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In/visibly different: Melania Trump and the othering of Eastern European women in US culture

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Feminist Media Studies
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Abstract

This article offers a “feminist critical discourse analysis” of the Saturday Night Live sketch “Melanianade.” It argues that the comical video reinforces and essentializes negative stereotypes of Eastern European women to depict Melania Trump, seeking to delegitimize white hegemonic masculinity and female complicity. The fictitious Melania Trump’s appearance needs to be understood in her co-construction with her white hegemonic husband and otherwise racialized women in the comedy sketch. These women are the African-American women of Beyoncé’s video “Sorry,” which “Melanianade” copies/satirizes. “Sorry” represents Black female US-American experience, and was broadly understood as Black feminist art/activism. Taking Beyoncé’s place in the video, the fictitious Melania Trump is co-constructed to the absent black feminist bodies as white non-feminist Eastern European Other. Using Beyoncé’s video as a template, “Melanianade” re-affirms a discourse of Otherness that re-establishes the enlightened and emancipated educated (white) feminist American non-immigrant woman as norm, while it also whitewashes the Black American experience, which “Sorry” stands for.
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In/visibly different: Melania Trump and the
othering of Eastern European women in US culture
Katharina Wiedlack
To cite this article: Katharina Wiedlack (2018): In/visibly different: Melania Trump and the othering
of Eastern European women in US culture, Feminist Media Studies
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2018.1546205
© 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa
UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis
Group
Published online: 06 Dec 2018.
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In/visibly dierent: Melania Trump and the othering of
Eastern European women in US culture
Katharina Wiedlack
Department of English and American Studies, Europa-University Flensburg, Flensburg, Germany
ABSTRACT
This article oers a feminist critical discourse analysisof the Saturday
Night Live sketch Melanianade.It argues that the comical video
reinforces and essentializes negative stereotypes of Eastern European
women to depict Melania Trump, seeking to delegitimize white hege-
monic masculinity and female complicity. The ctitious Melania
Trumps appearance needs to be understood in her co-construction
with her white hegemonic husband and otherwise racialized women in
the comedy sketch. These women are the African-American women of
BeyoncésvideoSorry,which Melanianadecopies/satirizes. Sorry
represents Black female US-American experience, and was broadly
understood as Black feminist art/activism. Taking Beyoncésplacein
the video, the ctitious Melania Trump is co-constructed to the absent
black feminist bodies as white non-feminist Eastern European Other.
Using Beyoncés video as a template, Melanianadere-arms a dis-
course of Otherness that re-establishes the enlightened and emanci-
pated educated (white) feminist American non-immigrant woman as
norm, while it also whitewashes the Black American experience, which
Sorrystands for.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 10 August 2017
Revised 4 October 2018
Accepted 6 November 2018
KEYWORDS
US media; racialization;
post-socialist contexts;
critical whiteness studies;
feminist critique
Introduction
This article oers a feminist discourse analysis (Michelle M. Lazar 2007) of the Saturday
Night Live (SNL) sketch Melanianade.I argue that, as the mainstream feminist video
seeks to delegitimize white hegemonic masculinity and female complicity, it reinforces
and essentializes negative stereotypes about Eastern European
1
women to depict
Melania Trump (MT) in the process. Following post-socialist accounts on the Othering
and orientalizing of Eastern European women (Larry Wol1994; Madina Tlostanova
2015) I argue that MTs appearance as essentialized white Eastern European Other
needs to be understood in her co-construction with her hegemonic husband and
otherwise racialized women in the comedy sketch. These other racialized women, who
are not directly represented, are the African American women of Beyoncés video
Sorry,which Melanianadecopies and satirizes. Sorryrepresents female Black US-
American experience, and was broadly understood as Black feminist art/activism (Jessica
Opatich 2016; Andrea Waguespack 2016). In Melanianade,which aired rst on NBCs
SNL on October 16 2016, the white American actress and comedian Cecily Strong
CONTACT Katharina Wiedlack kathiwiedlack@gmail.com
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES
https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2018.1546205
© 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly
cited.
imitates MT, mimicking almost completely Beyoncé Knowles-Carters performance,
poses, and dances in her highly acclaimed music video Sorry,diverging only through
dierent lyrics and pronunciation from the original. Taking Beyoncés place, the ctitious
MT is co-constructed with the absent black feminist bodies as white non-feminist Other.
Using Sorryas a template, Melanianadearms a discourse that muddles dierent
forms of Otherness into one, while conrming the enlightened, emancipated, educated
(white) feminist American non-immigrant woman as norm. Moreover, as the video uses
the well-known song and video to mark MT as Other, it whitewashes the Black American
experience, which Sorrycommunicates.
The black and white video Melanianadeopens with MTs narrative voice, in a heavily
accented English (emphasis on the R, pronounced with a rolling sound): Here lies my
last nerve, Donald.The video represents MT as beautiful, dutiful,mirroring media
representations, calling her strikingly passive(Guy Trebay 2016, D1), in an embrace of
values from an era when a potential rst lady might be less likely to have served as her
husbands former law rm mentor (as Michelle Obama once was) than his carpet
ornament(Trebay 2016, D1). The following scene shows the ctional Ivanka (Emily
Blunt) and Tiany Trump (Vanessa Bayer), Kellyanne Conway (Kate McKinnon), and
Omarosa (Sasheer Zamata), without a last name, sitting lined up in a moving vehicle.
This scene introduces all the characters of the videothe silent wife; the daughters; the
spokesperson Conway; and the Director of Communications for the White House Oce
of Public Engagement and Intergovernmental Aairs and former star of Trumps Reality
TV-show The Apprentice, Omarosa Manigault.
2
Additionally, the scene makes a very
visible reference to the opening of Beyoncés video Sorry.
Sorrysstory evolves around Beyoncés betrayal through her husband. Additionally,
it tells about female Black American history, from slavery and coerced domestic servi-
tude, to contemporary systemic gendered oppression. It starts with Beyoncé, reciting a
spoken-word piece by Warsan Shire, the Somalian, UK-based poet, accompanied by the
slow jewelry box melody of a theme from Tchaikovskys ballet Swan Lake (Waguespack
2016; Opatich 2016). The poems line So what are you gonna say at my funeral, now
that youve killed me?speaks metaphorically of a husbandsindelity from the per-
spective of the betrayed wife; but it also comments on systemic gendered violence
against Black women. The scene is set in a public bus. Black women are sitting on bus
benches with ceremonious painted faces, called Sacred Art of the Ori(ABC News 2016),
inspired by Yoruban rituals and designed by Nigerian-born, Brooklyn-based Laolu
Senbanjo(Lisa Perrott, Holly Rogers, and Carol Vernallis 2016). They perform modern
dance movements collectively, which highlights their ceremonious face-paint and makes
them appear as one moving body, rather than individual dancers. Their identical black
shirts and trousers as well as the public bus are references to the Black Power movement
and the Civil Rights movement, and Rosa Parksact of resistance. Little ashes of light
illuminate the metal roof of the bus, bringing to mind star showers as much as the metal
rods of prison cells, as the movement of the bus distorts the little light dots into stripes.
