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orea 9
archaeoloGy acroSS frontierS
and borderlandS
fraGmentation and connectiVity
in the north aeGean and the central balkanS
from the bronze aGe to the iron aGe
Stef ano S Gimat zid iS
maGda Pieniążek
Sila manGaloğlu-Votruba (edS.)
SONDERDRUCK
Stefanos Gimatzidis – Magda Pieniążek – Sila Mangaloğlu-Votruba (Eds.)
Archaeology Across Frontiers and Borderlands
Fragmentation and Connectivity in the North Aegean and the Central Balkans
from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Philosophisch-historische Klasse
Oriental and European Archaeology
Volume 9
Series Editor: Barbara Horejs
Publications Coordinator: Ulrike Schuh
Stefanos Gimatzidis – Magda Pieniążek –
Sila Mangaloğlu-Votruba (Eds.)
Archaeology Across Frontiers
and Borderlands
Fragmentation and Connectivity
in the North Aegean and the Central Balkans
from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age
Accepted by the Publication Committee of the Division of Humanities
and the Social Sciences of the Austrian Academy of Sciences:
Michael Alram, Bert Fragner, Hermann Hunger, Sigrid Jalkotzy-Deger, Brigitte Mazohl, Franz Rainer,
Oliver Jens Schmitt, Peter Wiesinger and Waldemar Zacharasiewicz
This publication has undergone the process of anonymous, international peer review.
The paper used for this publication was made from chlorite-free bleached cellulose
and is aging-resistant and free of acidifying substances.
English language editing: Kelly Gillikin
Graphics and layout: María Antonia Negrete Martínez, Angela Schwab
Coverdesign: Mario Börner, Angela Schwab
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-3-7001-8029-6
Copyright © 2018 by
Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna
Printing: Prime Rate kft., Budapest
Printed and bound in the EU
https://epub.oeaw.ac.at/8029-6
https://verlag.oeaw.ac.at
Table of Contents
Preface by the Series Editor ................................................. 7
Stefanos Gimatzidis – Magda Pieniążek
Archaeology Across Frontiers and Borderlands: An Introduction .................... 9
Stefanos Gimatzidis
Claiming the Past, Conquering the Future: Archaeological Narratives
in Northern Greece and the Central Balkans .................................... 27
Sıla Mangaloğlu-Votruba
Conquering the Past, Claiming the Future: Historical and Archaeological Narratives
in Western Anatolia ........................................................ 55
Rik Vaessen
Working in the Margins: Some Reections on Past, Present and Future Research
in Western Anatolia ........................................................ 71
Philipp W. Stockhammer – Bogdan Athanassov
Conceptualising Contact Zones and Contact Spaces: An Archaeological Perspective ..... 93
Magda Pieniążek
Foreign Inuences and Indigenous Transformations: The Case of Seals
and Jewellery from the Late Bronze Age North Aegean ........................... 113
Göksel Sazcı – Meral Başaran Mutlu
Maydos-Kilisetepe: A Bronze Age Settlement on the Border Between Asia and Europe .. 139
Konstantoula Chavela
Transformations and Formations Around the Thermaic Gulf in the Late Bronze
and Early Iron Age: The Evidence of Burial Practices ............................. 159
Eleni Manakidou
Protocorinthian and Corinthian Ceramic Imports in Macedonia:
Different People, Different Tastes? ............................................ 187
Eurydice Kefalidou – Ioannis Xydopoulos
Strangers in a Strange Land: Two Soldiers’ Grafti from Ancient Thermi ............. 203
Despoina Tsiafaki
Thracians and Greeks in the North Aegean ..................................... 219
Margarit Damyanov
First Encounters and Further Developments: Greeks Meeting Thracians
on the Western Pontic Coast ................................................. 243
Soultana Maria Valamoti – Evgenia Gkatzogia – Ivanka Hristova – Elena Marinova Wolff
Iron Age Cultural Interactions, Plant Subsistence and Land Use in Southeastern Europe
Inferred from Archaeobotanical Evidence of Greece and Bulgaria ................... 269
Denitsa Nenova
The Edge of an Era: Changing Aspects in the Southeast Balkans
Towards the End of the 2nd Millennium BC ..................................... 291
Tanya Dzhanfezova
The Making of Late Bronze Age Archaeological Cultures in Bulgaria ................ 307
Elena Bozhinova
Settlements or Sanctuaries? Interpretational Dilemma Concerning
2nd–1st Millennium BC Sites in Bulgaria ........................................ 333
Hristo Popov – Krasimir Nikov
‘Ada Tepe Late Bronze Age Gold Mine’ Project: Between Borders .................. 359
Maja Gori
Bronze Age and the Embedded Macedonian Question ............................. 391
Tobias Krapf
The Late Bronze Age / Early Iron Age Transition in the Korçë Basin (SE-Albania)
and the Modern Perception of the Emergence of Illyrian Culture .................... 411
Mario Gavranović
No Group, no People? Archaeological Record and Creation of Groups
in the Western Balkans ..................................................... 427
Index ................................................................... 447
Contents
6
Iron Age Cultural Interactions, Plant Subsistence and Land
Use in Southeastern Europe Inferred from Archaeobotanical
Evidence of Greece and Bulgaria
Soultana Maria Valamoti1 – Eugenia Gkatzogia2 – Ivanka Hristova3 – Elena Marinova4
Abstract: This paper brings together old and new archaeobotanical evidence from 20 archaeological sites from Iron
Age contexts spanning from the end of the 2nd millennium BC up to the end of the 4th century BC in northern Greece
and southern Bulgaria. The sites are Karabournaki, Thessaloniki Toumba and Polichni in central Macedonia in northern
Greece and Bresto, Malenovo, Dolno Cherkovishte, Kapitan Andreevo, Svilengrad and Dana Bunar in the region of
south Bulgaria. A variety of cereals and pulses, already cultivated since Neolithic and Bronze Age times, are identied
as potential culinary ingredients in both regions, yet the list of crops from northern Greece includes a wider diversity
than that from the Bulgarian sites, especially regarding the fruit remains. Continuities and discontinuities of plant in-
gredients in space and time are discussed in relation to potential taphonomic biases. This new evidence from the region
indicates that during the Iron Age this part of southeastern Europe shared common traditions in terms of the plant spe-
cies consumed, with some differences already visible during the Late Bronze Age.
