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UN Conferences and Constructivist Governance of the Environment
... Although growth in individual countries happened at different paces and has continued, especially when oil and gas prices are high, between the 1970s up until the early 2000s can be considered as the era where the bulk of economic and demographic growth took place in the GCC Basel Convention (1989, 1992) 1989199219891993199519951989199019891992Cartagena Protocol (2000, 2003 2012 (1992, 1993) 1992 1996 1992 2002 1992 1995 1992 1996 2001 1992 2000 Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (1973, 1975) 2012201220022002200120011996199619901990 United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (1994, 1996) 1997 1995 1997 1996 1999 1997 1998 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992, 1994) 1992 1994 1994 1992 1995 1996 1994 1995 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982, 1994) 19821985198219861983198919842002198419961982Vienna Convention (1985, 1988) 199019921999199619931989 region. For most of this time, GCC countries were conceived as indispensable for a reliable supply of carbon resources, and they still currently hold around 30% of oil and around 20% of global gas reserves (BP 2018). ...
... Although growth in individual countries happened at different paces and has continued, especially when oil and gas prices are high, between the 1970s up until the early 2000s can be considered as the era where the bulk of economic and demographic growth took place in the GCC Basel Convention (1989, 1992) 1989199219891993199519951989199019891992Cartagena Protocol (2000, 2003 2012 (1992, 1993) 1992 1996 1992 2002 1992 1995 1992 1996 2001 1992 2000 Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (1973, 1975) 2012201220022002200120011996199619901990 United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (1994, 1996) 1997 1995 1997 1996 1999 1997 1998 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992, 1994) 1992 1994 1994 1992 1995 1996 1994 1995 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982, 1994) 19821985198219861983198919842002198419961982Vienna Convention (1985, 1988) 199019921999199619931989 region. For most of this time, GCC countries were conceived as indispensable for a reliable supply of carbon resources, and they still currently hold around 30% of oil and around 20% of global gas reserves (BP 2018). ...
... Although growth in individual countries happened at different paces and has continued, especially when oil and gas prices are high, between the 1970s up until the early 2000s can be considered as the era where the bulk of economic and demographic growth took place in the GCC Basel Convention (1989, 1992) 1989199219891993199519951989199019891992Cartagena Protocol (2000, 2003 2012 (1992, 1993) 1992 1996 1992 2002 1992 1995 1992 1996 2001 1992 2000 Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (1973, 1975) 2012201220022002200120011996199619901990 United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (1994, 1996) 1997 1995 1997 1996 1999 1997 1998 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992, 1994) 1992 1994 1994 1992 1995 1996 1994 1995 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982, 1994) 19821985198219861983198919842002198419961982Vienna Convention (1985, 1988) 199019921999199619931989 region. For most of this time, GCC countries were conceived as indispensable for a reliable supply of carbon resources, and they still currently hold around 30% of oil and around 20% of global gas reserves (BP 2018). ...
After decades of reluctance, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries are now more engaged within the global sustainability agenda. Though they historically sought to coordinate strategies, differences in environmental diplomacy and participation modes currently exist. This article examines these differences and links diplomacy to political and economic considerations during different eras. It maps positions, activism in multilateral agreements, and investigates recent changes in light of increased domestic pressures and the rise of formalised national visions. The increased global environmental engagement of GCC countries can yield better outcomes, but environmental pillars do not feature highly in their current visions.
... To further examine how civil society can have an impact on normative frameworks which lead to shaping political decision-making, constructivism is an invaluable approach. Haas (2002) states that constructivist academics primarily examine the institutional, discursive, and intersubjective processes that contribute to the formation of international governance (p. 74). ...
... These players exert a pivotal effect on the formulation of policies at both the national and international levels. Haas (2002) states that these conferences have had a substantial impact on enhancing the involvement of new participants in international environmental policy. Consequently, this has resulted in significant societal transformations and the acceptance of novel principles and criteria in safeguarding the environment. ...
This particular article will utilize a constructivist approach, in order to analyze the various dynamics of the involvement of civil society in environmental governance in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically focusing on its position inside the European Union. Based on the philosophical principles of constructivism, this study investigates how civil society, as an active and socially produced participant, influences the complex landscape of environmental regulation in the European Union. The study primarily investigates the constructive mechanisms that promote engagement between civil society and government authorities. It specifically tackles the areas of lobbying, grassroots mobilization, and engagement with partners. Moreover, it analyzes the influence of civil society on environmental policies and their enhancement through the analysis of case studies and theoretical methodologies centered in constructivism. This study intends to clarify the ongoing conflict and constructivism in environmental governance and demonstrate how civil society’s constructive engagement facilitates democratic decision-making and contributes to the advancement of sustainability objectives.
... Det er ikke gjort mange studier som spesifikt vurderer effekter av det internasjonale konferansediplomatiet, kanskje som en følge av metodiske problemer med å avdekke årsaksforhold, et uoversiktlig empirisk landskap og komplekse sammenhenger. Noen unntak finnes, blant dem Fomerand (1996), som redegjør for kritikken mot slike enkeltstående begivenheter, men i likhet med Haas (2002) viser at konferansene over tid kan ha verdifulle indirekte effekter. Haas (2002) og Seyfang og Jordan (2002) peker i hovedsak på de positive effektene av globale FN-konferanser, spesielt med hensyn til det vi kan kalle et laeringsperspektiv, der oppmerksomhet, kunnskap, forståelse og normdannelse står sentralt. ...
... Noen unntak finnes, blant dem Fomerand (1996), som redegjør for kritikken mot slike enkeltstående begivenheter, men i likhet med Haas (2002) viser at konferansene over tid kan ha verdifulle indirekte effekter. Haas (2002) og Seyfang og Jordan (2002) peker i hovedsak på de positive effektene av globale FN-konferanser, spesielt med hensyn til det vi kan kalle et laeringsperspektiv, der oppmerksomhet, kunnskap, forståelse og normdannelse står sentralt. Alle disse artiklene ble imidlertid publisert før toppmøtet i Johannesburg, og de har derfor ikke vurdert den seneste utviklingen på området sett i forhold til hva som skjedde i Stockholm og Rio. ...
