessica Tuchman Mathews (1989), Norman Myers (1989) e Richard H. Ullman (1983). 2 Para outros autores que discutem a relação entre degradação amb iental e conflito ver: Daniel Deudney (2004); Nina Graeger (1996); Paul F. Diehl e Nils Petter Gleditsch (2001); Adrian Mart in (2005). populações aos recursos naturais e a vulnerabilidades do meio ambiente (Khagram et al., 2003: 289). ...
As questões ambientais e, em particular, as alterações climáticas ocupam actualmente um lugar de destaque na agenda de segurança. Este artigo pretende identificar as linhas de evolução das considerações ambientais, com especial foco nas alterações climáticas, nas Estratégias de Segurança dos países de referência nacional, bem como no quadro da segurança e defesa europeias. A partir desta análise, propõe-se identificar linhas de orientação gerais para a inclusão de tais considerações numa futura Estratégia de Segurança Nacional. Assume-se, assim, o pressuposto de que uma futura Estratégia de Segurança Nacional para Portugal deverá incluir as problemáticas ambientais, não apenas pelas características da ameaça, mas sobretudo para garantir que Portugal acompanha a evolução do conceito de segurança e se posiciona na linha da frente na afirmação da União Europeia como actor de segurança global.
... Some scholars (Deudney, 1990;Käkönen, 1994) have been skeptical about linking the environment to the military sphere because they argue that by placing both together, one could contribute to militarizing the environment instead of making the military industry "green." As Elliot points out (1998), even though environmental stress is identified as a non-military threat, environmental politics are militarized because the threat element is defined in the final analysis not by the impacts on human security or even economic security but by its relationship through the potential for conflict with the military and geopolitical security of the state (Elliot, 1998: 230). ...
The links among environmental change, notions of security, and social conflicts in the Brazilian Amazon are multiple and complex. Successive Brazilian governments and the Brazilian military have found a distinct relationship between environmental matters and security issues through a focus on state sovereignty. This relationship is often articulated in terms of defending national sovereignty instead of preserving Brazilian ecosystems. Furthermore, the links between environmental change and social conflicts should be understood through a multi-step process of externalities, referred to here as "side-effects," where ecological scarcities contribute to other political, social and economic conditions that more directly precipitate conflict. Hence, direct causal links between environmental change and social conflicts are rare in the Brazilian Amazon. T he case of the Brazilian Amazon illustrates how governments can be subjected to intense influence from the international community. Demands from the international community have had critical impacts, both positive and negative, on the environment of the Brazilian Amazon. In recent years, the assertion of interests by some multilateral institutions (World Bank), industrialized countries (United States and Germany) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) has precipitated a number of reactions from the Brazilian government. It is important to note that such reactions have often been framed in security terms. The Brazilian government has reacted with a defense of Brazilian sovereignty in the Amazon while accepting the importance of some global environmental standards and international cooperation. However, this governmental acceptance of environmental concerns is framed in terms of rights and responsibilities of states, underscoring the principle of national sovereignty and the role of national security institutions in managing the Amazon basin. Hence, environmental management in the Brazilian context remains squarely within the traditional conception of security and its preoccupation with state sovereignty.
... In her words, there is "the need for another analogous, broadening definition of national security to include resource, environmental and demographic issues" (Mathews 1989). Environmental security is a contentious idea, however, because the fundamental definition of the security concept itself has often been debated (Dalby 1992, Deudney 1991, Lowi 1999, Ullman 1983 Even though in the past water scarcity and degradation have not been linked with national security issues, in the future, they may be connected. Wolf et al. (forthcoming) states, "The combination of changes, in water resources and in conflict, suggest that tomorrow' s disputes may look very different from today's." ...
... Finally, and perhaps more importantly, the findings of this study lead to the conclusion that securitization may not always necessitate the lack of openness and deliberation as claimed by Aradau and others (see, e.g. Deudney, 1990;Basaran, 2011;Simon, 2012). At first glance the process of securitizing identities in Israel seems to demonstrate that legislation can be marked by a greater semblance of oversight in the context of liberal democracies, as suggested most recently by Roe (2012, p. 250). ...
This article explores the role of law-making in the securitization of ethnic identities in Israel. The article examines the laws passed and bills proposed between 2000 and 2011 by the Israeli Knesset. The evidence suggests that despite consistent attempts to securitize the ethnic identity of the state, they have, for the most part, failed. A brief comparison between Israel and other liberal democracies also reveals that the banality of securitization, i.e. the use of ordinary rather than extraordinary measures in the securitization process, is not unique to Israel. This article demonstrates most clearly how the process of securitization contributes to the ease with which illiberal practices can creep into the democratic system without the need to resort to exceptional action.