The women in Melanianade,in contrast, are all recognizable as individuals as they
sit in a limousine. The same little ashes of light circle the vehicle, but they illuminate
not raw metal, but a comfortable, richly decorated interior. The women wearing Manolo
Blahniks
3
and other classic fashion items such as black and white slim-t dresses, and
pussy-bow blouses,
4
represent upper-class individuality. Their ritualistic body
2K. WIEDLACK
movements copy the performersof Sorry,but their references, beyond being a
reminder of Beyoncés iconic piece, are empty.
Already the rst scenes of Melanianadebring up the popular US-American discourses
about MT, which the scriptwriters of the SNL video arguably built on, arming some of
their crucial ideas. I read the signications and meanings of MT in Melanianade,drawing
out the stereotypes along which her gure is modeled. Addressing the specicformsof
othering of MT within Melanianade,I aim to show how the US-gaze constructs Eastern
European women as mentally, ideologically, morally and ethically, but also bodily dierent
to US-American non-immigrant women. I build my arguments on the work of the Gender
Studies scholars Kimberly A. Williams (2012), Anca Parvulescu (2014), Valentina Glajar and
Domnica Radulescu (2004), and Agnieszka Tuszynska (2004), analyzing the cultural repre-
sentations of post-socialist women within Western media and culture. I push their argu-
ments further, by focusing the othering of female Eastern European bodies through
whiteness.
5
Building on Claudia Sadowski-Smiths(2018)nding that US-American popular
culture imagines post-socialist immigrant women as homogeneously white, I understand
MT as white Other to the US-American white norm as well as to racialized American
immigrant and non-immigrant bodies. I follow Williams (2012), Parvulescu (2014), Glajar
and Radulescu (2004) as well as Tuszynska (2004) in locating the othering of Eastern
European female bodies on the intersection of sexualization and class-occupational con-
structions. They show that the signication of Eastern Europeanness muddles women of
varied heritage or descent into one category, by extinguishing the dierences between
them, and heightening the dierence/inferiority to the Western norm. Parvulescu exam-
ines in most detail how Eastern European womens bodies emerge through their sex-
ualized class location. Although her analysis is useful to explain how MT emerges in
comparison to and relation with otherwise racialized US-American women and white
hegemonic US-American men, I diverge from Parvulescu in labeling her specic cultural
location as not-quite-white(2014, 14). On the contrary, I argue that MTs whiteness is a
signicant meaning; however, one that does not automatically allow her to join the US-
American white norm. Her whiteness is more than just a passing(Parvulescu 2014, 14).
Although recognized as white, much like white working-class people, MT is not recog-
nized as authentic part of the white American elite. Rather, she is a cheater or trickster
(Glajar and Radulescu 2004; Tuszynska 2004), who illegitimately holds a place of power,
due to her Eastern European heritage. While her whiteness and beauty bear the potential
to blend in, to pass as something that she is not, her sexualization signies her Otherness
through style and language/pronunciation. Understanding her as victim of her husbands
toxic masculinity further guarantees that she stays arrestedin the position of Eastern
European under-classness.
Ireadthesendings against the works on the geo-temporal and developmental
location of Eastern Europe within the heritage of Western colonial Orientalism and
discourses on ethnicity/race.
6
Cultural studies researchers such as Wol(1994), Robert
Kulpa and Joanna Mizielińska (2011)orTlostanova(2015) have long established the
idea that the signication of Eastern Europe and especially its female population was
designed within the project of the European Enlightenment to legitimate and further
establish its Orientalism, to claim and essentialize superiority over racialized Eastern
and Southern people. This signication of people and bodies between the poles of
Western European civilization and Southern and Eastern barbarianism assigned
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 3
Eastern Europeans to a geographical and temporal (developmental) gray area of the
in-between. Combining the feminist ndings on essentialized stereotypes of Eastern
European women with the work on their geo-temporal location allows me to under-
stand their construction as in relation to the bodies they co-appear with on a material
and geo-temporal level. It allows me to understand their in-between position as
construction of a yet unreached potential in Eastern Europeans to become what
Western Europeans and white US-Americans have already become. They signify the
white raw material that needs to be formed according to Western standards.
Following this idea, I put the emphasis of my reading on the relational construction of
MT in Melanianade.I argue that the readability of Eastern European Otherness depends
on the co-appearance of the poles between which it is signied. In opposition to racialized
African Americans, Eastern European immigrants to the US can appear as desired white
bodies. Yet, in the presence of white sophisticated American women, Eastern European
women appear as their lesser cousins(Kulpa and Mizielińska 2011,17).Melanianade
constructs MT visually and verbally as white Other to white modern American feminists as
well as Black feminists. Ironically, it does so by appropriating Black American feminism and
whitewashing or relieving it of its Black Power criticism in the process. Contrasting
Melanianadewith its modelthe BeyoncésvideoSorry,and its meaningshighlights
the satires dependence on the cultural leverage of this music video. In analyzing Black
female US-American experience as key aspects of Sorry,I show the interdependence
between Melaniassignication as Eastern Europe Other in Melanianadeand the sig-
nication of Beyoncés latest work as Black feminist art/activism.
Stereotypical notions of Otherness
SNL, as many critics have pointed out (Dean Obeidallah 2017;JoannaRobinson2017),
is not only ghting the American Culture War
7
(Stepehn Prothero 2016)ontheside
of the liberal democratic elite against right-wing conservatism, it is also satirically
reecting the whole process. The othering of MT is part of the ght for cultural
hegemony. Ironically, SNL thereby rearms conservative ideas of a superior national
culture that depend on the sexualizing, gendering, and racializing of the Eastern
European Other. Like conservative political and cultural commentators, SNL portrays
MT as uncharismatic doll and trophy wife(Jelena Prtoric 2017), drawing on mis-
ogynist and anti-immigrant views, echoing neoliberal media, such as The New Yorker
(Lauren Collins 2016), which described her as the perfect body on which to hang a
brand.The New York Times reporter, Jacob Bernstein, even referred to MT publicly as
ahooker(Katie Yoder 2017).
8
Feminist discourses present MT as a victim of her
husband [and] a submissive tool(Prtoric 2017). Under the #FreeMelaniahashtag
(Weaver 2017; Jill Filipovic 2017;LizzieCrocker2016) they speculated that MT might
be the victim of domestic abuse. But if Melania is a victim,as Filipovic (2017)rightly
pointed out, a cheeky hashtag belittles her situation. And considering that we dont
actually know shes a victim at all, positioning her as a helpless pawn rather than an
adult woman is deeply condescending.