... Por fim, a seção cinco apresenta as conclusões e as implicações políticas e acadêmicas deste trabalho. soft norms e normas restritivas (Varella 2009 (Haas 2002). Conversas & Controvérsias, Porto Alegre, v. 11, n. 1, p. 1-12, jan.-dez. ...
Este artigo explora a relação entre o consenso científico sobre desa-fios ambientais globais e o consenso político estabelecido por meio de acordos internacionais para lidar com essas questões. A pesquisa mapeia os tratados internacionais ambientais assinados desde 1920, categorizando-os em relação às fronteiras planetárias-um arcabouço conceitual e metodológico desenvolvido em 2009 nas ciências ambientais para quantificar os impactos das atividades humanas nos sistemas terrestres. Metodologicamente, o estudo envolveu a seleção e análise de conteúdo dos tratados ambientais. Dada a necessidade de intensificação do multilateralismo para lidar com tais desafios ambientais, a pesquisa conclui que incorporar as contribuições das fronteiras planetárias nos consensos políticos exigirá esforços coordenados dos atores na política ambien-tal internacional e uma consciência das diferenças de linguagens das ciências ambientais e da política internacional para aprimorar o diálogo.
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This article examines the relationship between the scientific consensus on global environmental challenges and the political consensus, established through international agreements, to address these issues. The research maps international environmental treaties signed since 1920, categorizing them in relation to planetary boundaries. This framework was developed in 2009 in the ecological sciences to quantitatively assess the impact of human activities on Earth systems. The methodology employed in this article involved the selection and content analysis of environmental treaties. Given the need to intensify multilateralism to address these environmental challenges, the research concludes that integrating the contributions of planetary boundaries into the political consensus will need action by stakeholders in international environmental policy. There is a need to recognize the differences in the languages of ecological sciences and international politics to facilitate enhanced dialogue.
... The pattern of perception structure has long been identified in developing policy and governance, especially on environmental issues (Douglas and Wildavsky, 1982;Stone, 1997;Bernstein, 2001) by researchers on environmental policies (Haas, 2002). In the modern age of cohesion and relationship, the present global structural policy should be reshaped, to policy connection and dependency (Horvath et al., 2022; Tremblay et al., 2020), because any change in one territory would bring change far away in other territories. ...
... Aynan shu kabi xalqaro harakatlar natijalari koʻrsatib turibdiki, Barqaror rivojlanish boʻyicha Butunjahon Sammiti rejasini amalga oshirish davlatlarni yanada barqaror rivojlanish yoʻlida ilgʻor qadamlar qoʻyishga undashi kerak [20]. Biroq Barqaror rivojlanish boʻyicha Butunjahon Sammiti amalga oshirish rejasida keltirilgan barqaror turizm maqsadlariga erishish uchun tizimli harakatlar va milliy hamda xalqaro darajada yetarli resurslar (iqtisodiy, ijtimoiy, intellektual) mavjud boʻlishi kerakligi ham ta'kidlandi [21]. ...
... The concept of sustainable development is not new, as it has invoked numerous intellectual debates over the decades. Many of these debates are situated around global environmental politics (Haas, 2002), which examine relationships between global political forces and environmental change. The politics of the environment also focus on the implications of local-global interactions for environmental management, as well as the implications of environmental change and environmental governance (Backstrand, 2006). ...
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development was adopted by all member states of the United Nations (UN) in 2015. One year later, Habitat III, the first UN global summit to adopt the sustainable development agenda, took place in Quito, Ecuador. Habitat III served as a forum for discussing the planning and management of human settlements for promoting sustainability. Global stakeholders are increasingly acknowledging that Agenda 2030 must embrace people-centred approaches to address the interconnectivity of today’s challenges in order to deliver its transformative promise to human settlements. To this end, human safety and security, which is concerned with whether people live in conflict or peace, provides an effective programming framework for promoting inclusive and sustainable human settlements. This paper explores the nexus between human security and the sustainable development of human settlements. Drawing on a broad range of literature, the paper begins by considering the conceptual basis of sustainable development through the lens of inclusivity. This is followed by a detailed explanation of why human security is central to promoting the sustainability of settlements. The paper also offers some insight into measuring and modelling human security for the purpose of sustainable settlement programming. The paper concludes by offering some thoughts about why statutory public safety stakeholders should work with communities and civil society in order to secure and sustain positive gains for human settlements.
... The role of cognitive frames in shaping policy and governance in general (Douglas and Wildavsky, 1982;Stone, 1997) and on the environment in particular (Bernstein, 2001) has long been recognized by a range of scholars within public policy, transnational governance and global environmental politics (e.g. Haas, 2002). Cashore and colleagues contributed to this literature by reflecting on the types of problems that confronted environmental and sustainability challenges. ...
Over fifty years of global conservation has failed to bend the curve of biodiversity loss, so we need to transform the ways we govern biodiversity. The UN Convention on Biological Diversity aims to develop and implement a transformative framework for the coming decades. However, the question of what transformative biodiversity governance entails and how it can be implemented is complex. This book argues that transformative biodiversity governance means prioritizing ecocentric, compassionate and just sustainable development. This involves implementing five governance approaches - integrative, inclusive, adaptive, transdisciplinary and anticipatory governance - in conjunction and focused on the underlying causes of biodiversity loss and unsustainability. Transforming Biodiversity Governance is an invaluable source for academics, policy makers and practitioners working in biodiversity and sustainability governance. This is one of a series of publications associated with the Earth System Governance Project. For more publications, see www.cambridge.org/earth-system-governance. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
... The role of cognitive frames in shaping policy and governance in general (Douglas and Wildavsky, 1982;Stone, 1997) and on the environment in particular (Bernstein, 2001) has long been recognized by a range of scholars within public policy, transnational governance and global environmental politics (e.g. Haas, 2002). Cashore and colleagues contributed to this literature by reflecting on the types of problems that confronted environmental and sustainability challenges. ...
Around one million species of animals and plants are threatened with extinction. It is increasingly clear that this tragedy can only be avoided through transformative change (IPBES, 2019). This chapter aims to understand why the current state of biodiversity is so fragile, despite over half a century of global conservation efforts, and develop insights for more effective ways forward. We argue that past efforts have failed in part because they are based on an “ill-fit for purpose” problem analysis, and that reconfiguring problem conceptions shows promising directions for identifying novel strategies for triggering transformative change.