... Indeed it is precisely the danger that conventional geopolitical thinking, of rivalries, state priorities for 'security', territorial surveillance and the violence of spatial exclusion, will be the discourses invoked to deal with environmental changes and potential disasters that stimulated some early critical voices in the environmental security arguments in the 1980s (Deudney, 1990 Rethinking Geopolitics: Climate Security in the Anthropocene inappropriateness of the military as an institution for dealing with environmental matters was obvious, not least because the military as an institution uses huge quantities of resources, land and fuel and left a massive legacy of toxic and radioactive waste from the Cold War period. But now the climate security discussion frequently reworks the global war on terror's geographies of danger into the security script, adding to the earlier environmental security discussion, but with peripheral instabilities given a much more prominent place than earlier geopolitical fears of resource scarcities causing conflict (Welzer, 2012). ...
Climate change has become a matter of security in recent policy discussions. The scale of the transformations we are living through is slowly dawning on policy makers. But the implications for both security and policy making in general of our new geological conditions, our living in the new geological epoch of the Anthropocene, have yet to be thought through carefully. The basic geopolitical premises in security thinking are now in need of a radical overhaul in light of the insights from Earth system science. Simplistic assumptions of environmental change leading directly to conflict are misleading at best and dangerous at worst. Climate security discussions now have to engage directly with global environmental change and with Earth systems science in particular. Climate security in the long run is not a matter of environmental change causing political difficulties, but rather a matter of contemporary political difficulties causing accelerating climate change. Climate change is a production problem, not one that can be managed in the terms of traditional environmental thinking; security thinking needs to focus on the implications of this rethinking of traditional geopolitical assumptions.
” Food securitization” refers to the process by which food supplies are linked to larger security issues or broader notions of human security. While this study is built on the surge of food policy studies that acknowledge the importance of discourse, rhetoric, and labeling in shaping the notion of security there is no empirical research that explicitly examine how securitization process of food policy takes place, why, when and the implications of this. The aim of the study was to examine the contextual events that triggered the securitization of food policy: the actors who used food security rhetoric, and the institutional measures they suggested for solving food insecurity. By taking a discursive approach, the study quantitatively examined how and why food was securitized during debates on Israeli food policy took place during two time periods: 1948–1950, the years of the implementation of the austerity laws; and 2008–2017, the years of global recession, and the rise of obesity. The study found that the notion of food security was strategically used to define a variety of food-related issues. Each definition of food security was triggered by a variety of events and social contexts such as war, increases in the cost of living, the rise in obesity rates, and global warming. These frames, used throughout the debates, then influenced the actor’s choice of solutions. The study shows that most Israeli actors reacted to food security frames using institutional welfare measures.
The Anthropocene is something of a ‘game-changer’ for the way we can and should view international relations. It suggests the need to step back and reconsider some of the core assumptions we have about the way the world works. In the context of the Anthropocene, this means that the environment is no longer a background to geopolitics, but rather a dynamic force that impacts global politics. This chapter makes the case that the Anthropocene compels us to view and approach security not through the lens of how we might protect human collectives or institutions, but how we might protect ecosystems themselves. Consequentially, this points to a defence of ecosystems, in particular their functionality in the face of ongoing change. For doing so, the chapter outlines the contours of an ecological security discourse, emphasising its focus on the resilience of ecosystems and the rights and needs of the most vulnerable.
As the level of understanding about climate change has increased, the term “climate security” has been increasingly used in the rapidly growing literature on this subject. Although Japan has officially acknowledged the importance of tackling climate change, discussion of climate security has been almost nonexistent among Japanese governmental officials, politicians, and academics. Our aim was to trace discourses related to climate security in Japan to determine why so little exists in Japan and whether or not such discourse could suggest new areas for consideration to more comprehensively respond to the climate change problem. Because of different interpretations and uses of the term “climate security” in the existing literature, we first categorized existing approaches to climate security into four types and used this categorization to examine Japan’s discourse from these perspectives. Two of the approaches, namely “long-term irreversible planetary changes” and “short-term abrupt risks to individuals”, had been considered in Japan previously but without specific reference to the term climate security. The other two, “cause of conflict and violence” and “impacts to military and defense organizations”, however, had not been used and need to be included in discussions of climate change in Japan. Some of the topics not discussed in Japan include indirect economic losses of Japanese industries via supply chains, loss of Japan’s exclusive economic zone due to sea-level rise, and the potential inflow of refugees resulting from extreme weather patterns outside of Japan.