Keywords: archaeobotany, culinary choice, Iron Age cuisine, arboriculture, plant food imports, Aegean, Thrace
Introduction
Iron Age agriculture in southeastern Europe has been little explored – unlike other parts of Eu-
rope – and likewise little is known about the area’s plant economy and cuisine in terms of its
plant ingredients. Cuisine can be revealing for identities, contacts and differentiation within and
among communities. Thus, we will attempt an approach of regional culinary trajectories within
the wider context of southeastern Europe – in particular, northern Greece and Bulgaria – based
on a recently available archaeobotanical record. We will present and discuss the results of 20
Iron Age sites in northern Greece and Bulgaria. Eight of the sites are located in northern Greece,
three unpublished5 and ve published,6 and 12 sites are in Bulgaria, ve7 in process of publication
and eight8 already published (Fig. 1). The northern Greek sites discussed in this presentation are
located in the region of central Macedonia. The Bulgarian sites discussed here are situated in the
southern part of the country – ten in the Thracian plain and two in the Strymon/Struma valley.
1 Department of Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece; sval@hist.auth.gr.
2 Department of Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece; egkatzog@hist.auth.gr.
3 Department of Archaeology, Faculty of History, Soa University, Bulgaria; vancheto_s@abv.bg.
4 Center for Archaeological Sciences, University of Leuven & Royal Belgian Institute for Natural Sciences, Brussels,
Belgium; elena_marinova@gmx.de.
5 The three unpublished sites are currently under study as part of E. Gkatzogia’s PhD thesis, see Gkatzogia – Vala-
moti 2013 and Valamoti – Gatzogia 2010 for preliminary results.
6 Published results in the area of northern Greece come from the following ve sites: Kastanas: Kroll 1983. Agios
Mamas: Becker – Kroll 2008. Assiros: Halstead – Jones 1980. Krania Pierias: Margaritis 2007. Sindos/Anchialos:
studied by M. Mangafa, in Tiverios 1996.
7 Hristova et al. 2017.
8 The other published sites from Bulgaria are the following: Bresto: Athanassov et al. 2015. Koprivlen: Popova
2005b. Malko Tranovo: Tonkova – Bozkova 2008. Svilengrad: Popova 2006; Popova 2008. Kumsala: Tonkova –
Savatinov 2001. Dvora: Tonkova – Savatinov 2001. Vratitsa and Krastina: Popova 2005a.
Soultana Maria Valamoti – Eugenia Gkatzogia – Ivanka Hristova – Elena Marinova
270
These 20 sites span from the 11th to 4th centuries BC. In southern Greece, the equivalent centuries
correspond to the Protogeometric, Geometric, Archaic and Classical periods, during which the
evolution of city-states is in progress. The evidence from our study area will be discussed within
the wider context of southeastern Europe, including the Aegean, in order to explore the cultural
interactions, innovations, and regional and supraregional patterns of the Iron Age plant economy.
Iron Age Habitation in Southeastern Europe
Settlement pattern in the study region follows similar trajectories towards the development of
settlement hierarchy and population increase, although regional differences in types of habitation
and intra-settlement spatial organisation are observed. In northern Greece, Early Iron Age habita-
tion is characterised, from the 10th century BC onwards and especially during the 8th century BC,
by demographic increase expressed in the establishment of new extended settlements, or the hori-
zontal expansion of pre-existing Late Bronze Age tells in a settlement type known as ‘trapeza’/
table, some of which formed substantial areas of occupation (Fig. 2).9 Small, at agricultural
sites near and around the tables and the development of settlements on hilly/mountain areas form
new elements of habitation of the landscape.10 A number of settlements in central Macedonia in
northern Greece might have formed loose aggregations sharing common identities and a sense
of belonging.11 This was probably the case with the ‘city’ of Thermi in the Thermaic Gulf, where
several settlements developed to be later unied in the 4th century BC by Kassander in the city of
Thessaloniki.12 To this group of settlements probably belonged the sites discussed here in detail:
Karabournaki, Thessaloniki Toumba and Polichni.
During the Iron Age, organised settlement planning is observed with discrete spaces for do-
mestic, industrial and communal activities showing well-organised communities.13
9 Andreou – Kotsakis 1986; Andreou – Kotsakis 1994; Soueref 2004; Soueref 2009; Koukouli-Chrisanthaki 2014;
Andreou forthcoming.
10 Kotsakis 1989; Kotsakis – Andreou 1992; Wardle 1997; Soueref 2004.
11 E.g. Wardle 1997; Soueref 2004; Kotsakis 2008; Andreou forthcoming.
12 Tiverios 1997; Soueref 2003; Soueref 2007.
13 Hänsel 1989; Andreou – Kotsakis 1996, 370–371; Soueref 2004; Soueref 2007; Wardle – Wardle 2007; Soueref
2009; Koukouli-Chrisanthaki 2014, 163.
Fig. 1 Map of northern Greece and Bulgaria showing location of twenty Iron Age archaeobotanical assemblages
discussed in the text (modied after Hristova et al. 2017)
Iron Age Cultural Interactions, Plant Subsistence and Land Use in Southeastern Europe 271
Between the 8th and 6th centuries BC, slow socio-economic processes, already visible during
the Late Bronze Age – e.g. clusters of settlements with internal hierarchical systems, led to an in-
creased inequality and social strati cation forming afterwards, in the Late Iron Age, ‘state’ institu-
tions framed by local authorities and regional principalities that controlled wealth and mobilised
labour and resources.14 At the same time, there is increasing evidence for contacts with the rest of
the Mediterranean, visible in ceramic imports and the foundation of colonies by southern groups
in the coastal parts of the region during the 8th century BC.15
In Bulgaria, based on limited excavation data, settlement pattern is characterised by increas-
ing settlement density from the start of the Early Iron Age (11th–10th century BC) and dominated
mainly by short-lived settlements in southern Bulgaria. The settlement pattern in the Early Iron
Age on the territory of Bulgaria shows a hierarchy among the settlements (main settlements and
satellites), and most probably specialisation in different elds of economic activity (metallurgy,
ceramic production, etc.), although agriculture and stock-breeding were the main occupation of
the prehistoric population of Bulgaria. Transhumant economy, based on stock-breeding with sea-
sonal movements, may well have been practised.16 Architecture is represented mainly by ‘meagre
dwellings’. Social strati cation is a slow process, following the Late Bronze Age traditions it
reaches its peak in the middle of the 1st millennium BC. Sites on high peaks were, on rare occa-
sions, protected by defensive walls of large stones. During the later Iron Age centuries (7th–6th cen-
tury BC), the rst forti ed, bigger settlements and cities emerged.17 After the end of the 8th century
14 Kotsakis – Andreou 1992; Andreou 2001; Soueref 2004; Kotsakis 2008; Andreou forthcoming.
15 E.g. Tiverios 1999; Tiverios 2004; Tiverios 2007; Tiverios 2009a; Gimatzidis 2011a; Gimatzidis 2011b; Koukouli-
Chrisanthaki 2014.
