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Weaponising rhetorics of 'family' : the mobilisation of pro-family politics in Africa
Abstract
In this article I identify some of the rhetorical strategies that help to explain how American ‘pro-family’ ideology has become so prolific in the global south and African contexts, despite the logic of coloniality that it reproduces. Three rhetorical strategies are analysed: The use of a rhetoric of ‘love’ in order to disguise an ideology of intolerance; The construction of hate speech as a form of ‘free speech’; and the positioning of the ‘natural family’ as congruent with imperatives of economic development and growth. The use of these rhetorical strategies, I argue, seeks to accomplish the objective of presenting pro-family agendas as benign, well meaning, and common-sense so as to obscure the forms of exclusion it promotes. This article considers texts sourced through network ethnography, online ethnography, and autoethnography at the World Congress of Families IX in order to understand the rhetorical strategies that the pro-family movement employs to bypass the colonial legacies in which it is embedded so as to gain allies in the formerly colonized world. These texts are analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis in combination with the critical ‘reading practice’ of Critical Diversity Literacy. This article also considers these rhetorical strategies in relation to the geo-political and historical contexts in which the Western concept of the nuclear family has been employed as a mechanism of colonization. Through this intersectional approach to contemporary pro-family discourses, this article concludes that this political agenda has implications not only for LGBTIQ people, but also for efforts to decolonize African societies.
... With regard to nonstate actors, contemporary queerphobia is often attributed to the rise of the Christian right and the profamily movement out of the USA in the 1970s (D'Emilio, 1993). Organizations such as The Fellowship Foundation, Family Watch International (FWI), CitizenGo, The World Congress of Families, and other USA and European fundamentalist groups drive the propagation and exportation of queerphobia into Africa and the Global South (McEwen, 2018;Namubiru & Wepukhulu, 2020;Shameem, 2021). ...
... The resistance to LGBTIQ+ people, women's rights, abortion rights, CSE, and access to contraceptives is often framed around the need to protect the "natural family" from a western, feminist, and queer agenda (Kaoma, 2009(Kaoma, , 2018McEwen, 2018;Nketiah, 2019). This moralistic intervention is not new; however, in South Africa in the 1960s, it led to a state clampdown in the form of the Immorality Act Amendment Commission and subsequent passing of the law criminalizing samesex relations (Reddy, 2020, p. 104). ...
This entry explores a broad based approach to sexuality education premised on a decolonial framework that integrates gender, sexuality, and queerphobia in all subjects and posits that such an approach offers more opportunities to challenge the roots of queerphobia whilst empowering learners, queer or otherwise. First, the entry demarcates the parameters within which queerness and queerphobia manifest in Africa. Second, the ways in which queerphobia underpins the current cisnormative and heteronormative assumptions of CSE and education in general are explored and the importance of queer inclusive curricula is uncovered. This is followed by presenting a case for how a decolonial lens can be utilized to counter queerphobic narratives along side subject-specific CSE.
... von Sexismus und Homophobie seitens migrantischer Anderer, wodurch im Umkehrschluss europäische Gesellschaften als im Hinblick auf Geschlechterverhältnisse und Sexualitäten gleichberechtigt und liberal konstruiert werden (Dietze 2019;Hark/Villa 2017). In weiterer Folge dient die vermeintlich bereits erreichte Emanzipation auch der Abwehr aktueller feministischer Forderungendamit entpuppen sich die rassistisch aufgeladene Betonung von Frauenrechten und die neue Virulenz antifeministischer, homo-und transphober Positionen in rechter Propaganda als zwei Seiten ein und derselben Medaille (Fassin 2020;Graff/Kapur/Walters 2019;Hennig 2018;McEwen 2018). Der neue Antifeminismus fokussiert auf die Abwehr des Begriffs Gender und der damit verbundenen De-Naturalisierung und Ent-Essentialisierung von Geschlecht als -seines eigentlichen Sinns weitestgehend entleertes -Symbol für die Ablehnung gesellschaftlicher Liberalisierungstendenzen insgesamt (Sauer 2017). ...