... Unlike proponents of utilitarian theories, constructivists look at how norms are constructed in global politics (Barnett 2005;Barnett and Finnemore 1999;Van Dijk 2001;Finnemore and Sikkink 1998;Hurd 2008;Haas 2002;Jørgensen and Phillips 2002). From this perspective, terrorism is a social phenomenon that is constituted through political discourse (Heath-Kelly 2016;Jackson 2005;Martini 2021;Stohl, Burchil, and Englund 2017;Thorup 2010). ...
... In addition to the hallmark policy frameworks Rio Declaration and Agenda 21, UNCED resulted in new institutions as well as other structural and substantive reorientations, among which are the three "Rio Conventions" UNFCCC, UNCBD and UNCCD; the UN Forum on Forests (UNFF); the UN Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD); the so-called Rio process including the Rio +5 and Rio +10 conferences; and a new system of world sustainability conferences and networks (Haas, 2002;Fues & Hamm, 2001). The CSD, the main institutional outcome of UNCED aimed to play a crucial role in the field of sustainable development. ...
... Our selection strategy assumes that those ENGOs accredited to the Rio Conventions are the most important ENGOs for the construction of global environmental governance and discourse. On the importance of global environmental conferences to global environmental governance, see Haas [48] and Corson et al [49]. ...
Environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) exist worldwide, and since the 1980s they have increasingly influenced global environmental politics and environmental discourse. We analyze an original dataset of 679 ENGOs participating in global environmental conventions in the mid-2010s, and we apply quantitative content analysis to ENGO mission statements to produce an inductive typology of global environmental discourse. Discourse categories are combined with ENGO attribute data to visualize the political topology of this globally-networked ENGO sector. Our results confirm some common assertions and provide new insights. ENGOs are more diverse than conventionally recognized. Quantitative evidence confirms strong North-South disparities in human and financial resources. Four primary discourses are identified: Environmental Management, Climate Politics, Environmental Justice, and Ecological Modernization. We compare our typology to existing literature, where Climate Politics and Environmental Justice are under-appreciated, and we discuss ways to expand on the data and methods of this study. Synoptic empirical ENGO research is essential to accurately understanding the ENGO sector and global environmental politics.
... Dimitrov 2010;Witter et al. 2015). They are sites where nation states come together to review and advance the implementation of conventions or treaties by amending or further developing texts based on decisions taken at periodic meetings (Kaufmann 1988;Haas 2002). ...
This forum piece discusses why multilateral spaces are key ‘sites’ for studying struggles over environmental knowledge and how Collaborative Event Ethnography (CEE) can open up new avenues for Critical Policy Studies. Frank Fischer has argued that contestation over environmental knowledge is a discursive struggle over whose reality counts. Yet, the analysis of the structuring and ordering effects of ‘text’ also benefits from CEE during multilateral environmental agreement making, where participants dispute the meaning and place of words in the written document being negotiated. I will use the example of marine biodiversity negotiations to illustrate that the debate over environmental knowledge bears the deep mark of long-standing global imbalances between the Global North and the Global South. In order to understand these global imbalances and how they shape the ability of actors to determine the outcome of text-based negotiations I propose to link CEE to empirical studies of scientific fields. I will conclude by arguing that the potential of multilateral spaces to shift the epistemic order and change the world order for the better is the main reason why we should care about their future after the COVID-19 crisis has passed and find ways to strengthen their legitimacy.
... In this way, global meetings help "facilitate shifts in environmental policy and practice, by setting agendas, popularizing issues, generating new information, providing alerts[…]" (Campbell et al. 2014: 3). To understand global environmental politics and policy it is thus important to draw attention to the ways in which global meetings, and the networks that constitute them, operate to frame issues, solutions, and set agendas and priorities; and also who gets to do so (and who does not) (Haas 2002;Paterson, Humphreys and Pettiford 2003). These discursive and social practices have material consequences as they shape the allocation of resources and prioritization of actions on the ground and in global policy (Massé and Margulies under review). ...
The 2018 London Illegal Wildlife Trade (IWT) Conference was the fourth and biggest meeting on IWT convened at the initiative of the UK Government. Using a collaborative event ethnography, we examine the Conference as a site where key actors defined the problem of IWT as one of serious crime that needs to be addressed as such. We ask (a) how was IWT framed as serious crime, (b) how was this framing mobilized to promote particular policy responses, and (c) how did the framing and suggested responses reflect the privileging of elite voices? Answering these questions demonstrates the expanding ways in which thinking related to crime and policing are an increasingly forceful dynamic shaping conservation-related policy at the global level. We argue that the conservation-crime convergence on display at the 2018 London IWT Conference is characteristic of a conservation policy landscape that increasingly promotes and privileges responses to IWT that are based on legal and judicial reform, criminal investigations, intelligence gathering, and law enforcement technologies. Marginalized are those voices that seek to address the underlying drivers of IWT by promoting solutions rooted in sustainable livelihoods in source countries and global demand reduction. We suggest that political ecology of conservation and environmental crime would benefit from greater engagement with critical criminology, a discipline that critically interrogates the uneven power dynamics that shape ideas of crime, criminality, how they are politicized, and how they frame policy decisions. This would add further conceptual rigor to political ecological work that deconstructs conservation and environmental crime.
Keywords: illegal wildlife trade, poaching, conservation, crime, event ethnography, criminology
... Some academic observers dismiss unproductive UN conferences as failures, talk-shops, and media events that create photo opportunities but do little to address global problems (Fomerand 1996;Hoffman 2011). Others take unproductive conferences seriously as arenas for norms reinforcement (Haas 2002) or interpret "summit theatre" through a Foucauldian perspective, as mechanisms for structuring the conduct of global politics and reifying power relations and political orders (Hajer 2005;Blühdorn 2007;Death 2011). ...