These examples of sentiments against MT show how mainstream discourses see her
as the embodiment of an elite version of two very popular, not mutually exclusive
stereotypes of post-Soviet women, the slut and the victim. The media studies scholar
4K. WIEDLACK
Roumiana Deltcheva identied the post-1991 most common lmic depictions of Eastern
European women: the scrupulous slut, the conniving trickster, and the helpless victim
(2004, 164). Each of these stereotypes, which all go back to the virgin/whore dichotomy,
carr[ies] distinct negative connotations that, in their totality, reinforce the idea of
Otherness as negation: negation of voice, negation of space, negation of experience
(Deltcheva 2004, 181). Ignoring her multilingualism, and status as elite earner as super-
model, commentators make fun of her accent and suggest that she needed to sell
herself for money (i.e., as hookeror sex worker) (Eric Andersson 2016). Instead of
focusing on her as a businesswoman, reports present her as bound to domesticity, and
focus on her body modications and modeling past, to construct her as mere trophy
wife (John Aravosis 2017). These discourses create the epistemological framework for
the script and materialization of Melanianade,and made it understandable in a liberal
progressive pro-feminist context. They draw on the long tradition of classications of
Eastern European bodies as in-between the two poles that span a hierarchical system of
signications along the threads of race/ethnicity, class/occupation, gender, sexuality,
and age (Wol1994; Williams 2012), as the site at which global East and West confront
each other(Tuszynska 2004, 204). They render Eastern European woman as a com-
modity(Tuszynska 2004, 204) and as similar, yet dierent Other, and their bodies as in
limbo,built to demarcate an US-American identity. The emphasis on motherhood and
sex work (Yoder 2017) are two ends of the same continuum (Parvulescu 2014). Both
labels signify Eastern European women through notions of reproductive labor, and sex
work/tracking on a hierarchically lower position than white non-immigrant women
and mark their dierence to the latter as racial Otherness. As such, the Eastern European
body of MT can be used on several occasions to mark or negotiate an opposition to the
superior enlightened US-subject. Discursively constructed as site and commodity of East/
conservative West/liberal value negotiations, she becomes used most frequently to
construct a positive notion of the US-national progressive, liberal, feminist usin
opposition to the misogynist and racist husband Donald Trump. Tuszynska identies
the oppositionality between white heterosexual auent (older) men, and the beautiful
younger white Eastern European women as one common dichotomous co-construc-
tions. Another one is the African American woman in opposition to the Eastern
European woman.
Before further analyzing the location of Eastern European women within the episte-
mology of ethnicity and racialization in the US on the example of Melanianade,Iwantto
briey come back to the suggestion that MT is a victim of domestic abuse. The depiction
of Eastern European women as sexually exploited victims has a long tradition in the US.
The US Tracking Victims Protection Act was strongly inuenced by a public case of white
female Russian and Ukrainian tracking victims in 1997 (Williams 2012,94).Asresultof
Western anti-tracking activism that has built on a melodramatic narrativeof female
Eastern European naïveté, economic disadvantage (backwardness), and victimization, the
US law became the template for international work and legislations (Williams 2012,94).It
crucially emphasized the USs self-perceived role as leader of the free world and human
rights advocate. This self-fashioning of a positive progressive feminist US identity by
commodifying vulnerable white female Eastern European bodies (of victimized sex work-
ers) is another important aspect of the framework to understand the visual language of
Melanianade.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 5
Melanianadeor the tenaciousness of stereotypes
Melanianade,staying true to its comedy format, brings forward a very blunt feminist
critique. Cecily Strong plays MT on the brink of feminist emancipation. I cant take it
anymore,she utters with a saddened face in the opening sequence of the video, and
Ivanka,Kellyanne,Omarosa,andTiany echo: youre breaking us, taking it for granted
that well always be there.They speak to President Trumps misogyny, to his sexism and
racism. They criticize him by imitating a video that has been praised as Black feminist
empowerment video (Inna Arzumanova 2016,421424). Arguably, the celebration of
Beyoncés video as Black feminist politics was the reason why the SNL writers Chris Kelly
and Sarah Schneider chose to use it as a template. (Beyoncés usage of the music box
version of Swan Lake, an Eastern European/Russian cultural product, might have been
another reason.) In any case, the widely disseminated cultural knowledge about the
feminism of the song and video Sorryand its album Lemonade heightens the feminist
critique on Trumps misogyny in Melanianade.Additionally, and maybe unintentionally,
in using Sorry,a piece of art that signies Black feminist politics, to mark white ethnicity
and gender politics, sexualization, and victimization, shows the reference from ethnicity to
race, and the damage it does. It highlights the signication of the real existing MT as
Other, through the strong reference to African American women and their experiences
and history. Through this process of referencing, Melanianadewhitewashes the refer-
enced subjects and transforms the meaning of a specic Black female embodiment into a
more general Otherness. To put it dierently, Beyoncés video illustrates the corporeal
violation but also resistance of African American women; in using the same imagery to
signify oppression against white women, the parody Melanianadehighlights MTsbody
in the video, as a somehow dierent and oppressed body, yet it silences the discussion of
color-based racism, which the original brought forward so forcefully.
MT is presented as embodied commodity, a docile wife to a man embodying white
toxic masculinity. She is the commodity of the white American man in opposition to the
American feminist subject, invoked as invisible norm. In reference to the Black feminist
Beyoncé, whose music video Sorryarguably most viewers see behind the satire, MT
appears as white, but non-American. The topic of Otherness, gendered, sexualized,
culturalized, racialized dierence forms the lter or gaze, through which the (US-
American) audience watches the video. It presents MT as a beautiful, dutifulwife,
activating the stereotypes of the silent and devoted Eastern European woman (victim),
banned from the public sphere, oppressed by her dominant husband. Coming from the
presumed desolate settingof post-communism . . ., eastern European women are
usually seen as particularly docile and submissive in the eyes of Western men. Besides
that, eastern European girls still have the reputation of going weak at their knees for
western men.(Jelena Prtoric 2017). Yet, being the beautiful, dutifulwife, her embo-
died dierence is neither a Black feminist, nor a white feminist.
Racializing MTs whiteness
BecauseMTismarkedasdierent to the rest of the Trump women,through her
accent and partly her outts and accessories, the signication of Otherness sticks to
her body, arguably even more than to the Black, but upper-class American Omarosa.
6K. WIEDLACK
MTs physique, her beautiful body and hair become pronounced through the techni-
que of the lming. The camera focus from slightly below draws attention to her
cleavage and long uncovered legs, her skin and hair appear smooth and without
blemish through the lightening in black and white tones. What additionally accent-
uates MTsbodyinMelanianade,besides the obvious title, is the knowledge about
Beyoncésvideo.