16 Alexandrov – Nikov 2007; Popov 2007.
17 Alexandrov – Nikov 2007; Athanassov – Krauß 2015; Athanassov – Stockhammer in this volume.
Fig. 2 Photo of the prehistoric settlement of Thessaloniki Toumba: arrow shows the tell part of the settlement and
encircled area corresponds to the expansion in the form of a ‘ trapeza’/table (Site photograph after Rey 1917–1919)
Soultana Maria Valamoti – Eugenia Gkatzogia – Ivanka Hristova – Elena Marinova
272
BC, contacts with adjacent regions (Near East and the Aegean) could be clearly traced thanks to
nds of imported objects (ceramics, jewellery). The foundation of Greek colonies, mainly on the
Black sea coast (end of the 8th to the 6th century BC), intensies the process of the Greek inu-
ence on the Iron Age cultures of Bulgaria. In both Greece and Bulgaria, Iron Age cemeteries were
organised in tumuli, representing in some cases ‘clan’ burials, as well as in at cemeteries, where
a variability in burial practice and wealth is observed.18
The Archaeological Sites
The eight sites from northern Greece discussed here are Kastanas, Nea Philadelphia, Agios Ma-
mas, Karabournaki, Krania, Sindos, Polichni and Thessaloniki Toumba. Of these, Karabournaki,
Polichini and Thessaloniki Toumba are presented here in more detail. Karabournaki during its
Iron Age occupation phases, succeeding perhaps a Bronze Age occupation for which little is
known, is situated on the coast of the Thermaic Gulf in the north Aegean. It is a settlement of an
indigenous population with no evidence for being a colony or a colonial trade station. Yet, the
numerous imports suggest that it was a cosmopolitan port during the Iron Age, where amphorae
and other pottery types from the eastern Aegean indicate imports of wine and olive oil as well as
drinking sets. The site comprises a network of dug out pits – some of which are found in pairs,
sometimes with an opening connecting each other. Pits form the main Iron Age architectural
feature of the site and contain a wide range of nds, including pottery, bones, destroyed cooking
facilities, plant remains, the remains of pottery making activities, etc. Other settlement remains
are the rectangular and stone built houses that were partially preserved and dated to the Archaic
period.19 Thessaloniki Toumba, also considered a ‘native’ site, during the Iron Age evolved into
a trapeza site, while occupation on top of the Bronze Age tell continued.20 Polichni, to the north/
northwest of both Toumba and Karabournaki, is yet one more of the many Iron Age sites situated
around the Thermaic Gulf.21 This site, like Toumba and Karabournaki, was also a native settle-
ment that, unlike Sindos further to the west,22 had restricted contacts with the central and south
Aegean during the 8th century BC. Twelve archaeological sites from Bulgaria are considered in
the current paper. With the exception of Bresto and Koprivlen, all other sites are eld pit sites
located in the Thracian plain of southeastern Bulgaria. Bresto is situated in the Struma Valley and
Koprivlen in Mesta Valley in southwestern Bulgaria. Their time span is in the interval between
the 12th to the 1st half of the 4th century BC.23 The Iron Age pit elds are one of the most common
traces of human occupation in the Thracian plain and one of the main sources of archaeological
information for that period. The pit-eld sites differ in the number of pits, their size and shape.
Some of the pits are quite rich in archaeological and archaeobiological (botanical, zoological, and
in some cases anthropological) material, which gives reason to some archaeologists to connect the
pits with rituals24 or interpret them as storage facilities. At the same time, numerous pits contain
materials that could be interpreted as refuse remains25 and could even be related with the disposal
of refuse from specic activities, like cooking.26
18 Wardle 1997; Gergova 2007; Kisiov 2009; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 2014.
19 E.g. Tiverios 2009b; Tsiafakis 2010.
20 For Thessaloniki Toumba see Andreou – Εfkleidou 2007. For Thessaloniki trapeza/table see Soueref 2001.
21 Karliambas et al. 2009.
22 Tiverios 2009c; Gimatzidis 2010.
23 Athanassov – Stockhammer in this volume.
24 Georgieva 1999; Tonkova – Savatinov 2001.
25 Popov 2007.
26 For a recent interpretation of the contents of an Iron Age pit in northern Greece see Tiverios et al. 2013.
Iron Age Cultural Interactions, Plant Subsistence and Land Use in Southeastern Europe
273
Iron Age Vegetation in Southeastern Europe: the Pollen Record
Pollen diagrams from the region under study indicate that by the 10th century BC, deforestation,
already gradually visible during the course of the Late Bronze Age, was characterising signicant
parts of the landscape.27 The dense mixed oak forests of the Neolithic were long gone as a result
of diversication and intensication of agropastoral activity and a population increase, which is
attested by the proliferation of settlements as mentioned above in both northern Greece and Bul-
garia. More specically, during the Iron Age, anthropogenic indicators concern mainly pasture
and it seems that the upper tree line was articially lowered in order to extend the high mountain
pastureland.28 Around 500–400 BC, human impact on the vegetation of south Bulgaria becomes
clearly pronounced and continuous on a large scale; this is also visible in adjacent areas.29 Sweet
chestnut (Castanea sativa), walnut (Juglans regia) and plane tree (Platanus orientalis) were in-
troduced into northern Greece around 3000 BP30 and there is positive evidence for their presence
in Bulgaria, too, around the same time. Recent palynological evidence indicates that chestnut
(Castanea sativa) and walnut (Juglans regia) survived the glaciation in some Bulgarian moun-
tains, expanding and becoming more prominent in the pollen records around 3000 BP due to
human agency and presumably new subsistence strategies involving expansion into mountainous
terrain and a gradual introduction of arboriculture.31
High percentages of Vitis-pollen in northern Greece indicate its systematic cultivation at the
beginning of the 1st millennium BC.32 Its presence, however, uctuates from region to region.33 In
Bulgaria, Vitis-pollen from the Thracian plain shows peaks from the Late Bronze Age onwards,34
which could also be a sign of grapevine cultivation in the Thracian plain.