Abstract
Why are some institutions without any policy powers or output? This study documents the efforts by governments to create empty international institutions whose mandates deprive them of any capacity for policy formulation or implementation. Examples include the United Nations Forum on Forests, the Copenhagen Accord on Climate Change, and the UN Commission on Sustainable Development. Research is based on participation in twenty-one rounds of negotiations over ten years and interviews with diplomats, policymakers and observers. The article introduces the concept of empty institutions, provides evidence from three empirical cases, theorizes their political functions, and discusses theoretical implications and policy ramifications. Empty institutions are deliberately designed not to deliver and serve two purposes. First, they are political tools for hiding failure at negotiations, by creating a public impression of policy progress. Second, empty institutions are “decoys” that distract public scrutiny and legitimize collective inaction, by filling the institutional space in a given issue area and by neutralizing pressures for genuine policy. Contrary to conventional academic wisdom, institutions can be raised as obstacles that pre-empt governance rather than facilitate it.
... While attention to conference diplomacy had been highlighted since 1968 (Haas 2002;Kaufmann 1968) and had been a feature of the research on UN Conference on humans and the Environment (UNCHE), held in Stockholm, Sweden in 1972 (Ivanova 2010), attention has mounted given the ease of access to megaconferences, their increased frequency in the environmental realm, and the emergence of civil society "parallel summits" at UNCED 1992 and beyond. At the individual regime level, the proliferation of types of actors as represented by the alphabet soup of official UN Observer designations (O'Neill 2019) also highlighted the diversity of voices present. ...
This forum traces the emergence of international negotiations as study sites in the field of global environmental politics, from its early days until the present. It sets the scene for the research articles in this special section, outlining why their contributions are timely, and takes advantage of advances in methods and conceptual analysis. The articles in this special section suggest the value of direct observation and ethnography in driving conceptual innovation and understanding how power and influence are exercised in such settings (including by the traditionally powerless). In doing so, they encourage debate over and offer new insights into processes the GEP field has been studying for close to fifty years.
... Like social movements previously studied, such initiatives often involve group gatherings, with their own forms of collective symbols, rituals and, to a greater or lesser extent, moral scripts. The idea that international environmental gatherings constitute a staged ritual or spectacle, involving emotionally arousing displays of ambition, hope, and group endeavour, has been observed in the literature (Death, 2011;Haas, 2002;Klinsky and Brankovic, 2018;Mahony, 2013;Paprocki, 2018;Schüssler et al., 2014). It is within this context of institutionally choreographed, emotionally-infused collective action that environmental networking initiatives might well foster solidarities, emotional energy and inspiration. ...
The past two decades have witnessed a proliferation of transnational networking initiatives aimed at addressing climate change. Previous work has suggested that these initiatives largely achieve their governance functions by fostering learning and resource acquisition. Our particular contribution seeks to advance current understanding of networking initiatives by suggesting that they may additionally perform social and emotional roles which galvanise, energise and motivate actors to pursue actions which advance domestic climate goals. To illustrate our argument, we examine GLOBE International, an inter-parliamentary institution focused on supporting the development of domestic legislation around sustainable development. Based on semi-structured interviews with legislators, we provide evidence that GLOBE functions as a network for learning, and particularly political learning. Yet participation in the group setting of the initiative's summits has additionally given rise to feelings of unity, emotional energy and inspiration. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings, which paint a richer, more complex picture of transnational climate governance than previously acknowledged in the literature.
... The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (created 1970) served as an early model for countries that sought to establish their own national environmental agencies. The increase in domestic environmental institutions after Stockholm is best understood as a policy diffusion process (Busch and Jörgens, 2005: 872-6), based on international harmonization and transnational communication (Holzinger, Knill and Sommerer, 2008), and with major international conferences and initiatives serving as important external stimuli (Haas, 2002). Union has established a constitutional commitment to developing international responses to environmental problems, 5 other major powers did so only implicitly. ...
This article develops an English School framework for analysing the emergence of new primary institutions in global international society, and applies this to the case of environmental stewardship. The article traces the impact that global environmentalism has had on the normative order of global international society, examines the creation of secondary institutions around this norm and identifies the ways in which these developments have become embedded in the constitution and behaviour of states. It assesses the ways in which environmental stewardship has interacted with the other primary institutions that compose global international society, changing some of the understandings and practices associated with them. The conclusions argue that environmental stewardship is likely to be a durable institution of global international society, and that it might be a harbinger of a more functional turn in its priorities.
... Several constructivist studies attend to climate policy discourses, whether in international organizations or different nations. Notable work in the first category includes Haas' (2002) review of UN conference contributions to a shift towards multilateral environmental governance, and Corell and Betsill's (2001) test of a framework for analyzing NGO influence in international environmental policy-making. Studies in the second category focus on the development of climate policy discourse patterns in nations such as India (Isaksen & Stokke, 2014), Australia (Christoff, 2013) and Sweden (Zannakis, 2009). ...
This chapter delves into the interplay between organizations and institutions, with a particular focus on IGOs’ decision-making processes. The text begins by examining the case of the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), illustrating the challenges IGOs face in navigating political environments while maintaining legitimacy. The chapter highlights how institutions, though often perceived as rational and technical entities, are deeply embedded in social and political contexts that shape their actions and decisions.
The discussion delves further into the concept of institutionalization within intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), emphasizing how the routines and practices that develop over time can stabilize as well as constrain organizational behavior. Utilizing examples such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) and INTERPOL, it highlights the tension between maintaining institutional autonomy and addressing the diverse needs of member states. Moreover, the analysis critically examines the notion of rational decision-making in IGOs. It proposes that although decision-making is often portrayed as a rational process, it is also shaped by social, cultural, and political factors that introduce elements of irrationality.
In addition, the chapter discusses the paradoxes and challenges associated with institutional design and reform, particularly in the context of global governance. It highlights how IGOs, despite their technical mandates, are subject to the same limitations of bounded rationality and are influenced by the broader institutional logics in which they operate. The text argues that understanding the relationship between organizations and institutions requires to considers both the formal structures and the informal dynamics that shape decision-making processes.
International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) have received important attention in the field of International Relations (IR). However, several apparent inconsistencies or “anomalies” have emerged as areas of concern for the discipline. These include the need for discretion in the management of IGOs, the accountability issues that arise from their decisions and actions, the degree of autonomy they possess, the power they can wield over states, the regulatory influence they can exert, and their ability to transcend the sovereignty of individual states. Despite this, the agency of individuals within IGOs and the agency of IGOs remain difficult to understand. This is particularly challenging given that IGOs are supposed to be subordinate to the power and decision-making of the states that establish them, yet they require a certain level of autonomy to be effective. This chapter provides a brief overview of the IR perspective on IGOs and discusses the most significant anomalies identified in IR studies of IGOs. It is observed that several of these anomalies can be explained by incorporating knowledge from organizational theories.