Systematische Angriffe auf die Geschlechtergerechtigkeit verschärfen sich weltweit und sind in einigen EU-Staaten bereits Teil des Regierungshandelns. Als Infragestellung basaler Menschenrechte und zumeist rechtspopulistisch bzw. fundamentalistisch motiviert gefährden sie die Demokratie. Aus internationaler und interdisziplinärer Perspektive analysieren die Beiträger*innen des Bandes Anti-Genderismus als strategisches Mittel der Emotionalisierung, Mobilisierung und Vernetzung innerhalb des rechten Spektrums und einer im Entstehen begriffenen religiösen Rechten. Mit besonderem Fokus auf die Situation einiger ostmitteleuropäischer Staaten und unter Einbezug von Erfahrungen aus dem LGBTIQ*-Aktivismus erörtern sie, wie dieser Entwicklung konstruktiv-widerständig zu begegnen ist.
... This decision was met with backlash from especially religious conservative groups. Haley McEwen (2018) in her article 'Weaponising Rhetorics of "family": The Mobilisation of Pro-Family Politics in Africa', states how religious conservatives from America advocate against CSE. According to McEwen (2018:149), these pro-family activists promote "its politics in African countries [as] part of the movement's broader efforts to advance anti-gay agendas globally." ...
This book addresses different challenges that endanger the lives of children in South Africa from an ethical perspective. The text is meant to position itself as a resource for specialists (and practitioners) in ethics and childhood studies. The content is systematically and intersectionally presented, based on scholarly analyses, insights, reasoning, and expertise – originating in different disciplines and backgrounds. It endeavours to help especially those who study the sociocultural contexts of children and families in terms of challenges and opportunities, and for possible support.
... This decision was met with backlash from especially religious conservative groups. Haley McEwen (2018) in her article 'Weaponising Rhetorics of "family": The Mobilisation of Pro-Family Politics in Africa', states how religious conservatives from America advocate against CSE. According to McEwen (2018:149), these pro-family activists promote "its politics in African countries [as] part of the movement's broader efforts to advance anti-gay agendas globally." ...
This book addresses different challenges that endanger the lives of children in South Africa from an ethical perspective. The text is meant to position itself as a resource for specialists (and practitioners) in ethics and childhood studies. The content is systematically and intersectionally presented, based on scholarly analyses, insights, reasoning, and expertise – originating in different disciplines and backgrounds. It endeavours to help especially those who study the sociocultural contexts of children and families in terms of challenges and opportunities, and for possible support.
... von Sexismus und Homophobie seitens migrantischer Anderer, wodurch im Umkehrschluss europäische Gesellschaften als im Hinblick auf Geschlechterverhältnisse und Sexualitäten gleichberechtigt und liberal konstruiert werden (Dietze 2019;Hark/Villa 2017). In weiterer Folge dient die vermeintlich bereits erreichte Emanzipation auch der Abwehr aktueller feministischer Forderungendamit entpuppen sich die rassistisch aufgeladene Betonung von Frauenrechten und die neue Virulenz antifeministischer, homo-und transphober Positionen in rechter Propaganda als zwei Seiten ein und derselben Medaille (Fassin 2020;Graff/Kapur/Walters 2019;Hennig 2018;McEwen 2018). Der neue Antifeminismus fokussiert auf die Abwehr des Begriffs Gender und der damit verbundenen De-Naturalisierung und Ent-Essentialisierung von Geschlecht als -seines eigentlichen Sinns weitestgehend entleertes -Symbol für die Ablehnung gesellschaftlicher Liberalisierungstendenzen insgesamt (Sauer 2017). ...
Der Beitrag fragt nach diskursimmanenten Gründen für die stark gestiegene Bedeutung von Anti-Gender-Diskursen für rechtspopulistische Strategien in den letzten zehn bis 15 Jahren. Warum wurde diese spezifische Artikulation antifeministischer, anti-queerer und homophober Positionen, die noch zur Jahrtausendwende kaum über fundamentalistisch-katholische Kreise hinaus bekannt war, zu einem zentralen Kampffeld rechter, autoritärer und rechtsextremer politischer Akteur*innen?