Sorryrepresents Black women. In the original, Beyoncé sits cross-legged on a stage,
wearing a hairstyle reminiscent of African art and the work of the model and singer
Grace Jones. Beyoncés referencesthe dierent hairstyles, clothes and costumes, sur-
roundings and stagesare densely conjured links to black liberation and practices of
radical black resistance [and] legacies of black spirituality(Arzumanova 2016, 421). The
facial paintings, wardrobe made of fabric with ethnicized patterns, references to African
and Caribbean culture, and the cross-legged Beyoncé are strong cues to the racialization
and cultural heritage as well as culturalization of African American women. In
Melanianadesmirrored image, MT equally sits cross-legged in the middle of a stage,
wearing a big fur hat, also making a reference to ethnicity, reminding the viewer of a
Russian Ushanka. The line I have an Eastern European mind setI forgive but dont
forgetfurther emphasizes the ethnicized hairdressing or, rather, ethnicity as such. While
Beyoncés self-depiction honors African culture or heritage, MTs stereotypical Eastern
European hat simply marks her as Other.
In comparison to Beyoncésblackfeminism,MTswhitenesssticks out,becomes high-
lighted. Public knowledge about BeyoncésnicknameQueen Band the interpretation of
her strong feminine agency and power, as being carried out with the attitude of a female
ruler or monarch, additionally inuence the reading of MT. MT is depicted, much as Beyoncé
in Sorry,as queen. In her case, however, this does not signify rebellion and agency, but
etiquette and superciality. Since the video connects MT, a white Eastern European woman,
and Beyoncé, a Black African American woman, the category of race lingers behind the
feminist critique it proposes. Yet, through the non-verbalization of the racialization of
Eastern European women or Donald Trumpsracism,itrendersthediscussionofracism
impossible and arguably whitewashes Beyoncés Black feminism at the same time. The weak
attempt to highlight the intersection between President Trumpsmisogyny and racism, by
presenting Omarosa as a woman without a last name, addressing the linguistic hegemony
and the unwillingness to learnnon-normative names, does not suciently irritate the
process of making Black oppression invisible. Thus, the positioning of MT as queen high-
lights her Eastern Europeanness,bringingupabroadercultural reference from immigration
to a long-gone European monarchy. Williams (2012)andSadowski-Smith(2018) point to the
cultural knowledge that imagines Eastern European women as descendants of long-gone
but glorious and mysterious royal families. Deriving from mythologized places, Eastern
European immigrant Others are imagined as white, but their discursive attachment to the
Eastern European (royal) past prohibits them from becoming fully modern progressive US
citizens.
Most importantly, the focus on MTs body as replacement of Beyoncés and in itself
shows her construction as white racialized Eastern European Other. The critical tools
available within feminist or critical race studies to account for the racialization of white
Eastern European women are limited. I follow Stuart Hall, who conceptualizes race as a
discursive construct, principal of classication,and a sliding signier(Stuart Hall
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 7
1997). Using race and racialization to describe and analyze representations of Eastern
European bodies equally makes the processes at play visible as it produces these bodies
as racially specic. Although the signier race is unstable and in ux, its meaning is not
arbitrary or random. At the heart of the concept of the Slavic racerests the already
frequently mentioned orientalist design of Eastern Europe as a world over there,an
alien world of dierences that is light years away not only from the economic prosperity
but also from the social conventions and values of the West(Deltcheva 2004, 162). The
most common criticism of racism within the US focuses on the construction of color. Yet,
racism targets East Europeans on the basis of markers that are not limited to color
(Parvulescu 2014, 15). The stratication insignia(Hall quoted in Parvulescu 2014, 15)
that stickto Eastern European women are racialized physical characteristics like hair,
teeth, body type, and clothing styles as well as education, religion, and values(Hall
quoted in Parvulescu 2014, 15). Moreover, I argue that the racialization of Eastern
European women is best framed as materialization of the in-between of two poles,
the dierentiation between nature and culture, between the raw esh of the barbarian
Other and the sophisticated intellect of the civilized individual. The racialized focus on
MTs embodiment appears clearly in the caricaturist impressions of MT, by model Gigi
Hadid ducking her lips and mocking Melanias eastern European accent(Prtoric 2017),
but also in the video Melanianade,where the male gaze of the camera accentuates
MTs body partsher long hair, long legs, spotless white skin, always slightly puckered
lips, emphasized cheek bones etc.forcing the audience to pay attention to them. This
male gaze is partly ironic, partly a maybe unintentional result from copying the aesthetic
of Beyoncés video. It is meant to criticize that MT seems to be just an objectto her
husband(Will Worley 2017), that [t]hese queens in the House of Trump. . . models,
arm candy, reality-show stars, humiliated sidekicks and shopping channel mavensare
vestal virgins in the temple of acquisition(Nina Burleigh 2017). Yet, while pointing out
President Trumps sexism, the media uses severely derogatory language to describe the
women themselves, and simultaneously reduces them to victims. Especially in the case
of MT, the press furthermore legitimizes a medial gaze on her body and character that
reminds readers of scientic practices using magnifying glasses, scales, and other
surveying instruments to highlight her physical characteristics, and her Eastern
European heritage.
Although the usage of the term racializationseems appropriate to signify the embo-
died signications of female Eastern Europeanness, it needs to be emphasized again that
such a denomination must not be confused with the signication of skin color. Eastern
European women are often signied explicitly as white. Their whiteness is central to their
racialization. The whiteness of European, Slavicwomen makes them afavoriteand
convenient site for the accumulation of stereotypical images feeding Western lust for the
exotic and fear of the barbaric’”(Glajar and Radulescu 2004,162):
[They] are not drastically Other and thus are endowed with an aura of familiarity, or
Europeanness, and yet they are not fully familiar or European either, as they come from
the more remote regions of Europe, perceived as almost Oriental, as almost exotic, yet not
fully so. (Glajar and Radulescu 2004, 162)
MTs physical appearance, according to news media as well as the video Melanianade,
complies with American beauty standards. Yet, her embodiment of the American norm is
8K. WIEDLACK
viewed as articial, exaggerated, as trying too hard.She wants to trick the viewer into
believing she is what she is not. Her Eastern European mind-set dierentiates her from the
better, more tolerant nationof the US that was formed by the womens movement
(Burleigh 2017). She is viewed as backward, domestic and supercial, a young and
beautiful piece of ass(Burleigh 2017), and, most importantly, as belonging to the class
of the newly rich immigrant.She is the ultimate reality-show [star,] impressing Donald
Trump, his fellow oligarchs and captains of supranational corporations with [her] looks
and poise(Burleigh 2017). Her life is further called survivingand a loss of dignity is
suggested. We can identify the signication of MT as a hierarchically lesserwhite woman
with Bridget Anderson (2000) and Parvulescu (2014) as essentialized class-occupational
stratication. The focus on her body in connection with her prior occupation as model
presents both aspects as natural or belonging to her heritage as Eastern European. Her
class-occupation as (former) working-class model (suspected sex-worker) in connection to
her body appears as ethnic/racial markers, without being identied as non-white skin
color.