Plant Macro-Remains from Iron Age Settlements in Southeastern Europe
The available archaeobotanical record from the 20 sites from Iron Age Greece and Bulgaria offers
an opportunity to investigate, for the rst time, crop cultivation, arboriculture and the use of wild
plants together with trends over time, regional differences and similarities in agriculture and plant
food ingredients.
Cereals
The evidence on cereals for the Greek sites shows that the most common species is six-row
hulled barley found at all eight sites in many samples, often as pure concentrations of grain.
Free-threshing wheat (Triticum aestivum/durum), is represented mainly by grains and less so
by rachis internodes and is also encountered at many of the sites under study. The latter has not
been found as a pure crop and is usually found mixed with grains of other cereals, with barley for
example, as is the case with the pit lls at Karabournaki. Among glume wheats, important, espe-
cially at Karabournaki, is einkorn (T. monococcum), which is represented mainly by glume bases
27 For Bulgaria see: e.g. Tonkov et al. 2008; Marinova et al. 2012; Connor et al. 2013. For southern Greece see: e.g.
Kouli 2012; Lazarova et al. 2012. For northern Greece see: e.g. Bottema 1974; Athanasiadis 1975; Athanasiadis
1988; Αthanasiadis et al. 1998.
28 For Bulgaria see: Marinova et al. 2012. For northern Greece see: Athanasiadis 1975; Bottema 1982; Athanasiadis
1988.
29 Athanasiadis, 1975; Gerasimidis – Athanasiadis 1995, 113; Αthanasiadis et al. 1998, 173; Marinova et al. 2012.
30 Bottema – Woldring 1996, 243, 257, 260.
31 Marinova et al. 2012; Tonkov – Possnert 2014.
32 Bottema 1982, 257–289; Bottema – Woldring 1996, 260; Αthanasiadis et al. 1998, 175; Bottema 2000, 41.
33 Athanasiadis et al. 1998.
34 Chapman et al. 2009.
Soultana Maria Valamoti – Eugenia Gkatzogia – Ivanka Hristova – Elena Marinova
274
(Fig. 3), for sure a crop in this site. At
Polichni, emmer prevails; it is found
both as grain and chaff but always,
however, in small numbers, mixed
with other crops. New glume wheat,
spelt (T. spelta) and two-row hulled
barley are present only in very low
numbers, and therefore their signi-
cance as crops cannot be evaluated
on present evidence. Millet, a well-
known Bronze Age crop for both
study regions,35 is not so frequent at
Iron Age sites from Greece, yet some
sites have yielded rich caches, as is
the case at Kastanas, Kalapodi36 and
Anchialos.37 Cereals constitute the
most prominent crop category among
the archaeobotanical assemblages
from the Bulgarian sites. Most popular among them in all sites are the hulled wheats (especially
einkorn), followd by barley and millet (Panicum miliaceum), whose presence in Iron Age Bul-
garia as a crop is clearly indicated.
The processing of cereals/pulses for food is evidenced from Bulgaria. A few porridge/bread
like fragments with preserved cereal pericarp and an amorphous charred matter resembling bread/
gruel or fruit esh is found in one of the pits from the site of Kapitan Andreevo (Fig. 4).
35 Valamoti 2013; Marinova – Valamoti 2014.
36 Kroll 1983; Kroll 1993.
37 Studied by late Maria Mangafa, in Tiverios 1996.
Fig. 4 Evidence for food preparation at Kapitan Andreevo: micrograph
by scanning electron microscopy of part of a type of bread/gruel or fruit
esh (© I. Hristova, PLANTCULT Project)
Fig. 3 Einkorn wheat glume bases and spikelet forks from Kar-
abournaki (7th–6th century BC) (© S. M. Valamoti and E. Gkatzogia)
Iron Age Cultural Interactions, Plant Subsistence and Land Use in Southeastern Europe
275
Pulses
The predominant pulses at the Greek sites are bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia) and lentils (Lens sp.) and,
less so, grass pea (Lathyrus sativus L.), all three found as pure caches. Other pulse species present
in Iron Age deposits that are presented here – whose signicance in Iron Age diet and economy
cannot be estimated due to their small quantities – are chickpea (Cicer arietinum), common pea
(Pisum sativum) and Celtic bean (Vicia faba). In Bulgaria, pulses are also presented in the ar-
chaeobotanical record, but they are found in very low amounts. Most common are lentil (Lens
culinaris Medik), bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia L.) and grass pea (Lathyrus sativus L.). Rich concen-
trations of bitter vetch and lentils and less so of grass pea suggest their deliberate cultivation and
consumption. Peas are cultivated in Bulgaria but limited nds in northern Greece could be a result
of archaeological preservation and retrieval. In central Greece, however, rich concentrations of
peas from Xeropolis-Lefkandi38 show that peas were grown in the region. Limited evidence for
the other species found does not allow for an evaluation of their signicance for Iron Age com-
munities of the north.
Oil Plants
A wide range of oil plants has been encountered, mainly at the sites situated in northern Greece.
Lallemantia sp. is present by a few seeds at Agios Mamas, Polichni and Karabournaki. It is
represented by only a few seeds, which renders interpretation of the sporadic nds problematic.
At Polichni, 42 seeds have been found in total, at Karabournaki less than ten and at Thessaloniki
Toumba only one probably identied as Lallemantia.39 Yet, these imsy remains could be an
indication of cultivation, given the limited chances of preservation of oil-rich seeds in charred
archaeobotanical assemblages.40 Only a few seeds of Lallemantia have been retrieved in Dolno
Cherkovishte (Early Iron Age) and Dana Bunar (Late Iron Age). As Lallemantia is not part of the
natural vegetation of Europe and its oil-rich seeds are vulnerable to charring, it is more likely that
the seeds correspond to a cultivated crop rather than a crop weed. Lallemantia, originally appear-
ing in the Early Bronze Age in northern Greece41 of central Asian/Anatolian origin, becomes later
established further north in the Balkans, at sites such as Feudvar,42 Hissar43 and Dabene-Sarovka.44
More prominent are the seeds of gold of pleasure (Camelina sp.), found in an impressive concen-
tration at Kastanas. Gold of pleasure (Camelina sp.) is also represented by a few seeds at Agios
Mamas and Karabournaki, at the latter site possibly by a small seeded type of gold of pleasure
(Camelina sativa) or by the native species of Camelina microcarpα.45 In Bulgaria, linseed and
gold of pleasure (Fig. 5) are found as cultivated crops. Linseed (Linum usitatissimum) has been
found at Kastanas and Agios Mamas but is absent from the other Greek sites examined here. An-
other potential oil plant is opium poppy (Papaver somniferum), represented at these sites by a few
seeds and a capsule segment (Fig. 6). No opium poppy is reported for the time being from Bul-
garia. The olive (Olea europaea) is detected at Iron Age sites from northern Greece, represented
only by very few nds at Thessaloniki Toumba from a pit dating to the 6th century BC (Fig. 7) and
from the late Geometric/early Archaic level at Krania (c. 700 BC),46 while a rare nd is the single
stone of olive (Olea europea L.) found at the site of Kapitan Andreevo in Bulgaria (see discussion
below).