Basierend auf der Analyse von Veröffentlichungen österreichischer antifeministischer Akteur*innen wird Antifeminismus als rechtspopulistischer Diskurs verstanden, der durch die Konstruktion eines doppelten Feindbildes eine identitäre Verbindung zwischen rechten und ihren Adressat*innen schafft. Aus dieser Perspektive wird der scheinbare Widerspruch zwischen der Verurteilung des Sexismus der ‚Anderen‘ und dem Beharren auf patriarchalen Geschlechter- und Sexualitätsordnungen als Strategie erkennbar, die die Transmission zentraler Fragmente rechtsextremer Ideologie in modernisierter Form erlauben.
This article seeks to explain and interrogate the sexual theories of homophobes observable on the African continent. I begin by exploring a possible explanation for the emergence and maintenance of certain homophobic sexual theories; Donald Moss's arguments regarding the identification or disidentification economy will serve as a possible theoretical starting point. I then investigate three possible sexual theories of homophobes when mentally preoccupied with "the gay man." Finally, I return to economies of identification as both a colonial perpetuation (in the form of adopting homophobic sexual theories) and as decolonial opportunity (in the form of conflictual identifications). I argue that homophobia and the constituent sexual theories could ideally be dissolved (among other settings) in educational spaces. In these educational spaces, I argue, the homophobe could be identifying with the "non-homophobic" pedagogue, which could bring about the dissolution of homophobia if the identification with the educator is strong enough.
Theories of intersectionality have fundamentally transformed how feminists and critical race scholars understand the relationship between race and gender, but are often limited in their focus on contemporary experiences of interlocking oppressions. In The Specter of Sex, Sally L. Kitch explores the "back story" of intersectionality theory--the historical formation of the racial and gendered hierarchies that continue to structure U.S. culture today. Kitch uses a genealogical approach to explore how a world already divided by gender ideology became one simultaneously obsessed with judgmental ideas about race, starting in Europe and the English colonies in the late seventeenth century. Through an examination of religious, political, and scientific narratives, public policies and testimonies, laws, court cases, and newspaper accounts, The Specter of Sex provides a rare comparative study of the racial formation of five groups--American Indians, African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans, and European whites--and reveals gendered patterns that have served white racial dominance and repeated themselves with variations over a two-hundred-year period.
With sustained challenges to European rule in African and Asian colonies in the early 20th century, sexual prescriptions by class, race and gender became increasingly central to the politics of rule and subject to new forms of scrutiny by colonial states. Focusing on the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina, but drawing on other contexts, this article examines how the very categories of “colonizer” and “colonized” were increasingly secured through forms of sexual control which defined the common political interests of European colonials and the cultural investments by which they identified themselves. The metropolitan and colonial discourses on health, “racial degeneracy,” and social reform from this period reveal how sexual sanctions demarcated positions of power by enforcing middle-class conventions of respectability and thus the personal and public boundaries of race.[sexuality, race-thinking, hygiene, colonial cultures, Southeast Asia]
Autoethnografie ist ein Ansatz zum Forschen und zur Präsentation von Forschungsergebnissen, der persönliche Erfahrungen systematisch beschreibt und analysiert, um auf diesem Weg kulturelle Erfahrung zu verstehen. Hierbei werden traditionelle Wege des Forschens und der Darstellung "der Anderen" kritisch infrage gestellt, denn Forschung wird als politisches, auf soziale Gerechtigkeit zielendes und sozial bewusstes Handeln verstanden. Forschende nutzen Mittel der Autobiografie und der Ethnografie, um Autoethnografie zu betreiben und darzustellen. Als Methode bezeichnet Autoethnografie gleichermaßen einen Prozess und ein Produkt. Autoethnography is an approach to research and writing that seeks to describe and systematically analyze personal experience in order to understand cultural experience. This approach challenges canonical ways of doing research and representing others and treats research as a political, socially-just and socially-conscious act. A researcher uses tenets of autobiography and ethnography to do and write autoethnography. Thus, as a method, autoethnography is both process and product. La autoetnografía es un acercamiento a la investigación y a la escritura que busca describir y analizar sistemáticamente la experiencia personal con el fin de comprender la experiencia cultural. Este acercamiento desafía las maneras canónicas de hacer investigación y representar a los demás y trata a la investigación como un acto político, socialmente justificado y socialmente consciente. Un investigador usa principios de la autobiografía y la etnografía para hacer y escribir autoetnografía. Porque, como método, la autoetnografía es tanto proceso como producto.