Appropriating Black music or a failed emancipation
In many ways the political comedy show SNL is a pedagogical project, showing through
satire the wrongs of the American society and political elite. Following this idea, the
show lets the ctitious MT in Melanianade”“speak upin an attempt to emancipate
herself. Twisting Beyoncés provocative question to her cheating husband, and the US
mainstream that discriminates African American women, Are you sorry,into Im not
sorry,the ctitious MT throws a Donald, No!at her husband. Her emancipation is not
only signied by her speech, but also by the usage of Beyoncés music. Sorryis an
electro-Rhythm and Blues (R&B) song, with a particularly thumping beat created by
synthesizers, drums, and bells. Beyoncés self-presentation, her clothes, and the dance
performances correspond with the genre of R&B, which is generally consider a Black
music genre, but also opens it up for other Black artistic expressions and conventions, as
already described. Especially powerful is Beyoncés feminist usage of the dress and style
conventions of R&B, which is usually considered to be a rather misogynistic genre that
objecties women (C. M. Frisby and J. S. Aubrey 2012). Beyoncé reclaims the sexualized
conventions of the genre through her strong powerful feminist attitude. MTs presenta-
tion in Melanianadetries to mirror her move, by equally appropriating sexually con-
noted tight clothes. Copying Beyoncés bold poses is meant to signify more of her
emancipation, her becoming a (Western-style) feminist.
We can understand the feminist pedagogical project of Melanianadewith Kulpa as
leveraged pedagogy(Robert Kulpa 2014, 432). Kulpa developed his concept to explain
Western strategies of sanctioning or disciplining Eastern European misogyny and homo-
phobia as didactical and cultural hegemonic relation of power,where the East gures
as an object of Western pedagogy(Kulpa 2014, 432). MTs complicity in her husbands
misogyny and xenophobia are the content of the comical lecture of Melanianade.Her
Eastern Europeanness signies simultaneously her nature, a state of being not-yet-
emancipated, since the East only oppresses women, producing beautiful, dutiful
females, and docile wives,as well as her excuse for participating in her husbands
wrongs. The leveraged pedagogyof Melanianadesanctions her misbehavior with
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 9
mockery and ridicule that is meant to teachMelania emancipation. She should free
herself, by standing up for herself, mimicking Beyoncés act of showing her unfaithful
partner the middle nger in a powerful collective dance performance. Replicating the
pedagogical doctrine, supposed to transform MT into a modern emancipated woman,
Melanianade”’s lyrics also use leveraged pedagogy towards the ctitious Donald Trump.
MTs emancipatory performance threatens her husband with leaving him, if he does not
stop misbehaving, reminding him that without her and her female co-performers he
would not be in the presidential seat.
Yet, the emancipation of MT, in contrast to Beyoncés rebellious act of rejecting
misogyny and sexism in Sorry,does not succeed. Melanianadeis not a funny
taking-up of a feminist emancipatory project, because copying Beyoncés powerful
appropriation of R&B cannot work from the position of a white woman. It only cleanses
the musical piece of its original anti-sexist, emancipatory gesture, thereby even killing its
own punchline: the appearance of Alec Baldwin as Donald Trump at the end of the
video, commanding his womeninto docile obedience, is not funny, since you cannot
stop a feminist riot that has never started. Rather than signifying agency, the videos
mimicking of R&B music and style re-establishes the sexualization of its female prota-
gonists and recreates the narrative of MT as typical Eastern European femme fatale.
Eastern European women have often been portrayed as cunning femmes fatales (trick-
sters) instrumentalizing their deceptive sexuality(Williams 2012, 36) or slutiness
(Deltcheva 2004, 181) to lure Northwestern men into their web, to steal their money
or power. In other words, MTs awakening can easily be read not so much as feminist
emancipation, but as showing her true (Eastern European bitchy/trickster) side, luring
the viewer into her articial world.
Although the criticism of this worldthe bombastic capitalism of the Trump dynasty
needs to be acknowledged, the strategy with which Melanianadebrings forward
such critique is highly problematic. Sketch writers Kelly and Schneider exchange
Beyoncés settingthe places of historical and contemporary oppression, the public
bus, the Southern mansion and plantationwith a stretch limousine and the Trump
Tower. Showing an Eastern European ex-model in an over-decorated gold palace is not
nearly as subversive as showing a Black female hip hopper taking control of an ante-
bellum mansion (as Sorrydoes). There is nothing provoking or subversively irritating in
showing MT in an environment that signies wealth and European heritage, sitting in a
rococo chair surrounded by marble and chandeliers. On the contrary, it is conrming
what journalists and commentators suggest between the lines, when they emphasize
the large age dierence between the spouses, for example (ETN 2013; Worley 2017;
Burleigh 2017); namely that MT married Trump out of expediency and for his money,
again conforming that she is not only a slut, but also a trickster. The signication and
exotization of MT as Eastern European is further shown in another scene copied from
Beyoncés video Sorry.Connected to the choice to locate Melanianadein the New
York City Trump Tower to critique the newly rich pomp, extravagance, and wastefulness
is the choice of attire. Melanianadeexchanges Beyoncés strong sassy Black feminists
body-positivity for a mix of the conventional style of upper-class white American
conservatives and the exuberant in-your-face splendor we know from popular gures
such as the Kardashians or Paris Hilton. The decoration of MT with diamonds, fur, and
sexy designer dresses and accessories (Gucci) conforms to the stereotypical depiction
10 K. WIEDLACK
of Eastern European women as sexy bitchesor sluts once again. The references to
European labels and style are intended to mock Donald Trumps public announcements
to boost the American economy and American products, while his wife continues to buy
European fashion (Kate Dwyer 2017; Vanessa Friedman 2017). This form of mockery
furthers the already strong depreciation of women in general and Eastern European
women in particular as supercial, and indeed articial, attention-hungry Barbie dolls.
Essentializing the in-between
Before closing this article I come back to my argument that Eastern European othering
needs to be understood as a form of racialization in a relational geo-temporal context.
MTs body and persona, as already established, appear in Melanianadeas distinctly
dierent to the African American bodies of its model Sorry. Since Beyoncé is not just
an African American R&B singer, but also a very popular Black feminist, MTsOtherness
needs to be understood as doubled: she is the Other to African American bodies, as well as
to the highly progressive (developed) US-American feminist intellectual. This Otherness can
be analyzed by Kulpa and Mizielińska (2011) as signifying her stereotypical Eastern
European latenessor unoriginality.As an Eastern European woman, she can only be
seen as a copy of the developed and liberal. A signicant clue to Melanias construction as
latecomerto modernity and progress is her last sentence in Melanianade,shortly
before she and the other women obediently and quietly follow Alec Balwin, as Donald
Trump, out of the room: Iwrotethatallbymyself.This sentence addresses the real MTs
rst public speech at the Republican National Convention during Trumps campaign for
president. The speech was in large parts plagiarized from Michelle Obamas Democratic
National Convention speech in Denver in 2008 (Gregory Krieg, Eric Bradner, and Eugene
Scott 2016; David A. Graham 2016). While many of the comments following the speech
were sexist and derogatory, the Washington Post stood out by running an article that
explained Melanias plagiarism with the culture of cheating in eastern European schools
(Monika Nalepa 2016). According to the journalist Monika Nalepa, MTspenchantfor
plagiarism is a result of the communist-era educational system that emphasized memor-
izing rather than individual thinking. In an open letter to the Washington Post published in
the Balkanist, the North American scholars Irina Ceric, Ana Grujic, Jasmina Tumbas, and
Bojana Videkanic (2016)weretherst to strongly reject and uncover the culturalist
sentiment behind such a claim. Feminist voices from within Eastern Europe equally
criticized this stereotypical claim (Agata Pyzik 2016;P
rtoric2017), understanding MTs
defamation as product of the uncreative post-communist East as the peak of more general
derogatory discourses that project stereotypical characteristics onto the current First Lady.