38 Livarda – Kotzamani 2006.
39 In a sample dating around 8th century ΒC (personal communication with the excavators).
40 Märkle – Rösch 2008.
41 Jones – Valamoti 2005.
42 Kroll 1998.
43 Medović 2012.
44 Marinova – Valamoti 2014.
45 The problem of distinction between these two species has been discussed in Riehl 1999, 93.
46 Margaritis 2007, 123, 125; on the chronology of the site see Gimatzidis 2017.
Soultana Maria Valamoti – Eugenia Gkatzogia – Ivanka Hristova – Elena Marinova
276
When oil plants are considered, some differences are observed in the range of species between
northern Greece and Bulgaria. A more striking difference, however, is between the northern and
the southern Aegean sites where, in the latter, olives are frequently found from the end of the
Neolithic through to the Iron Age.47 Whereas in prehistoric northern Greece during the Neolithic
and the Bronze Age, the olive is totally absent in contrast to a rich variety of alternative oil-rich
seeds.48 Therefore, it seems that the extremely sporadic Iron Age nds of olive in the north Ae-
gean reect different traditions dating back to the Late Bronze Age.
Fruits and nuts
A wide range of fruits and nuts have been retrieved from Iron Age deposits in the study area,
although it is not always possible to distinguish arboriculture from harvests from wild trees and
shrubs. The range of species identied at northern Greek and Bulgarian sites comprise blackberry
(Rubus fruticosus), strawberry (Fragaria vesca), g (Ficus carica), grapevine (Vitis vinifera),
Cornelian cherry (Cornus mas), hazel (Corylus avelana), pear (Pyrus sp.), plum (Prunus sp.), and
a few nds of pomegranate (Punica granatum), melon (Cucumis melo) and watermelon (Citrullus
lanatus).49 From Greece, only a few nds of hazel are encountered from a pit dating to the Geo-
metric period in Krania50 and from Archaic strata (7th century BC) in Heraion of Samos,51 whereas
almond (Amygdalus communis) is detected only in southern Greece.52 Furthermore, possibly pis-
tachio has been identied at Azoria in Crete, in the southern Aegean.53
The most prominent fruit in both areas is the grape. The northern Greek nds of grape are
numerous and comprise also grape pressings, found at Karabournaki and less so at Thessaloniki
47 For olive nds from southern Greece see an overview from Near Eastern and Aegean sites: Riehl – Nesbitt 2003.
For Iron Age Greece: Megaloudi 2006. For Protogeometric Greek sites see overview including new data from
Roman Villa Dionysus, Knossos: Livarda 2012. For Iron Age Lefkandi: Livarda – Kotzamani 2006. For Iron Age
Eretria: Margariti 2013. For Azoria: Haggis et al. 2004; Haggis et al. 2011. For Neolithic and Bronze Age Crete:
recently overviewed archaeobotanical data by Livarda – Kotzamani 2006; for a key study with olives in Neolithic
Crete: Sarpaki 1999.
48 Jones – Valamoti 2005; Valamoti 2009; Andreou et al. 2013.
49 For pomenagrate (Punica granatum) see Margaritis 2007 (Krania). For melon (Cucumis melo) see Kroll 1983;
Kroll 1984 (Kastanas) and for watermelon (Citrullus lanatus), if indeed the seeds belong to this species, see Mar-
garitis 2007 (Krania).
50 Margaritis 2007.
51 Kučan 1995.
52 Kučan 1995; Livarda 2012.
53 E.g. in Azoria: Haggis et al. 2011, 11.
Fig. 5 Seed of gold of pleasure from Bresto (EIA,
11th–8th cent. BC.), scale 1mm
(© E. Marinova)
Fig. 6 Capsule segment of opium poppy with seeds
attached from Karabournaki (7th–6th century BC)
(© S. M.Valamoti and E. Gkatzogia)
Iron Age Cultural Interactions, Plant Subsistence and Land Use in Southeastern Europe
277
Toumba. These nds suggest the preparation of a fermented beverage, probably wine, continuing
a tradition that goes back to the Late Neolithic and 5th millennium BC Dikili Tash.54 A continued
prominence of grape pips is also observed in the archaeobotanical record from northern Greece
at Late Bronze Age sites such as Kastanas, Assiros, Thessaloniki Toumba, Agios Mamas and Ag-
gelochori.55 The grape nds from Karabournaki consist of thousands of pips and skins (Figs. 7–8).
A rich concentration of more than 1000 pips from a 6th century BC pit from Thessaloniki Toumba
has been recognised as corresponding to cultivated varieties and a few pips belonging to feral
grapes56. An association of locally made amphorae and local wine has been suggested on the basis
of nds from Karabournaki.57
At Bulgarian sites grape pips occur frequently but in very low numbers. Thus, although the
largest percentage of fruit nds at the Thracian plain sites are those of grape vine remains, no
wine pressings or an increase in grape pip remains over time
is reported.
Fig, another typical Mediterranean species, is known from
Greek Neolithic sites and continues through to the Bronze
Age and the Iron Age. Fig has been found at many Bulgar-
ian sites, like Bresto (Fig. 9), Malenovo, and Dana Bunar.
Although this plant does not belong to the natural vegetation
of Bulgaria, archaeobotanical evidence from the area dates
its consumption back to the early Neolithic.58
Almond (Amygdalus communis), another Mediterranean
element of interest in our exploration of fruit and nut ex-
ploitation, is only encountered at southern Greek sites. No
nds of almonds are reported from Bulgaria and the north
Aegean to date, but, considering the specic structures stud-
ied from the Bulgarian Iron Age, it is difcult to say whether
the almonds were really less popular in the area or if only
the available archaeobotanical record from pits is respon-
sible for this picture.