Contestations over the rights of sexual minorities and gender-nonconforming people in Africa are profoundly shaped by two discourses that both emerge from polarized domestic political debates in the United States: a human rights–centered discourse of “LGBT*I” identity politics that promotes visibility and equal protections and privileges for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, and intersex individuals; and a Christonormative “family values” agenda that promotes the heterosexual nuclear family as the foundation of civilization. Analysis considers these contemporary discourses in relation to entangled colonial constructions of white supremacy and heteropatriarchy used to justify the conquest and exploitation of Africa. This article takes particular interest in the power relations that are (re)constituted through these discourses so as to uncover the underlying interests at stake within them. Through consultation with critiques advanced within critical race and critical queer theory, and critical philosophical arguments on the epistemic dimensions of racialized, sexed, and gendered oppressions, it is argued that these discourses advance U.S. hegemonic interests and reinscribe Western hegemony. It is concluded that struggles for equality among sexual minorities and gender-nonconforming people must be approached as part-and-parcel of decolonial struggles to dismantle white supremacist and Western structures of oppression.
American religious conservatives have made it clear that they will no longer limit their political activism to the water's edge. They are increasingly involved in efforts to influence a wide range of U. S. foreign policies. The very term by which most conservative Protestants identify themselves-"evangelical"- announces their intention to carry their message, as Jesus instructed, "unto all the world." But is the world ready for the Christian Right?
At the close of the millennium, there is a wave of invigorating air sweeping across the African continent. The refreshing breeze can be felt in the form of women smashing the gendered 'glass ceiling' in a bid to overcome the cultural and structural barriers that impede their political careers. In this short article, I examine the relationship of African women to parliament. In the first section, I look at women's involvement in politics in pre-colonial Africa, and then examine the barriers to women's political activity thrown up by colonialism. This history explains much about women's absence from contemporary African national assemblies. I then focus on one state - Uganda - looking closely at the policy of affirmative action there, and the reality of male bias, prejudice, and sexual harassment that women MPs confront when they manage to enter parliament.
Bringing together papers written by Norman Fairclough over a 25 year period, Critical Discourse Analysis represents a comprehensive and important contribution to the development of this popular field.
The connections between democracy and sexuality—that is, between civil liberties and the protection of nonconforming sexualities—are rarely discussed in Africa. On the contrary, nonconforming sexualities have been instrumentalized to entrench dictatorships and to weaken democracy. As was the case in early twentieth-century Europe and North America, homophobia has become a political tool used by conservative politicians to promote self-serving agendas. Heterosexuality is also idealized by an acute ahistoricization of African politics by the Western media and civil society. The problem is also compounded by the distortion of African history promulgated by the dictatorial leadership on the continent.
This study addresses the problem of sexuality and ideology in relation to (pan)-Africanist doctrines that have been instrumental in the effort of post-colonial African elites to constitute an exclusive African sexual selfhood. The focus is on their efforts to ‘Africanize’ the sexuality of the masses in a global context that dramatizes the uncontrolled flow of sexual desires, and favours the emergence of new forms of sexual expressions and practices that destabilize the post-colonial sexual order. The leading question informing this study is how a hegemonic heterosexual identity has come to be internalized in post-colonial Africa, and how both men and women have come to believe that to be ‘good’ citizens or ‘real’ Africans they have to become repressed subjects who not only limit their sexuality solely to heterosexual desires, but also have a natural aversion to other forms of sexuality such as same-sex relations. My main argument is that in most African countries, and specifically in Cameroon, both the edification of a phallocratico-patriarchal society and the political invention of the sublimated Muntu, the so-called libidinal African straight, went along with the suppression, annihilation or negation of gays and lesbians, generally misrepresented as deracinated Africans and dangerous ‘witch-others’.