The view on Eastern European people as unable to produce original thinking, and
accordingly stealing from their Western peers, does not only conrm their questionable
morals and character, it also conrms the superiority of Western (here US) thinking,
culture, and being. This sentiment is just another version of the previously identied
trickster stereotype. Mirroring this essentialized character trait of Eastern Europeanness at
the level of sound, music, and visual art, Melanianadecopies BeyonssongSorry.
Involuntarily, it exploits the cultural signication of Beyonsalbumandsongasa
comment of racialization and racialized oppression to enhance the visibility of MTs
ethnicity, as a comic relief. At the same time, the piece does not explicitly talk about or
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 11
criticize the common exoticizing and racialization of MT, thereby rather reiterating the
oppressive mechanisms and at the same time whitewashing the Black critique of
Beyoncés art. The fact that the video is intentionally feminist and carries the connotation
of feminist critique supports the interpretation of its political correctness, hence the
ignorance towards the video's racism.
Conclusion
Reading the SNL clip Melanianadeas a satirical version of more general media
representations of MT, I analyzed the specic forms of othering and racialization as
white Eastern European women in this article. In the short comedy video we can see
clearly how political discourse engages with stereotypical narratives around Eastern
European women to delegitimize not only or primarily MT, but rather the powerful
white men she becomes co-constructed with. The parody is a rich example of multiple
dierent aspects of othering Eastern European women: it others MT through her
accented speech, hairstyle, attitude, the look in her eyes, and the way she curls her
lips. Her clothing style, sexualized body performance, and accented language are
imbued with racial meanings through their connection to specic occupational positions
(sex work), immigration discourses, and discussions on dishonesty or fraud (trickster
identity and plagiarism). As representations of dierence, these aspects of physical or
bodily dierences can be understood as racialized. The processes of racialization, how-
ever, become understandable only in a reection of the videos mimicking Beyoncés
video Sorry.The song and video Sorryare interpreted as thematizing Black American
history, and feminist African American culture, as part of Beyoncéscoming outas
Black activist. Closely analyzing the comedy video Melanianadein comparison and
relation to Sorry,I have shown that the meanings of Sorryare as signicant for the
understanding of Melanianadeas the latters content, sound, and visuals. In focusing
on the representation of the ctitious MT in contrast and relation to Beyoncé in her
video Sorry,I have argued that the racialization of Eastern European women can best
be accounted for as in-betwennessby understanding their locatedness in connection
to hegemonic white men and women of color on the intersection of gender, class, age,
origin, language, and sexuality. I have further shown that contemporary racializations of
MT as Eastern European woman go back to ideas of development and civilization.
Following these ideas, Eastern European women are dignied with exotic (old-fash-
ioned) femininity, and constructed as desiring (and conrming) the domination of
Northwestern men. The appeal in their exoticism lies particularly in their similarity
(including whiteness) to those who create and direct their invisible/visible Otherness.
Sexualizing MT, signifying her Otherness through style and language/pronunciation and
understanding her as cheater/trickster, slut, and victim of her husbands toxic masculi-
nity, makes sure that she stays arrestedin the in-between of Eastern Europeanness. In
other words, as white woman, marked through a dierence not only to other racialized
women, but also white American-born women, MT is assigned to the class of the almost-
but-not-quite-yet accomplished progressive and modern working women. The gesture
behind Melanianadeis clearly a feminist one, trying to use and show leveraged
pedagogy, to lovingly bully the real MT into her own emancipation and make her
want to change her husband. Unfortunately, by appropriating the video Sorry,and
12 K. WIEDLACK
building on its signication as a stronghold of Black feminism, the video whitewashes
the same Black feminism, by leaving out a critique of racialization and race-based
violence, and essentializes the racialization of MT as Eastern European Other.
Notes
1. The terminology of Eastern Europeanis used to make the construction of bodily and
character dierences visible. It participates in the construction of dierence and othering, as
much as it deconstructs it. It muddles white citizens from East of Slovenias border with Italy
to West of Russias shore at the Benign Sea into an undistinguishable exoticized mass of
people that allegedly share some very specic, often contradictory physical and mental
characteristics. Using such a messy and imprecise label, I aim to highlight the violence of
simplications and categorization, intending to ght its oppressive forces, and not increase
them. Hopefully, I open a critical discussion of the violence involved in the racialized and
sexualized cultural construction of Eastern European women.
2. By the time this article is published, Kellyanne Conway has been red as spokesperson and
Omarosa Manigault is no longer Director of Communications.
3. Expensive, tall high heels designed by the Spanish designer Manolo Blahnik that arguably
have become some kind of an upper-class status symbol much like other designer labels
such as Chanel or Dior.
4. Especially, the pussy-bow blouse signies American high-end fashion. Its emergence is
connected to prestigious designers such Coco Chanel and Yves Saint Laurent (Stella
Bruzzi 2012, 49).
5. Whitenessis not an essence, natural, or even a color, or fact that can be proven, seen or
identied. Rather, it is a construct and signication that is attributed to certain bodies in
certain context at certain moments in time.
6. I use ethnicity and race here interchangeably, not to argue that they are the same, but to
highlight how US-American discourses use ethnicity to delegitimize debates about white
privilege and racism. These discourses do indeed use ethnicity in exchange for race. In the
wake of Black Pride, white American minorities claimed their ethnicity to mark their position
to reject their involvement in white hegemony and, by labeling African Americanness as
ethnicity as well, delegitimizing claims of racism against people of color and Black
Americans (Matthew Jacobson 2006,2022).
7. The historian Prothero (2016)describes the public ght for gaining national cultural
hegemony between US-American conservatives and liberals from Jeerson to Gay Marriage.
8. Conservatives on the far right early on derided Melania with sexist and exoticizing, cultur-
alizing, and sometimes racializing comments during the presidential campaign. Even the
Trump-endorsing New York Post reprinted nude photographs of Melania from 1996 and
2001 (The Mirror 2016), that were then repeated or at least commented on by every major
newspaper, mostly in derogatory language (Trebay 2016). In March 2016 a conservative
anti-Trump SuperPAC Make America Awesome,ran a series of extraordinarily low-budget,
meme-like ads telling Mormons on Facebook and Instagram to vote for Ted Cruz(Christina
Cauterucci 2016). One of the ads used an image from a British GQ prole of Melania, then
Donald Trumps girlfriend, from 2000, where she lies naked on a fur rug, warning that she
could be the next rst lady. The liberal press is not much more prone to sympathize with
the Slovenian-American First Lady and instead activates the most derogatory stereotypes
about Eastern European women.