54 Valamoti et al. 2007; Valamoti 2015.
55 Kroll 1983; Jones et al. 1986; Mangafa et al. 1998; Becker – Kroll 2008; Valamoti 2010.
56 Mangafa et al. 1998; Mangafa – Kotsakis 1996, 415–417.
57 Tiverios et al. 2005, 192; Valamoti 2005.
58 See Thanheiser 1997.
Fig. 7 Grape pips from Karabournaki
(© S. M. Valamoti and E. Gkatzogia)
Fig. 8 Grape pressings from Karabournaki
(© S. M. Valamoti and E. Gkatzogia)
Fig. 9 Fig fruitlett (mineralised) from
Bresto (EIA, 12th–8th century BC),
scale 1 mm. (© E. Marinova)
Soultana Maria Valamoti – Eugenia Gkatzogia – Ivanka Hristova – Elena Marinova
278
Cultivation Practices and the Iron Age Landscape
The available archaeobotanical evidence shows a wide range of eld crops and fruits/nuts grown
and we can envisage areas dedicated to their cultivation, interspersed with grazing areas and
perhaps fallow. Unfortunately for the Greek sites, no information can be provided at present on
agricultural practice, as the weed seeds are currently under study. Ancient sources of the transition
of Early Iron Age to Archaic periods, during which Hesiod wrote Works and Days, refer to prac-
tices such as fallow and rotation,59 but, to present, no solid archaeobotanical nds are yet available
from either our study area or the southern sites.
Evidence on cultivation practices in the Thracian plain in southeastern Bulgaria suggests that
some sites were located near open and stony places. This is indicated by the presence of plants
like Dasypyrum cf. villosum, Stipa sp. and Thaeniaterum sp. Further direct evidence of shrubland
and disturbed habitats due to anthropogenic activity is also frequently provided by the archaeobo-
tanical assemblages found in the pits. The most common weeds found are: Chenopodium album,
Galium sp., Lolium sp., Polycnenum arvense, Polygonum aviculare, Portulaca oleraceae. Most
of them are rather aggressive resistant species – some of them resist salinity and drought. They
colonise areas of already destroyed natural vegetation and enter the cultivated elds as weeds;
they can, therefore, be used as indicators of open cultivated areas.
Agriculture, Culinary Traditions and Identities in Iron Age Southeastern Europe
Archaeobotanical evidence from southeastern Europe is rather limited. Therefore, aspects of cu-
linary identities in the region, formed on the basis of plant food ingredients, have to await future
research. Yet, the data presented in this paper are sufcient to draw a coarsely grained picture and
point towards paths for future exploration. The range of crops used during the Iron Age in Greece
and Bulgaria is very similar in many aspects, although regional differences are also observed
which are discussed in this section.
As regards cereals, nds suggest the continuation of glume wheats and barley cultivation in
both regions – a long tradition going back to the Early Neolithic period. The same is largely true
for millet, which appears to occur more frequently at Bulgarian sites. Differential levels of con-
sumption, ways of cooking and use (e.g. food or fodder), as well as taphonomic factors may be
responsible for the patchy distribution of millet in the study area during the Iron Age. Yet, even
if not ubiquitous, the available millet nds suggest that its cultivation continued into the Iron
Age, perhaps increasingly so, if the isotopic results obtained from human bones from northern
Greece60 are due to millet intake rather than the consumption of animals grazing on C4 plants.
Free-threshing cereals, nearly absent from northern Greek Neolithic sites61 and present only in
parts of Bulgarian ones,62 are encountered at some Bronze Age sites63 – a situation that contin-
ues during the Iron Age in the Thermaic Gulf. In some parts of Greece, Geometric and Archaic
periods nds of free-threshing wheat are abundant in terms of frequency and as dense concentra-
tions.64 At some sites they appear among the main crops, whereas at others they are almost absent
59 Hesiod Works and Days, 463–464; for an interpretation of Hesiod verse’s see Semple 1928, 70; Isager – Skyds-
gaard 1992, 22.
60 Triantaphyllou 2001.
61 Valamoti 2009.
62 Marinova – Valamoti 2014; Popova 2009.
63 Jones et al. 1986; Valamoti 2009; Valamoti 2010.
64 For past overviews see: Kroll 2000; Megaloudi 2006. For a more recent one for the Protogeometric period see:
Livarda 2012; rich concentrations were found in Kalapodi, see Kroll 1993. Very frequent and numerous are in
Karabournaki, see Gkatzogia – Valamoti 2013 and in Krania, see Margaritis 2007.
Iron Age Cultural Interactions, Plant Subsistence and Land Use in Southeastern Europe
279
or in small quantities.65 According to Kroll, free-threshing wheat becomes important during the
Iron Age in Greece.66 We do not know, however, whether the free-threshing wheats were of the
durum or bread wheat type as the grains of these wheat species are difcult to distinguish in the
archaeobotanical record. While it is possible that the cultivation of bread wheat could have been
related to new ways of cereal transformation into food, bread making should not necessarily be
linked to bread wheat, as bread can be prepared from different wheat and other cereal species.67 In
economic terms, as pointed out by colleagues, free-threshing cereals present certain advantages
by being easier to process, less bulky in storage and more suitable to transfer and trade.68 Accord-
ing to archaeobotanical studies conducted in Greek colonies and native Elymian sites in western
Sicily, free-threshing wheat was probably traded and imported from indigenous Elymian sites to
the coastal Greek colony of Selinunte.69 Furthermore, free-threshing wheat is easier to process
and provides food for an increasing population.70 Thus, it is probably during the Iron Age that
the social and economic conditions favouring their cultivation emerged. In the north Aegean this
indeed coincides with indications for increased population levels and large settlements compared
to Late Bronze Age.71
Hulled wheats keep their importance during the Early Iron Age in the territory of Bulgaria.
Only sporadic nds of free-threshing wheat are found in Bulgarian sites, except for the site Bresto,
from where a free-threshing wheat concentration, indicating storage, was recovered. The second
half of the Iron Age is the transitional period when free-threshing wheat replaces the hulled ones.
This has also been observed for Greek colonies of the Black sea, where free-threshing wheats are
the prevailing cereals, especially in Crimea.72 It is very likely that Greek colonisation encouraged
and even introduced free-threshing wheat cultivation in various locations, an issue that deserves
further exploration combining archaeobotanical and textual evidence that refers to grain imports
from regions such as Crimea.