This chapter explores the intricate dynamics of International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) through the lenses of bounded rationality and organizational sensemaking. The text begins by presenting the challenges faced by IGOs, using the example of the World Health Organization (WHO) during health emergencies, to highlight the complexities of resource mobilization and coordination in unpredictable environments. The discussion then shifts to how IGOs, like all organizations, must navigate uncertainty by creating and sustaining meaning within their operations. This process of sensemaking involves establishing a shared interpretation of reality, which influences decision-making and organizational action. However, the chapter emphasizes that while bounded rationality strategies—such as heuristics and routines—help manage uncertainty, they can also lead to organizational rigidity and path dependency, creating challenges for adaptation in a changing environment.
The chapter further delves into the concept of organizational change, arguing that reform is often utilized by IGOs as a tool for legitimization. However, this change is not always substantive, as organizations may fall into cycles of perpetual reform that do not necessarily result in meaningful outcomes. The discussion also touches upon the paradoxical nature of sensemaking within organizations, where the need to interpret and give meaning to reality can create both clarity and constraints. These interpretations, once solidified, can become difficult to alter, even in the face of new challenges.
Throughout the chapter, various examples are used, such as the World Bank and IMF’s handling of the Mexican economic crisis in the 1990s, to illustrate how groupthink and organizational blindness can emerge from rigid sensemaking processes. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the implications of bounded rationality and sensemaking for the resilience and performance of IGOs, suggesting that while these strategies are essential for organizational functioning, they must be balanced with flexibility and adaptability to avoid becoming counterproductive.
Shrouded in myth and anecdote, diplomatic conferences are a place where old orders perish and new ones are born. They often stand for new beginnings and innovation in international politics. Frequently, they are not only a place where a new order is proclaimed, but in fact themselves contribute to the institutionalization of this new order. This is because conferences link political practice and institutional structure and thereby themselves can become the heart of a new political order. This introduction summarizes the state of research on conference diplomacy and provides a simple typology to demonstrate its diversity before briefly introducing the individual contributions of our book.
Autor skupia się na kolektywnej wiedzy, która inspiruje Organizację Narodów Zjednoczonych na rzecz przeciwdziałania globalnemu kryzysowi klimatycznemu. W dokumentacji tej instytucji, stanowiącej bazę źródłową artykułu, widoczne jest przenikanie wiedzy naukowej do sfery podejmowania decyzji politycznych. Autor przedstawia w zarysie stan aktualnej wiedzy naukowej w dziedzinie przemian klimatycznych oraz jej odzwierciedlenie zawarte w dokumentacji instytucjonalnej. Takie podejście jest w swych fundamentach oparte na konstruktywistycznym przesłaniu badawczym, które przyjmuje za fakt nierozłączność idei i interesów w kształtowaniu współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych. Wiedza tworzona zawsze w specyficznym kontekście społecznym wchodzi w zależności z procesami społecznymi, czego decydowanie polityczne jest jednym z elementów. Dyskurs klimatyczny w ramach ONZ i organizacji wyspecjalizowanych osadzony jest więc w kontekstualnych ramach tworzonych przez ekspercką wiedzę. Dlatego też decydenci polityczni odwołują się do wiedzy, która ma legitymizować ich decyzje, chociaż to oni ostatecznie ponoszą odpowiedzialność za podejmowane decyzje.
The recent decrease in deforestation suggests a success in global effort of halting it, yet the question on in the agency of United Nations Forum on Forests (UNFF) remains. Do these changes occur due to UNFF’s facilitation? To examine this, this paper utilizes Principal-Agent theory proposed by Hawkins et al., (2006) to explore UNFF’s autonomy and discretion and its role in halting deforestation. It will first analyse the historical and relational foundation of UNFF as an international organization (IOs) and then define the meaning of ‘problem-solved’ in terms of forest issue. It will then evaluate policy instruments and powers that UNFF holds using Martha & Finnemore’s argument on the power of IOs. This paper argues that UNFF is serving as a forum for global forestry governance. It faces challenges due to differing national interests, limited discretion and significant role of NGOs in influencing discussions and advocating for sustainable forest management. Tensions persists between developed and developing nations in forestry issue, thus UNFF plays the role of collaboration and coordinating agents through Collaborative Partnership on Forest (CPF). It possesses limited role as arbitrating and enforcing agent due to Non-Legally Binding Instruments (NLBI) preferences of member states. However, UNFF possesses the power in terms of diffusing norms accepted by members, that halting deforestation is non-negotiable.
The thesis examined South Africa’s interaction with climate change on the global scene and domestically in terms of policy and other regulatory frameworks aimed at addressing the climate change phenomenon. This was done in order to unearth the political interplay involved in South Africa’s approach towards climate change in view of its delicate position as both a contributor to climate change and one of the hard-hit by its adverse impacts. The researcher relied on systematic exposition and adaptation of key underpinnings of “complex interdependence” and “second image reversed” as a theoretical basis for discussion. On the other hand, the researcher used responses captured through in-depth interviews with purposively selected respondents and a range of secondary data. While the Nvivo software was used in the study to generate relevant themes and sub-themes, qualitative content analysis (QCA) was used to interpret the data collected using the themes and sub-themes as units of analysis. In addition to examining the environmental right as enshrined in the 1996 Constitution, two principal policy instruments for addressing climate change in South Africa, namely the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA, 1998) and the National Climate Change Response (NCCR, 2011) were reviewed in the study. In particular, the Business-As-Usual/Peak-Plateau-Decline (BAU/PPD) emission reduction trajectory and South Africa’s Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC) were also examined. This examination was done against the background of a historical analysis of the trajectory of the global environmental and climate change regimes and discussion on different aspects of South Africa’s involvement in the global climate change process. It was revealed that South Africa’s approach to climate change is characterized by a political interplay. At the global level, South Africa has been actively involved in the global climate change process, particularly within the UNFCCC framework, while at the domestic level there are puzzling challenges regarding its policy response to climate change. Much of these reflect in the failure of the country’s political leadership to muster strong will needed to bring about an end to the use of coal as a major energy source and foreign income earner; neutralize basic fossil fuel interests which seek to ensure that coal remains a growth catalyst in South Africa; prioritize climate change as an important issue of national concern rather than an environmental byproduct and, therefore, a side-issue which should not be taken seriously; mainstream climate change considerations and planning into all relevant sectors and national departments; pursue a more ambitious transition to a low carbon and climate resilient South Africa; and incentivize mitigation and adaptive behaviour in majority of South Africans as part of the overall efforts towards achieving a low-carbon transition.