Disclosure statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the author.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 13
Funding
This work was supported by the Austrian Science Fund [T767-G28]
Notes on contributor
Katharina Wiedlack is currently post-doctoral research fellow in American studies at the Europa-
Universität Flensburg, Germany. Previously she was post-doctoral fellow at the Department of
English and American Studies, University of Vienna, and visiting professor at the Centre for
Advanced Media Studies, Johns Hopkins University. Her research elds are queer and feminist
theory, popular culture, post-socialist and post-Soviet studies, and decolonial and disability
studies. Currently, she is working on a research project focused on the construction of Russias
most vulnerable citizens within Western media. E-mail: kathiwiedlack@gmail.com
ORCID
Katharina Wiedlack http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9236-8819
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16 K. WIEDLACK
... 5 In her analysis of MT's perception in US-American culture, Wiedlack ascribes her Otherness to her Slovenian descent. She argues that even though MT's whiteness and beauty have the potential to blend into elite society, her public sexualisation as well as her classification as a victim of her husband's toxic masculinity assign her to the position of "Eastern European under-classness" (Wiedlack, 2019). Undoubtedly, MT's "Eastern Europeanness" largely fuelled the negative stereotypes ascribed to her public persona. ...
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This book examines the highly ambivalent implications and effects of anti-elitism. It draws on this theme as a cross-cutting entry point to provide transdisciplinary analysis of current conjunctures and their contradictions, drawing on examples from popular culture and media, politics, fashion, labour and spatial arrangements. Using the toolboxes of media and discourse analysis, hegemony theory, ethnography, critical social psychology and cultural studies more broadly, the book surveys and theorizes the forms, the implications and the ambiguities and limits of anti-elitist formations in different parts of the world. Anti-elitist sentiments colour the contemporary political conjuncture as much as they shape pop cultural and media trends. Populists, right-wing authoritarian ones and others, direct their anger at cultural, political and, sometimes, economic elites while supporting other elites and creating new ones. At the same time, "elitist" knowledge and expertise, decision-making power and taste regimes are being questioned in societal transformations that are discussed much more positively under headlines such as participation or democratization. The book brings together a group of international, interdisciplinary case studies in order to better understand the ways in which the battle cry "against the elites" shapes current conjunctures and possible future politics, focusing on themes such as nationalist political discourse in India, Austria, the UK and Hungary, labour struggles and anti-oligarchy rhetoric in Russia, tax-avoiding elites and fiscal imaginaries, working-class agency, Melania Trump as a celebrity narrative in Slovenia, aesthetic codes of the Alt-Right, football hooliganism in Germany, "hipster hate" in German political discourse or the politics of expertise and anti-elite iconography in high fashion internationally. The book is intended for undergraduates, postgraduates and postdoctoral researchers.
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This is a bilingual collection of articles in English and in French by a group of international scholars who discuss the phenomenon of color in many different disciplines—which makes it possible to reflect on what the color experience means in various domains of human (and animal) life. Our contributions offer intercultural explorations from many corners of the color community. They deal with color as symbolism, in comparative linguistics, as a matter of feeling, cognition and epistemology, in Native American painting, about meanings of color in exemplary literary texts, in pop culture and fashion, in feminist argumentations, as an issue of the visual regimes of race in different art forms, of spirituality in Judeo-Christian culture and Islam as well as Modernist aesthetics, as a matter of color taxonomy at the Vatican and among traditional Zuni artists, in the business of dyeing textiles and its history, and in terms of technical issues such as the use of color to signal authenticity (stamps, paper money!), “unnatural” colors (fluorescence), or the role of color in new urban architecture.
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This article addresses the question of how the racial habitus of Polish White female converts (PWFCs) to Islam is performed in different social settings. We draw from in-depth interviews with 35 PWFCs living in Poland and the United Kingdom. While the notion of habitus has been used to analyze socialization into Islam, racial habitus has not been analyzed in relation to White converts to Islam. We argue that White habitus is an important concept that elucidates racial positioning among White converts in multiracial Muslim settings. Whiteness, often indexed in the data as “Europeanness,” is foundational for the PWFC identity. Furthermore, we extend the understanding of how Whiteness operates in Eastern Europe through the analysis of the White habitus among those who occupy non-normative places in racial and religious hierarchies. Thus, this article contributes to a growing body of scholarship on decentering Whiteness in Eastern Europe.
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In 2017, the #MeToo movement garnered international attention when millions of people used it to share experiences of sexual violence via social media. Through an analysis of 570 tweets randomly and purposively sampled within the first 24 hours of the movement, we were interested in answering the following questions: (1) What emotions are present in #MeToo tweets?; and (2) What are the vernacular practices in the #MeToo movement, and how do they convey affect? Through applying Robert Plutchik (2000) structural model of emotion, we were able to identify a wider range of emotions evident in feminist hashtag campaigns than has previously been identified and analyse their varied functions. Furthermore, we show how the difficulty in narrating personal experiences of violence and sharing discernible emotions via this hashtag fed into four vernacular practices, which we argue stimulate affect. Thus, the article contributes to a more nuanced understanding of two often conflated concepts—emotion and affect—and their different roles within #MeToo. The article ultimately shows how a movement such as #MeToo can be highly affective, even when participants disclose very little emotion or detail.
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In this paper, we examine online audience discourse surrounding the superhero film Birds of Prey, a new addition to the wave of female-centric films within the genre. Numerous studies have focused on the gendered industry politics surrounding the production of such films, as well as their representations of women and women’s narratives. This study turns to the film’s audience on Twitter, understanding their negotiation of cinematic feminisms through the conceptual lens of postfeminism. Through a mixed methods analysis of public tweets, we unpack how the film facilitates contentious practices of postfeminist audiencing. We argue that audience discussions surrounding the film are organized around overlapping frames of feminist affirmation and cinematic politicisation. These dual discursive processes of postfeminist media consumption comprise audience constructions of Birds of Prey’s feminism as raging, calibrated, overbearing, or immaterial. Taken together, these constructions of cinematic feminism depart from dichotomous views of postfeminist advances in media representation encountering misogynistic backlash. Instead, we observe a multipolar discursive landscape in which audiences may perform diverse forms of postfeminist and anti-feminist solidarity and conflict. However, we also underscore that these diverse appraisals remain circumscribed within overarching neoliberal logics which tie commercial value to collective performances of gendered subjectivities.