Two high-profile social movements against the construction of military bases in Jeju, South Korea, and Okinawa, Japan, represent a contest between anti-militarist ecological security and traditional military security. At the heart of these movements, which went from a local phenomenon to a transnational cause célèbre, are two iconic movement symbols: Gureombi, a unique lava rock formation, and the dugong, an endangered marine mammal. By analyzing the emergence and resonance of the two nonhuman movement symbols, the paper joins the continuing debates in International Relations (IR) over what constitutes security and who deserves protection. The contributions are twofold. First, it employs theories of social and transnational movements to establish movement actors as practitioners of ecological security, showing how recent theoretical debates in IR on ecological security parallel new developments in social movements against military bases. Second, by analyzing the emergence and resonance of nonhuman beings as anti-militarist ecological symbols, the paper also contributes to the growing literature on ecological security that currently lacks empirical examinations.
Through a case study of a major biofuel company in the United States, we seek to uncover how producers and consumers promote biofuels as a solution to climate change, despite considerable evidence demonstrating that biofuels are socially and environmentally destructive. Analysis of the company’s marketing materials and interviews with the owner and customers reveals that a primary way the company puts a green spin on biofuels is the deployment of “ecomodern masculinity.” This hybrid masculinity invokes a particular class-based environmentalism that positions biofuels as the ethical choice of good men concerned about the environment. This gendered ideology embraces a variant of Ecological Modernization that strategically adopts the appearance of environmental care while promoting the American values of energy security and green consumerism. We argue that this gendered repackaging of biofuels bolsters existing social inequalities, safeguards capital accumulation, and inhibits the systemic changes needed to address the climate crisis.
Bangladesh is a new sovereign state in South Asia, other states of the region being
India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. Bangladesh is almost
surrounded by India, on the south the country extends to the Bay of Bengal, which provides
direct access to the high seas. The legacies left by the freedom struggle have largely
conditioned the evolution of the foreign policy of Bangladesh. The freedom struggle since its
inception had been debating and demanding a foreign policy based on world peace, non
alignment, and anti-colonialism for the country.
Among other factors which have influenced the evolution of the foreign policy of
Bangladesh include the geographical location, the existing economic situation, the
contemporary world condition, and the perception of the leadership. As it has already been
noted that Bangladesh was carved out of the Indian subcontinent therefore, the country has
not many neighbours at its borders. But its opening to the high seas through the Bay of
Bengal has made it strategically important. Interested foreign powers have an eye on its
strategic location.
The Handbook of Communication and Security provides a comprehensive collection and synthesis of communication scholarship that engages security at multiple levels, including theoretical vs. practical, international vs. domestic, and public vs. private. The handbook includes chapters that leverage communication-based concepts and theories to illuminate and influence contemporary security conditions. Collectively, these chapters foreground and analyze the role of communication in shaping the economic, technological, and cultural contexts of security in the 21st century. This book is ideal for advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students and scholars in the numerous subfields of communication and security studies.
RAMLI Dollah Universiti Malaysia Sabah TIGA TRADISI UTAMA DALAM KAJIAN KESELAMATAN: OBJEKTIVITI, SUBJEKTIVITI DAN DISCURSIVE THREE MAJOR TRADITIONS IN SECURITY STUDIES: OBJECTIVITY, SUBJECTIVITY AND DISCURSIVE Tamatnya Perang Dunia II menandakan bermulanya perdebatan utama yang menyentuh persoalan epistemologi dan ontologi dalam Kajian Keselamatan. Ia bermula dengan pendekatan objektiviti-materialisme atau dikenali sebagai pendekatan tradisional yang dipelopori oleh teori (neo)realisme dan (neo)liberalisme. Pendekatan yang mendominasi era Perang Dingin ini berusaha memahami isu keselamatan menggunakan pendekatan saintifik. Aliran ini percaya bahawa sebarang fenomena sosial, termasuk juga isu keselamatan hanya boleh difahami menggunakan pendekatan saintifik iaitu sains. Aliran ini berkembang dan menjadi salah satu pendekatan paling dominan dalam Kajian Keselamatan sepanjang era Perang Dingin. Namun, pada tahun 1980an dan 1990an, aliran tradisional ini mula dicabar oleh beberapa pendekatan lain yang cuba memahami isu keselamatan daripada perspektif yang berbeza. Ini membawa kepada kemunculan aliran subjektiviti-ideational dan discursive yang melihat keselamatan perlu difahami melalui epistemologi dan ontologi yang berbeza. Untuk tujuan tersebut, artikel ini cuba untuk melihat evolusi dalam Kajian Keselamatan dengan memfokuskan perbincangan kepada tiga tradisi utama dalam Kajian Keselamatan iaitu objektiviti-materialisme yang mendominasi debat keselamatan semasa Perang Dingin (juga dikenali sebagai aliran tradisional); kepada kemunculan subjektiviti-ideational melalui aliran kritikal; dan, juga aliran discursive yang menekankan peranan bahasa dalam memahami fenomena keselamatan. Artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan menumpukan kepada kajian perpustakaan. Ia menghujahkan bahawa pendekatan yang berbeza dalam memahami persoalan keselamatan ini penting terutamanya dalam memahami fenomena keselamatan di peringkat antarabangsa yang semakin kompleks.