The study concluded that the challenges are doable given greater commitment and deliberate actions on the part of the South African government, including support from the international community, mostly in terms of capacity building and technology transfer. In this regard, it recommended amongst others that South Africa’s low-carbon transition needs to go through a fresh consultation phase to allow for public comments and strong national position on climate change.
The diverse range of participants attending the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly makes these arenas a unique global setting where the formal and informal collide. This chapter examines the functions of these conferences for different actors. The analysis is structured around seven participant groups, and the chapter discusses the extent to which conference participation is a means for actors to fulfill their interests and priorities, obtain power or a more prominent position within Arctic affairs. While conferences are not governing arenas, the chapter sheds light on how conferences can be instrumental for people doing governance, as they provide a space for government officials to gain traction for national policies and present their interests in a certain light. The chapter further looks at whether conference engagement is a means for non-Arctic states to advance their claim as legitimate stakeholders in the region. In addition to focusing on individual actor groups, the chapter analyzes whether conferences contribute to changes in the overall actor composition of Arctic governance. Lastly, the chapter brings to light how the divergent philosophies behind the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly influences their value for different actors.
This chapter focuses on the potential of conferences as agenda-setting instruments. A central question is whether what takes place at conferences reflects general events and processes in Arctic governance or whether conference activities can influence these processes. The chapter accounts for agenda-setting efforts by the organizers of the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly and connects these to international developments at the time that opened a window of opportunity for these initiatives. The chapter also casts light on how participants can make use of conferences to sell their ideas and gain traction for their priorities, which is a particular key function for the epistemic community. The analysis of the agenda-setting function of conferences is conducted through the multiple streams framework. Three issues are of particular interest: the globalization of the Arctic agenda in the problem stream, the development of ideas with the epistemic community in the policy stream, and coalition building at conferences in the political stream. Lastly, the chapter discusses the advantages and challenges of conferences as agenda-setting arenas and how the difference in organization of the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly impacts their agenda-setting function.
This chapter situates the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly within Arctic governance and international affairs. First, it presents the theoretical framework applied for the analysis of the functions of conferences, consisting of neoliberalism, the multiple streams framework, and regime theory. Second, the chapter draws connections between developments in the Arctic conference realm and central international events and processes. Third, the chapter outlines an ideal model with characteristics of what a conference should accomplish. The remainder of the book discusses the extent to which the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly fulfill these criteria. Finally, the chapter presents the Arctic Frontiers and the Arctic Circle Assembly in detail, outlining the background and structure of the two conferences, participants and partners, and the strengths and weaknesses of each model for conference organizing. The chapter concludes with remarks about how the different philosophies behind the organization of the two conferences suggests that they create different spaces within Arctic governance and produce different outcomes for actors, as agenda-setting arenas, and within the overall Arctic governance architecture.
International Relations (IR) considers states to be the central actors in the international system, and IR’s main theories have been heavily focused on great powers. While many scholars that politics is about more than government and broadens the analytical emphasis to also include non-state, sub-national, sub-regional actors – conferences have attracted limited attention. Still, global conferences do function as arenas for states, non-state, sub-national and sub-regional entities to advance their interests and position within a region or within an issue area. Conferences are arenas for dialogue and cooperation, as well as for political games. This article adopts a comprehensive approach to what should be considered relevant empirical entities, and inquiries into the space for conferences in IR-analysis. The article applies realism and neoliberalism to conceptualise conferences within established frames of the discipline, and examine whether conferences can be instruments of statecraft, drivers of innovation, or contribute to shape preferences and outcomes. Applying these perspectives enables scholars to assess whether conferences have similar characteristics to institutions, or whether they should be treated as separate empirical entities within IR analysis. The article also questions the state-centric view of these perspectives by asking whether including conferences in analysis of policymaking can make an empirical contribution. Specifically, the article asks whether conferences produce outcomes that must be addressed when analysing how and where policy, diplomacy, deal-making and cooperation occur. The article looks specifically at the functions of conferences within Arctic governance, and the Arctic Circle Assembly in particular. The article accounts for the novel function conferences appear to have taken within Arctic governance – also for small states and non-state actors – and enquires what we can infer from this when examining both cooperation and interests within international relations.
As wildfires rage, pollution thickens, and species disappear, the world confronts environmental crisis with a set of global institutions in urgent need of reform. Yet, these institutions have proved frustratingly resistant to change. Introducing the concept of Temporal Focal Points, Manulak shows how change occurs in world politics. By re-envisioning the role of timing and temporality in social relations, his analysis presents a new approach to understanding transformative phases in international cooperation. We may now be entering such a phase, he argues, and global actors must be ready to realize the opportunities presented. Charting the often colorful and intensely political history of change in global environmental politics, this book sheds new light on the actors and institutions that shape humanity's response to planetary decline. It will be of interest to scholars and advanced students of international relations, international organization and environmental politics and history.
Interdisciplinary Perspectives on International Law and International Relations: The State of the Art brings together the most influential contemporary writers in the fields of international law and international relations to take stock of what we know about the making, interpretation and enforcement of international law. The contributions to this volume critically explore what recent interdisciplinary work reveals about the design and workings of international institutions, the various roles played by international and domestic courts, and the factors that enhance compliance with international law. The volume also explores how interdisciplinary work has advanced theoretical understandings of the causes and consequences of the increased legalization of international affairs.