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The article analyzes the humor of a 2017 Full Frontal skit concerned with the publication of Ivanka Trump’s “feminist” self-help book Women Who Work. In the skit, Full Frontal’s host Samantha Bee takes issue with how the book misrepresents feminist (labor) politics, and calls out as politically dangerous the alignment of Ivanka’s neoliberal rhetoric of empowerment with the neoconservative or “retrotopian” politics of the Trump administration. The article suggests that the skit performs its critical intervention in two ways: on the one hand, by humorously appropriating Ivanka’s language in order to criticize her neoliberal resignification of feminist politics, and on the other hand, by highlighting the contrast between Ivanka’s composed, traditionally feminine behavior and Bee’s unruly comic bodily comportment. As the article shows, the skit creates humor around this contrast to call attention to the gendered mechanisms that have prevented women’s bodies from appearing both as comedians and as public speakers. The article closes with a caveat, pointing to the recent commodification of humor itself in neoliberal news media contexts, a development that severely curtails the transgressive feminist potential of Bee’s skit.
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This paper investigates the long-term causes behind massive feminist student protests in Chile in 2018. Based on in-depth interviews with key protagonists, it argues that the 2018 cycle owed a great deal to small feminist groups emerging during the prior decade within various student networks. Animated by sustained deliberation about the shortcomings of student sexual politics and a surge of feminism in Chile and abroad, these communities brought feminist ideas into the student movement, contributing to the development of identities, frames, organizations, and repertoires that facilitated the take-off of protest in 2018. More generally, the paper suggests that attention to deliberative talk and critical communities illuminates how processes of movement spillover, cognitive liberation, and resource-building transform existing social movements, igniting protests around new demands.
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This paper identifies an affective aesthetic of “quirkiness” that femme meme authors popularized on Instagram. Building on feminist scholarship that reads new media through affect theory, this paper isolates quirkiness to understand how social media impacts Millennial and Generation Z understandings of intimacy and creates digital intimate publics. The femme memes analyzed as quirky create a similar experience for viewers because their authors express a frustration with navigating social expectations as a non-ideal neoliberal subject, especially as an individual dealing with mental illness. Quirkiness, I argue, engages the tension of social contra private by proliferating dissonance through frank revelations, satires of postfeminism, and ironic detachment. In this dissonance, quirkiness reads as absurd and bizarre and yet also—if understood properly—authentic and relatable. Quirkiness deploys the author’s affective labor to create intimacy for the viewer, who relates positively with the author’s cathartic expression of non-normative perspectives. Through the mechanics of Instagram, quirkiness inadvertently undergoes commodification and re-packages intimacy as cultural currency.
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Feminist media studies of postsocialism are well practised at explaining how ideologies of gender and nation reinforce each other amid neoliberal capitalism on Europe’s semi-periphery. They extend this, by critiquing media marginalization of Roma, into addressing regional formations of race. Yet they rarely go on to contextualize the region’s place within “race” as a global structure of feeling, or how transnational processes of “race in translation” operate in postsocialism—as necessary as this would be to fulfil ever-more-frequent calls to combine postsocialist and post-colonial analytical lenses. Vestiges of racial exceptionalism thus still often characterize postsocialist studies despite Anikó Imre’s intervention against them more than a decade ago. This paper traces how south-east European pop-folk music’s politics of representation, “modernity” and “Balkanness” interact with aesthetics of ethnic/racial ambiguity in Western female celebrity to translate globalized, racialized tropes of exoticism into postsocialist national media cultures. By explaining how pop-folk female celebrity translates the transnational racialized aesthetics of so-called “ethnic simultaneity” into postsocialist glamour, the paper puts Imre’s intervention against racial exceptionalism into practice, expanding postsocialist feminist media studies’ conceptual tools for understanding the regional politics of ethnicity into engagement with the global politics of race. © 2019
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The New Immigrant Whiteness examines representations of post-1980s migration from the former USSR to the United States as responses to the global extension of neoliberalism and as contributions to studies of immigration and whiteness. The book analyzes representations of the new diaspora in reality TV shows, parental memoirs of transnational adoption, fiction about irregular migration, and interviews with highly skilled and marriage immigrants. A study of post-Soviet immigrants’ participation in these diverse forms of US migration highlights the importance of legal status for accessing segmented US citizenship rights and complements the prevailing emphasis on the significance of collective group characteristics for immigrant adaptation and transnationalism. The book traces the emergence of discourses that associate the post-USSR diaspora with the upwardly mobile and assimilationist trajectories of early twentieth-century European immigrants toward a pan-European whiteness, and extend this notion to residents of the former USSR who participate in marriage and adoptive migration. The New Immigrant Whiteness also examines representations that place the post-Soviet diaspora in dialogue with Latina/o and Asian American migration to set an agenda for comparative work that displaces immigrant whiteness from its centrality as a US founding mythology despite significant domestic and global changes. The book is unique in its focus on migration from the former USSR, its internal diversity, and its relationship to other US migrant groups. It is also unique in combining the methodologies of various fields, including literary and cultural studies, social sciences, and media studies.
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Mapping representations of post-1980s immigration from the former Soviet Union to the United States in interviews, reality TV shows, fiction, and memoirs, Claudia Sadowski-Smith shows how this nationally and ethnically diverse group is associated with idealized accounts of the assimilation and upward mobility of early twentieth-century arrivals from Europe. As it traces the contributions of historical Eastern European migration to the emergence of a white racial identity that continues to provide privileges to many post-Soviet migrants, the book places the post-USSR diaspora into larger discussions about the racialization of contemporary US immigrants under neoliberal conditions. "The New Immigrant Whiteness" argues that legal status on arrival — as participants in refugee, marriage, labor, and adoptive migration — impacts post-Soviet immigrants’ encounters with growing socioeconomic inequalities and tightened immigration restrictions, as well as their attempts to construct transnational identities. The book examines how their perceived whiteness exposes post-Soviet family migrants to heightened expectations of assimilation, explores undocumented migration from the former Soviet Union, analyzes post-USSR immigrants’ attitudes toward anti-immigration laws that target Latina/os, and considers similarities between post-Soviet and Asian immigrants in their association with notions of upward immigrant mobility. A compelling and timely volume, "The New Immigrant Whiteness" offers a fresh perspective on race and immigration in the United States today.
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From fan-generated content on TikTok to music videos, the contemporary media landscape is becoming ever more vast, spectacular, and intense. In The Media Swirl Carol Vernallis examines short-form audiovisual media—Beyoncé’s Lemonade, brief sequences from Baz Luhrmann’s The Great Gatsby, TikTok challenges, YouTube mashups, commercials, and many other examples—to offer ways of understanding digital media. She analyzes music videos by Beyoncé, Lady Gaga, Janelle Monáe, Kendrick Lamar, Anderson .Paak, and others to outline how sound and image enhance each other and shape a viewer’s mood. Responding to today’s political-media landscape through discussions of Fox News and Presidential inaugurations, Vernallis shows how a media literacy that exceeds newscasts and campaign advertising is central to engaging with the democratic commons. Forays into industry studies, neuroscience, and ethics also inform her readings. By creating our own content and knowing what corporations, the wealthy, and the government do through media, Vernallis contends, we can create a more just world.