The coloniality of power is understood by Anibal Quijano as at the constituting crux of the global capitalist system of power. What is characteristic of global, Eurocentered, capitalist power is that it is organized around two axes that Quijano terms "the coloniality of power" and "modernity." The coloniality of power introduces the basic and universal social classification of the population of the planet in terms of the idea of race, a replacing of relations of superiority and inferiority established through domination with naturalized understandings of inferiority and superiority. In this essay, Lugones introduces a systemic understanding of gender constituted by colonial/modernity in terms of multiple relations of power. This gender system has a light and a dark side that depict relations, and beings in relation as deeply different and thus as calling for very different patterns of violent abuse. Lugones argues that gender itself is a colonial introduction, a violent introduction consistently and contemporarily used to destroy peoples, cosmologies, and communities as the building ground of the "civilized" West.
The last five centuries, described as the age of modernity, have been defined by a number of historical processes including the Atlantic Slave Trade and attendant institutions of slavery, and European colonization of Africa Asia and Latin America. The idea of modernity evokes the development of capitalism and industrialization, as well as the establishment of nation states and the growth of regional disparities in the World system. The period has witnessed a host of social and cultural transformations. Significantly, gender and racial categories emerged during this epoch as two fundamental axes along which people were exploited and societies stratified. A hallmark of the modern era is the expansion of Europe and the establishment of Euro/American cultural hegemony throughout the world. Nowhere is this more profound than in the production of knowledge about human behavior, history, societies, and cultures. As a result, interests, concerns, predilections, neuroses, prejudices, social institutions and social categories of Euro/Americans have dominated the writing of human history. One effect of this Eurocentrism is the racialization of knowledge: Europe is represented as the source of knowledge and Europeans as knowers. Indeed, male gender privilege as an essential part of European ethos is enshrined in the culture of modernity. This global context for knowledge production must be taken into account in our quest to comprehend African realities and indeed the human condition. In this paper, my objective is to interrogate gender and allied concepts based on African cultural experiences and epistemologies. The focus here is on the nuclear family system, which is a specifically European form and yet is the original source of many of the concepts that are used universally in gender research. The goal is to find ways in which African research can be better informed by local concerns and interpretations and at the same time, concurrently, for African experiences to be taken into account in general theory-building, the structural racism of the global system notwithstanding. Gender and the Politics of Feminist knowledge
Journal of Women's History 16.3 (2004) 173-186
Shortly after the unethical practices of such corporate giants as Enron, WorldCom, and Global Crossing were exposed by the U.S. media in early 2003, Concerned Women For America (CWA), a conservative right-wing Christian women's organization, published Martha Kleder's article "Values-Based Investing: A Tool for Pro-Family Activists" on the "Culture and Family Institute" portion of their not-for-profit website. Appealing to her audience's fear of the fall of the U.S. economy and capitalism Kleder begins her article by stating, "American capitalism is in crisis" and continues to define this state by using terms such as "broken," "scandal," "shocking," "cheating," and "lying." Kleder employs a rhetoric of crisis that is indicative of many U.S. citizen's late-twentieth-century anxieties about the state of the nation, U.S. culture, and personal desires. She draws upon U.S. nationalism's promises for wealth, democracy, freedom, and individual agency and suggests that these values, like capitalism, are also in crisis. Through practicing what Kleder calls values-based investments, individuals can morally invest in the market and fulfill, for themselves and their community, the values that both U.S. citizenship and contemporary conservative fundamentalist Christianity are purported to provide.
Kleder's essay persuades her target audience of other "concerned" right-wing Christian women to consider the intricate relationship between contemporary conservative Christian values, truth, ethics, American nationalism, American culture, and the market. Her timely argument identifies what she suggests is one of the core problems in contemporary American culture: that "Christian values and absolute truth" have been abandoned, resulting in a morality "committed to philosophical relativism, the pure pragmatism" where "ethics is merely the art of staying out of trouble, not the conviction to uphold truth and do what is right." In essence, Kleder's rhetoric of crisis appeals to the emotions through taken-for-granted and familiar terms such as truth, responsibility, and family, which she links to contemporary anxieties about the morality of American culture. To assuage this anxiety, Kleder suggests that her audience use their own agency and invest selectively in the market. If one acts morally when investing, then the market will provide the best possible world for the individual, her or his family, and the nation.