The first part of the chapter is dedicated to the emerging of the instruments of international human rights law specifically dedicated to Indigenous peoples’ rights, and to the role of international courts in advancing human rights standards. The chapter, in the first part, also focuses on the human rights dimension of environmental law, outlining how international environmental law instruments do have a crucial role in protecting the rights of Indigenous peoples. However, the chapter also points to some critical aspects, for example the fact that Indigenous peoples seem to have been attached a double categorization: on the one hand, they are narrated to be as one of the most vulnerable categories to the effects of climate change and environmental degradation, therefore they are considered victims in need of a special protection and recipients of adaptation and mitigation projects. On the other hand, they are considered as important heralds of relevant Indigenous knowledge that can be used to protect the environment and the biodiversity together with Westernized science. The chapter investigates and outlines how Indigenous participatory and procedural rights are being progressively realized at the international level for what concerns climate governance. The decolonization of international climate negotiation has gone a long way since the first COP took place, but there are still multiple challenges in ensuring a meaningful participation of Indigenous peoples in climate governance and in the realization in practice of Indigenous environmental claims
Scholars of international politics have long linked states’ quest for prestige with assertions of national power: diplomatic saber-rattling, scrambles for colonies, arms races, and outright war. This thesis charts a sharply divergent, previously neglected, path to international prestige—foreign policy restraint. The argument in brief is that states seek prestige by conspicuously holding back from the use of power and thereby spurning opportunities for national gain. Departing from the prevailing conception of restraint as merely a kind of inaction, this thesis reframes restraint as a performance. Performances of restraint are constituted intersubjectively when a state is perceived to refrain from pursuing its interests to the extent that its power allows. Forswearing the acquisition of nuclear weapons, liquidating profitable military interventions, renouncing territorial claims, de-escalating diplomatic crises, curbing carbon emissions—each of these policies of self-limitation, and many more besides, may constitute performative restraint if recognized as volitional (emanating from the actor’s will) and supererogatory (exceeding the actor’s normative obligations). To secure others’ recognition of their performances, states appeal to existing normative standards of restraint in international society. By conspicuously exceeding those standards, states express both (1) their material capacity—the abundance of underlying resources that equips them to voluntarily forgo self- interested behavior; and (2) their moral character—the exemplary virtues that underlie their prosocial choices. When states believe that they can credibly perform restraint, triggering these signaling mechanisms, they may “hold back” from acquisitive or assertive policies in order to “rise above” others in terms of prestige. Notably, “holding back to rise above” appeals to states as an expressive strategy exactly because it is materially costly and socially non-obligatory. This thesis draws upon insights into the performative nature of restraint from cognate disciplines and everyday life, integrating them into an overarching account with reference to Erving Goffman’s dramaturgical model of social action. It illustrates how “holding back to rise above” applies in four diverse historical cases: (1) the United States’ Good Neighbor Policy of non-intervention in Latin America (1933-40); (2) Germany’s post-reunification foreign policy, culminating with its non-participation in the US “Coalition of the Willing” for the Iraq War (1991-2005); (3) India’s decades of spurning of nuclear weapons and championing non-proliferation (1964-98); and (4) China’s restraint of its carbon emissions in the context of global climate change mitigation (1992-2017). In short, the thesis contributes to a wide range of debates in IR over the sources of international prestige and the reasons for states’ costly compliance with social standards.
Complexity is the new global ontology for world politics. This article summarizes the characteristics of complexity and its implications for informed US state policy making. We conclude with some suggestions about administrative reforms to improve US policy making to address global complexity.
The Construction of an Ecological Civilization responds to the serious environmental crisis in China and is already beginning to cause paradigm shifts in domestic environmental policies. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the country's geopolitical ambition and importance as a normative power in global governance issues became ever more evident. Through constructivist theory, we analyze Beijing's role in institutions, national norm-setting and its potential to redefine the global environmental order. The Chinese participation in international organizations and eco-compensations are discussed to indicate possible future efforts in the definition of environmental agendas. We conclude that China already contributes normatively to the environmental area, especially in countries of the Global South.
This essay considers the implications of virtual summits replacing in-person multilateral gatherings of political leaders. Focusing on the loss of physicality, it argues that two critical dimensions of summitry are eliminated in this shift: sublime governance and inter-moments. Drawing on illustrative examples from the Group of 20, it demonstrates that while moving online maintains the formal, procedural interactions around which summits are built, doing so loses these critical elements of summitry which render it a valuable and unique practice in within the overall institution of diplomacy. This move also undercuts the effects of these elements, in the immediate context of a particular summit and more broadly within the international system itself. The elimination of summitry’s performative and interpersonal dimensions fundamentally renders online meetings unable to achieve what in-person summits can. This has acute consequences in the immediate wake of the COVID -19 pandemic, and also more generally as diplomacy moves online.
On the one hand, researchers argue that global governance in forestry is fragmented and ineffective. On the other hand, some argue that global forestry governance is key to reducing forest loss related to climate change issues. Using ordinary least squares (OLS) regression for a sample of 155 nations, this research tests the association between one type of global governance, the number of ratifications of environmental treaties that include obligations to reduce forest loss for each nation, and forest loss from 2001 to 2014. As a whole, it appears that despite a lack of unification of multilateral environmental treaties that address forest loss and the absence of a global forestry convention, multilateral forestry treaties are effective at reducing forest loss. While there are several important programs and initiatives from global forestry governance treaties impact forest loss, the effect is relatively small compared to other factors.
Das Übereinkommen von Paris (Pariser Klimaschutzabkommen) wurde als ein Zeichen des wachsenden globalen Einvernehmens über die Notwendigkeit interpretiert, signifikante nationale Maßnahmen zur Verhinderung steigender Treibhausgasemissionen zu ergreifen. Eine der wesentlichen Auswirkungen und Erfolge der Umweltverhandlungen der Vereinten Nationen besteht in der verstärkten Etablierung globaler Umweltnormen (Haas 2002). Das Abkommen verschleiert jedoch gewissermaßen den Umstand, dass ein anhaltender Widerstand gegen Klimapolitik durch eine vergleichsweise „lautstarke“ Minderheit von Interessengruppen in den Vereinigten Staaten und eine aufstrebende rechtspopulistische Bewegung in Europa diagnostiziert werden kann.