Comparing our results73 to evidence from the eastern and central Mediterranean, we notice
differences in the representation of free-threshing and glume wheats. For the Near East, Riehl
and Nesbitt suggest that even if glume wheats are so important from the Neolithic onwards, in the
Iron Age “they are mostly uncommon or virtually absent, having been replaced by increased cul-
tivation of free-threshing macaroni or bread wheat”.74 This contrasts the continued cultivation of
hulled wheats during the Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age in the northern Aegean and Bulgaria,
where einkorn and emmer are still important crops. Could the continuation of glume wheats in
Iron Age northern Greece and Bulgaria result from a culturally prescribed culinary preference?
This may also have been the case with emmer cultivation in Egypt, which continued until Helle-
nistic times. The timing of the introduction of free-threshing cereals in our study area could have
been greatly inuenced by Greek colonisation. However, this issue deserves further study.
65 E.g. in Iolkos seeds of free-threshing wheat are in very small quantities, see Jones 1982. The same picture is en-
countered in Delphi, see Luce et al. 2009 and in Kastanas, see Kroll 1983, in Lefkandi even if not yet fully studied,
but based on preliminary results they seem absent, see Livarda – Kotzamani 2006.
66 Kroll 2000.
67 Contra Sallares 1991, 319–320.
68 Pashkevich 1997; Halstead 2012, 26; Livarda 2012, 18.
69 Stika et al. 2008, 147. In the Greek settlement of Selinunte, free-threshing wheat was the dominant cereal compared
to its limited presence in Elymian Monte Polizzo. Nevertheless, according to the authors, “the surroundings of
Monte Polizzo are much more suitable for local production of free-threshing wheat than the Selinountine region”
(Stika – Heiss 2013, 83). For further arguments of the suggested interpretation based on palaeoenvironmental evi-
dence see this last publication.
70 Halstead 2012, 26; Livarda 2012, 18.
71 Andreou – Kotsakis 1994, 25.
72 Pashkevic 1997.
73 For key studies of Iron Age Greek colonies and native sites from Sicily see Stika et al. 2008; Stika – Heiss 2013.
For an overview for Iron Age Near Eastern archaeobotanical evidence see Riehl – Nesbitt 2003.
74 Riehl – Nesbitt 2003, 305.
Soultana Maria Valamoti – Eugenia Gkatzogia – Ivanka Hristova – Elena Marinova
280
Despite common trends, differences can also be identied in the range of oil plants used in the
wider study area. Compared to nds from Iron Age sites in the south of Greece, the olive, which
frequently occurs in archaeobotanical assemblages there, is nearly absent from the north. The few
exceptions of sporadic nds correspond in all likelihood to imports from the south, highlighting
contacts with that area. Although the olive remains practically absent from the available northern
Greek and Bulgarian record during the Iron Age, other plants, potentially used for oil, like opium
poppy and Lallemantia, continue the Late Bronze Age traditions of the region.
Some interesting conclusions have emerged from our analysis about fruits. Overall, the ar-
chaeobotanical record from the study region shows that differences between the two regions exist
with regard to fruit and nut exploitation, e.g. hazelnuts are more prominent at Bulgarian sites
while the reverse is true for the grapevine, which is never found in dense concentrations or as
pressed grapes in Bulgaria. Thus, at present, this region is lacking evidence for grape cultivation
and processing related potentially to wine-making, unlike a long tradition in grape-pressing and
wine making in the north Aegean with roots in the Neolithic.
This is in contrast with the picture recently available from Greek colonies in the western
Mediterranean and in particular the Iberian Peninsula. There, our colleagues observe that the spo-
radic occurrence of the grape vine in Neolithic and Bronze Age contexts transforms into a very
prominent presence after colonisation. The numerous remains of the grape vine there reect the
introduction of the systematic cultivation of the grape vine and of wine making in the western
Mediterranean.75 No such trend is visible in the archaeobotanical record of Thrace and the Black
Sea regions during the Iron Age. This might reect different types of interaction and economic
activity between the colonies and indigenous people.
Fig is very prominent in the north Aegean, unlike Bulgarian sites. The evidence from Bulgaria
suggests that g was consumed in the Iron Age, yet it is unclear if its cultivation was introduced
to the region or if gs, rich in sugar with a long shelf life, were imported from further south from
areas along the Aegean shoreline. Alternatively, it could have been spread through humans in ear-
lier prehistory, as gs are known from the Neolithic. In the Thracian plain and southern parts of
Strymon Valley, unlike other Mediterranean species, g can thrive in the region once introduced.
Other Iron Age elements of southern Greece, like the almond and the olive, are rare in both the
north Aegean and Bulgaria and seem to acquire importance a few centuries after Greek colonies
are established in the region.
The role of arboriculture in the Late Iron Age and the Archaic period76 is visible in the works of
Homer; for example, in the Odyssey,77 the vineyards of Laertes78 and Meleagros79 are mentioned.
In the Works and Days, Hesiod describes the operations of vintage in autumn and the production
of sun-dried wine.80 It is also well documented in Linear B tablets from the south during the Late
Bronze Age, in relation to g, grape vine and olive cultivation.81 In northern Greece, arboriculture
may have its roots in the Final Neolithic, according to recent archaeobotanical nds from Dikili
Tash.82 By the Iron Age, it may well have constituted an important element of the landscape and
agricultural production.
What is evidenced in our data is the near absence of the olive – a typical Mediterranean spe-
cies. The olive is absent from northern Greece in the preceding Neolithic and Bronze Ages.83
The nd of an olive stone from Early Iron Age Kapitan Andreevo suggests imports from the
75 Buxó 2008.
76 See Hanson 1992, 160–161; Hanson 1995, Chapter 2; Donlan 1997, 650, 654–655.
77 Hom. Od. 9, 108; 24, 246–247.
78 The ‘orchatos’ of Laertes and of Alkinos (Hom. Od. 9, 108; 24, 246–247, 336–344) is a row of trees.
79 Hom. Il. 9, 577; 20, 184–185.
80 Hes. Op. 612–617.
81 Palmer 1995; Palmer 2001.
82 Valamoti 2015.
83 Valamoti 2009.
Iron Age Cultural Interactions, Plant Subsistence and Land Use in Southeastern Europe
281
south. The same we can envisage for northern
Greece since few nds of olive stones have
been found at Iron Age Thessaloniki Toum-
ba84 (Fig. 10) and Krania.85 In most of the cas-
es, archaeobotanical records from the south
of Greece yielded olive stones accompanied
by grape pips and gs.86 These three typical
Mediterranean fruit species were most likely
cultivated in the southern parts of the Aegean
and parts of the eastern Mediterranean in the
1st millennium BC, however, they do not ap-
pear as a ‘package’ further north. The olive
is limited to the southern part of the Aegean,
while g and grape, although present in the
north Aegean and parts of its hinterland, be-
come scarce in Bulgaria. Almonds, another
element of Mediterranean vegetation and
diet, are absent for the time being from our
study area. The nds of almonds in special
burial contexts at the Necropolis of Messam-
bria in Bulgaria may suggest that these were introduced later as imports from the south, holding
perhaps a special symbolic position in relation to the afterlife.