Kleder ultimately asks her audience to consider the ethical practices of the companies in which they choose to invest—an ethical concern that I share with many others. Yet, this brief article on the morality of the market communicates much more than the seemingly simple call for individual investors in the global marketplace to choose carefully and responsibly their investment sites. Kleder's article characterizes the rhetorical link between the market, family values, and individual agency. This presumed relationship is persuasive because it builds upon a commonsense belief system of personal intervention that places both individual and national economic security into the hands of each U.S. resident.
Kleder's essay on the value of moral investing is emblematic of the discursive convergence of market fundamentalism, right-wing Christian fundamentalisms, and neoliberal values that structure the rhetoric of pro-family ethics at the end of the twentieth century. Significantly, the majority of contemporary conservative right-wing Christian organizations were established within the mid-1970s and early 1980s. Kleder collapses personal agency, nationalism, and marketplace investing into symbols of faith in God, familial commitment, and dedication to American values. Her article demonstrates the rhetorical slippages between family, nation, and free-market and demarcates the terms and values that thread through the conservative right wing Christian's basic belief system: Faith + Family+ Free-market= Freedom. This belief system is strongly situated in the historical and material circumstances of the late twentieth century. Anxious rhetorics of familial individualism, nationalism, and traditionalism are part of this new neoliberal ideological belief system and cannot be separated from the late-twentieth-century global networks of power. The anxious rhetorics employed by conservative right-wing Christian organizations are related to the cultural and economic shift to post-industrialism in the United...
America's evangelical community are usually seen to be little more than cheerleaders for the Bush administration's activist foreign policy. However, there is much going on in this diverse community, which has begun to develop its own ideas about foreign policy, many of which contradict realist and neo-conservative approaches. Tracing the development of the community's interest in foreign affairs, the article focuses on the three most important contemporary issues for America's conservative Protestants (CPs): solidarity with the oppressed; concern over and use of international institutions (and with Europe); and support for Israel. There is a growing coherence among America's (white) CPs, which will be of increasing relevance to America's partners and friends.International Politics (2007) 44, 692-710. doi:10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800210
Contrary to most traditional approaches, ideologies are defined here within a multidisciplinary framework that combines a social, cognitive and discursive component. As ‘systems of ideas’, ideologies are sociocognitively defined as shared representations of social groups, and more specifically as the ‘axiomatic’ principles of such representations. As the basis of a social group's self-image, ideologies organize its identity, actions, aims, norms and values, and resources as well as its relations to other social groups. Ideologies are distinct from the sociocognitive basis of broader cultural communities, within which different ideological groups share fundamental beliefs such as their cultural knowledge. Ideologies are expressed and generally reproduced in the social practices of their members, and more particularly acquired, confirmed, changed and perpetuated through discourse. Although general properties of language and discourse are not, as such, ideologically marked, systematic discourse analysis offers powerful methods to study the structures and functions of ‘underlying’ ideologies. The ideological polarization between ingroups and outgroups— a prominent feature of the structure of ideologies—may also be systematically studied at all levels of text and talk, e.g. by analysing how members of ingroups typically emphasize their own good deeds and properties and the bad ones of the outgroup, and mitigate or deny their own bad ones and the good ones of the outgroup.
This open forum focuses, in part, on the compatibility of homosexuality with African culture, cosmology and spirituality by reviewing selected critical texts on the subject of homosexuality in Africa. The argument questions whether the currently held perception of homosexuality as abhorrent is traditional to African culture or not. By situating homosexuality within African culture, cosmology and spirituality, the article refutes the claim that homosexuality is a colonial import.
The coloniality of power is understood by Anibal Quijano as at the constituting crux of the global capitalist system of power. What is characteristic of global, Eurocentered, capitalist power is that it is organized around two axes that Quijano terms “the coloniality of power” and “modernity.” The coloniality of power introduces the basic and universal social classification of the population of the planet in terms of the idea of race, a replacing of relations of superiority and inferiority established through domination with naturalized understandings of inferiority and superiority. In this essay, Lugones introduces a systemic understanding of gender constituted by colonial/modernity in terms of multiple relations of power. This gender system has a light and a dark side that depict relations, and beings in relation as deeply different and thus as calling for very different patterns of violent abuse. Lugones argues that gender itself is a colonial introduction, a violent introduction consistently and contemporarily used to destroy peoples, cosmologies, and communities as the building ground of the “civilized” West.