Nas abordagens analíticas sobre segurança é recorrente o debate quanto ao objeto referencial a ser tutelado, em outras palavras: saber “quem” ou “o quê” deve ser protegido. Tendo como ponto de partida tal discussão, o presente artigo tem como objetivo expor uma análise pontual sobre as diferentes formas de abordar a questão dos objetos referenciais nos estudos sobre segurança e relações internacionais. A questão-chave a ser esclarecida é a seguinte: quais foram os objetos referenciais evidenciados pelas práticas políticas e captados pelos estudos teóricos-analíticos sobre a matéria? Com base numa extensa revisão da literatura, realizou-se uma análise que considera cinco tipos de abordagem sobre objeto referencial da segurança: (1) as centradas na proteção do Estado; (2) as que protagonizam a tutela do ser humano; (3) as que têm a sociedade como referência; (4) as que consideram o meio ambiente como prioritário; e, (5) as que focam no exame segundo diferentes níveis de análise. Examina-se cada uma das abordagens supracitadas evidenciando o contexto histórico no qual surgem, suas premissas teóricas fundamentais, a natureza e a amplitude dos dilemas de segurança que confrontam, e, por fim, as contestações levantadas pelos críticos que se opõem a cada perspectiva apresentada. O presente artigo pretende assim possibilitar ao leitor aprofundar a compreensão relativa aos limites categóricos sobre como a segurança pode ser definida em termos práticos e teóricos. Além disso, permite o contato com perspectivas analíticas e agendas de pesquisa mais amplas, que enquadram os debates sobre segurança para além da lógica da guerra, da “política de exceção”, do emprego de medidas excepcionais e da consecução de objetivos predominantemente político-militares.
Historically, issues of gender, race and the environment have received little attention in mainstream International Relations (IR) scholarship. Great strides have been made, however, in interrogating the inadequacies of the field in these areas and, similarly, in demonstrating the necessity of expanded definitions of security and violence in IR. Despite these strides, mainstream environmental security discourse mimics traditional IR security discourse. In both, gender, class, nation and race are crucial to the political mobilization of identity and the enemy-creation process characteristic of IR; raced, classed and gendered "others" are represented as threats to national security. For mainstream environmental security discourse, "overpopulatioin" in non-Western countries captures a lion's share of attention and, like traditional security discourse, the bodies of women act as an important site for its construction. With particular attention to population growth, I examine mainstream environmental security discourse as well as mainstream media discourse in the US to expose the manner by which race, class and gender are utilized in the construction of environmental security concerns.
By 2025, chronic water scarcity will affect as many as three billion people in 52 countries. It is a pressing issue that demands the committed attention of governments of water-scarce nations and of regional and inter-national institutions. In spite of numerous calls for decisive and collective action, however, water scarcity is worsening on a global scale. Demand for water is growing along with populations and economies, while sources of water are being rapidly degraded and depleted. Inequalities in the distribution of water supplies also are increasing, exacerbated by poor water management. In consequence, human welfare, ecological health and economic potential suffer. Under certain conditions, water scarcity threatens national security. This report examines the role of water scarcity in shared river basins in triggering, intensifying and generating regional instability and other security problems. Three case studies have been selected to illustrate how various factors interact with water scarcity to threaten national and regional security. In the Jordan River Basin conflict has resulted from water scarcity combined with certain catalytic conditions. A lack of cooperation sustained by historical tensions could prove to be detri-mental to regional and even global welfare. In the Nile River Basin, water scarcity exists, but conditions have not yet brought it to the level of conflict present in the Jordan River Basin. The nine countries in this basin, however, have been stalemated by political inertia, although there have been some recent indications of a grow-ing interest in pursuing cooperative solutions to water problems. The Mekong River best exemplifies the potential for both conflict and cooperation in a shared river basin. Water-sharing mechanisms exist; the ques-tion is whether they can defuse the tensions posed by water scarcity. The importance of this issue is hard to understate. Water is a vital resource upon which all organisms directly depend. River basins have been referred to as "cradles of human civilization," sustaining productive, prosperous societies throughout human history. As these vital areas have been stressed by pollution and grow-ing human demands, the world has witnessed growing competition and conflict over their water. So serious is the problem that the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development has initiated a global freshwater assessment; it is currently underway and a report will be submitted to the U.N. General Assembly later in 1997.
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