The creation of United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), seemed to place climate norm front and center in terms of global governance. Yet it was not until Paris in 2015 that 195 countries finally reached an agreement on further cooperation. The Paris Agreement opened a new phase in global climate governance by replacing the top-down manner of centrally imposed targets and timetables of the Kyoto Protocol, with the institutionalization of a voluntary, decentralized bottom-up “Pledge and Review” system. Thus, understanding how each Party state responds to climate norms and why it responds such ways is essential to further facilitate global collective efforts to curb global warming. Furthermore, as states are composed of many different actors with possibly conflicting interests, this requires the investigation of their domestic decision-making processes and the influences of domestic constituencies and politics. In order for the processes initiated by the Paris Agreement to make a further significant difference to global climate change, this paper advocates the application of “socialization processes.” It argues that the international community has been socialized into accepting global climate norms, and that facilitating further socialization can help the operation of the pledge and review system by encouraging each Party to comply. It then turns to domestic factors and their impact on the implementation of global norms, further arguing that the socialization of elite bureaucrats is insufficient to deter deviation from the norm; rather, socialization of empowered domestic constituencies is required.
As normas socioambientais privadas são construídas através de princípios balizadores do Direito Ambiental Internacional e se estabelecem na perspectiva do desenvolvimento sustentável, buscando contribuir para o enfrentamento de questões globais, através de um processo normativo mais dinâmico e flexível para suprir lacunas da governança tradicional. Este artigo analisa o papel das normas privadas no contexto da Governança Ambiental Global, considerando-as como instrumentos capazes de contribuir para a solução de problemas comuns. A proposta é identificar como esses instrumentos, mesmo não vinculantes, podem possibilitar a construção e implementação de um processo de governança global na persecução dos objetivos do desenvolvimento sustentável. O presente estudo foi realizado através de pesquisa bibliográfica fundamentada em trabalhos científicos e doutrina, relacionando os elementos estruturantes da governança global com os constitutivos das iniciativas normativas socioambientais. A delimitação deste estudo se deu pela análise de normas socioambientais ISO, consideradas como instrumentos soft law pelo seu caráter voluntário. Conclui-se que as normas socioambientais privadas são capazes de influenciar e direcionar ações organizacionais, de maneira a fornecer efetividade ao processo de governança global estabelecido no seu processo de construção.
Wissensorientierte Ansätze in der Politikfeldforschung sind ein relativ neues Phänomen (Nullmeier 2001: 286). Bis in die 1980er Jahre hinein dominierten interessensbasierte beziehungsweise rationalistische Ansätze das Forschungsprogramm der Policy-Forschung. In diesen Ansätzen werden politische Entscheidungen und Politikprozesse maßgeblich auf exogen gegebene Interessen und rationale Wahlhandlungen von politischen AkteurInnen zurückgeführt (Fischer 2003: 22). Die Hinwendung zu kognitiven Aspekten von Politikprozessen in den 1980er Jahren führte zu einer konzeptionell-analytischen Öffnung in der Policy-Forschung, wodurch die soziale Konstruktion der politischen Wirklichkeit ins Blickfeld kam. Wissensorientierte Ansätze setzen dementsprechend Interessen nicht mehr als exogen gegeben voraus, sondern betrachten diese als sozial konstruiert. Dabei wird die „wirklichkeitskonstituierende und -gestaltende Kraft“ (Nullmeier 2001: 285) beispielsweise von Ideen, Wissen und normativen Überzeugungen in den Mittelpunkt der Analysen gestellt. Inwieweit Ideen, Wissen und normativen Überzeugungen tatsächlich eine wirklichkeitskonstituierende oder ‚nur‘ eine wirklichkeitsgestaltende Kraft zugewiesen wird, hängt von der theoretischen Grundausrichtung des jeweiligen wissensorientierten Ansatzes ab. Während beispielsweise kausalanalytisch-institutionalistische Ansätze eher die gestaltende Rolle von Wissen in den Vordergrund stellen, sind es vor allem interpretative beziehungsweise diskursanalytisch-poststrukturalistische Ansätze, die den konstitutiven Charakter von Wissen betonen.
Often accused of a disdain for methodology, the English School has not neglected the question of how to achieve its cognitive goals. Martin Wight developed a historical comparative method, aimed at discerning large-scale, transnational, social understandings, to demonstrate that there was substance to the idea of an international society. Hedley Bull was concerned to demonstrate how order was maintained in such a society and initially employed a form of structural functionalism. Other English School theorists have developed the notion of practice, involving the interrogation of the agents' self-understandings, in order to flesh out the norms underpinning diplomatic practices. Defending these methods is not the concern here. Rather, it is to outline the sorts of methods that are consistent with an English School understanding of its subject. In particular, it is to suggest what a disciplined approach to the idea of an international society might involve.
This research explores the field dynamics that facilitated the emergence of a dominant understanding of business’ role in sustainable development (SD). Based on a study of the U.N. Earth Summits, we examine how actors meet every decade to battle for definitional control of what SD means for business, and what business means for SD. Through a discourse analysis of texts from business, policy, and civil society actors during each Summit, we illustrate how an ensuing discursive struggle shifts the role of business in SD from being largely undefined in 1992, to being considered an SD partner in 2002, and finally to becoming a driver of SD by 2012. We contend that these shifts occurred largely due to two field dynamics: (a) rearranging of field boundaries and (2) forming of a discourse coalition. Accordingly, our study highlights how disparate actors coalesce around a shared-meaning system and collectively shape the role of business role in SD. However, we argue that despite the allure of a unified meaning-making process between once antagonistic actors, business–SD relations are underpinned by politicized interaction where certain actors come to dominate, and, in doing so, marginalize others.
The unprecedented degradation of the planet's vital ecosystems is among the most pressing issues confronting the international community. Despite the proliferation of legal instruments to combat environmental problems, conflicts between rich and poor nations (the North-South divide) have compromised international environmental law, leading to deadlocks in environmental treaty negotiations and noncompliance with existing agreements. This volume examines both the historical origins of the North-South divide in European colonialism as well as its contemporary manifestations in a range of issues including food justice, energy justice, indigenous rights, trade, investment, extractive industries, human rights, land grabs, hazardous waste, and climate change. Born out of the recognition that global inequality and profligate consumerism present threats to a sustainable planet, this book makes a unique contribution to international environmental law by emphasizing the priorities and perspectives of the global South.
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