In this paper, it is argued that we need to understand the role of ‘hate’ in the organisation of bodies and spaces before
we ask the question of the limits of ‘hate crime’ as a legal category. Rather than assuming hate is a psychological disposition
- that it comes from within a psyche and then moves out to others - the paper suggests that hate works to align individual
and collective bodies through the very intensity of its attachments. Such alignments are unstable precisely given the fact
that hate does not reside in a subject, object or body; the instability of hate is what makes it so powerful in generating
the effects that it does. Furthermore, although hate does not reside positively in a subject, body or sign, this does not
mean that hate does have effects that are structural and mediated. This paper shows that hate becomes attached or ‘stuck’
to particular bodies, often through violence, force and harm. The paper dramatizes its arguments by a reflection on racism
as hate crime, looking at the circulation of figures of hate in discourses of nationhood, from both extreme right wing and
mainstream political parties. It also considers the part of what hate is doing can precisely be understood in terms of the
affect it has on the bodies of those designated as the hated, an affective life that is crucial to the injustice of hate crime.
A timely exposé of the efforts of the religious right to influence global policy. With little fanfare and profound effect, "family values" have gone global, and the influence of the Christian Right is increasingly felt internationally. This is the first comprehensive study of the Christian Right's global reach and its impact on international law and politics. Doris Buss and Didi Herman explore tensions, contradictions, victories, and defeats for the Christian Right's global project, particularly in the United Nations. The authors consult Christian Right materials, from pamphlets to novels; conduct interviews with people in the movement; and provide a firsthand account of the World Congress of Families II in 1999, a key event in formulating Christian Right global policy and strategy. The result is a detailed look at a new global player-its campaigns against women's rights, population policy, and gay and lesbian rights; its efforts to build an alliance of orthodox faiths with non-Christians; and the tensions and strains as it seeks to negotiate a role for conservative Christianity in a changing global order. Doris Buss is assistant professor of law at Carleton University in Ottawa. Didi Herman is professor of law at Keele University in the United Kingdom.
In The Antigay Agenda, Didi Herman probes the values, beliefs, and rhetoric of the organizations of the Christian Right. Tracing the emergence of their antigay agenda, Herman explores how and why these groups made antigay activity a top priority, and how it relates to their political history. "A penetrating analysis of the Christian Right's antigay agenda and of how that agenda is derived from the Christian Right's peculiar vision of American history and the Christian faith."âRev. Peter J. Gomes, Boston Book Review "Public intellectualism at its best. . . . A comprehensive summary of the conservative Protestant worldview."âMichael Joseph Gross, Boston Phoenix Literary Section "Presents considerable information not previously part of the nation's political discourse. . . . [Herman] dissects the Christian Right's antigay stance dispassionately giving, as it were, the devil his due. For anyone on either side of this passionate and important conflict, that is an impressive accomplishment."âHastings Wyman, Jr., Washington Post Book World
Social scientists are increasingly interested in new organizational forms -- labeled epistemic communities, knowledge networks, or communities of practice depending on the discipline. These new organizational forms are made possible by new communication technologies, but they can be difficult to study qualitatively, often because their human, social, cultural or symbolic capital is transmitted over significant distances with technologies that do not carry the full range of human expressions that a researcher using participant observation or ethnography hopes to experience. Qualitative methods are desirable for rendering rich data on human interaction, but alone are ill equipped for studying community life conducted in diverse formal and informal organizations and over many new media. Social network analysis is desirable for rendering an overarching sketch of social interaction, but alone is ill equipped for giving detail on incommensurate yet meaningful relationships. I propose `Network Ethnography' as a synergistic research design that synthesizes these two methods, using the strengths of each to make up for the weaknesses of the other. Network ethnography uses social network analysis to justify case selection for ethnography, facilitating the qualitative study of the varied organizational forms of knowledge networks.
IOF co-sponsors #FreeSpeechBus tour with CitizenGo and National Organization for Marriage
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