Greek colonies could have played a role in introducing Mediterranean foodstuffs into the north
Aegean and Thracian hinterland. Maritime as well as mainland routes could have brought prod-
ucts from the south via intensive exchange networks. Colonies from Euboea, Corinth and the
Cyclades in the north Aegean and especially strong Euboean inuences around the Thermaic Gulf
and in Chalkidiki probably played a part in the introduction of the olive to the north. As olives are
absent throughout the Neolithic and the Bronze Ages in the region, it would be very interesting
to see if the foundation of Greek colonies in the north boosted the introduction of olive cultiva-
tion to ‘native’ Iron Age communities and the landscape of the north Aegean. Despite the lack of
adequate archaeobotanical data for comparisons, one line of evidence may support our working
hypothesis we put forward here: that olive cultivation could have been introduced through the
foundation of colonies. In a later period, from the 4th/ 3rd centuries BC onwards, local cultivation
of the olive and olive oil production are clearly evidenced based on nds from northern Greek
sites such as Vrasna87 and Platania,88 which clearly show local cultivation of the olive and olive oil
production. Olives are found in Near Eastern, western Sicilian Iron Age89 and western Mediter-
ranean (Spain) contexts, although any potential inuence by Greek colonies remains obscure. At
present, however, we lack published archaeobotanical information from actual Greek colonies in
our study area. Bulgaria is beyond the climatic limits for olive cultivation and it is most likely that
olives reached the hinterland through trading networks, perhaps as a luxury foodstuff. In the north
Aegean, regions with a milder climate, like Chalkidiki and Thasos, could have offered new nich-
es for the introduction of olive cultivation. Anthracological studies from Iron Age assemblages
84 Gkatzogia forthcoming.
85 Margaritis 2007.
86 For a synthesis on the archaeobotanical data of the Protogeometric, Geometric and Archaic periods see Megaloudi
2006. For Villa Dionysus in Knossos and an overview of recent archaeobotanical data from Greece during the
Protogeometric period see Livarda 2012. For Lefkandi see Livarda – Kotzamani 2006. For the sanctuary of Apollo
Daphnophoros in Eretria see Margaritis 2013.
87 Adam-Veleni – Mangafa 1996.
88 Margaritis – Jones 2008a; Margaritis – Jones 2008b.
89 E.g. Riehl – Nesbitt 2003; Stika et al. 2008; Buxó 2008.
Fig. 10 Olive stone from Thessaloniki Toumba
(6th century BC) (© S. M. Valamoti and E. Gkatzogia)
Soultana Maria Valamoti – Eugenia Gkatzogia – Ivanka Hristova – Elena Marinova
282
could shed light in the investigation of the timing of olive cultivation in the north Aegean and the
processes that led to the introduction of this new tree crop. To this end, both nds from indigenous
sites and colonies are much needed. Such nds will further clarify whether olive was indeed intro-
duced as a cultivated plant or as an already-processed food produce, i.e. pickled olives.
In terms of culinary preferences and identities, the Iron Age in the study area appears to be
largely a continuation of Late Bronze Age traditions, with an increase in scale of land use for
agropastoral activities in both regions studied here. Contacts with the south, known from other
categories of material evidence, are also visible in the archaebotanical record and are indicated by
imports of Mediterranean foods to the north Aegean hinterland. Differences between north and
south Aegean regions begin to emerge and we plan to further investigate them. Greek colonisa-
tion emerges through our study as a crucial factor for the introduction of new crops into our study
region, as has already been suggested, due to the increased importance of free-threshing wheat to
the north Aegean and the Black Sea regions, as well as the introduction of the olive to the north
Aegean and its hinterland.
Conclusions
The available evidence examined here, placed in its wider regional context, suggests that complex
socioeconomic factors and regional interactions led to agricultural and possibly culinary changes.
These changes in the range of eld and tree crops occurring in historic times do not occur on a
similar scale in southeastern Europe or the eastern and western Mediterranean. This suggests that
the different trajectories followed were the outcome of variable socioeconomic processes inu-
encing culinary choices and agricultural production. Our rst attempt to jointly examine the evi-
dence from Iron Age Greece and Bulgaria has produced promising results which will be further
rened with the consideration of more data from both regions in the near future.
Acknowledgements: We wish to thank Stefanos Gimatzidis, Magda Pieniążek and Sıla Votruba for their invitation to
participate to the session Archaeology across Past and Present Borders: Fragmentation, Transformation and Connectiv-
ity in the North Aegean and the Balkans during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age, held under the 20th Annual Meet-
ing of the European Association of Archaeologists in Istanbul, 10–14 September 2014. We are also grateful to Tassos
Bekiaris and Nikos Katsikaridis for their help with Figures 1, 2 and 6.
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The objective of this volume is a theoretical debate on the archaeology at
the crossroads of the Balkans, the Aegean and Anatolia and its interrelation
with social and political life in this historically turbulent region. Modern
political borders still divide European archaeology and intercept research.
This is particularly evident in southeastern Europe, where archaeological
interaction among neighbouring countries such as Greece, Turkey, Bulgaria,
Serbia, the FYR of Macedonia and Albania is practically inactive.
Reception of the past within the local perspectives of modern nation
states and changing identities are some of our focal points: Can breaks or
continuities in the material culture be perceived as evidence for ethnic (dis-)
continuities, migrations, ethnogeneses, etc. and what is the socio-political
background of such approaches? What is the potential of material culture
towards the denition of modern and past identities?
Interaction among different societies and cultures as well as the exchange
of goods and ideas are another topic of this book. The area encompassing
the north Aegean and the Balkans was, during the later prehistoric and
early historic periods, the showplace of fascinating cultural entanglements.
Domestic, cultic and public architecture, artefact groups and burial rites have
always been employed in the archaeological process of dening identities.
However, these identities were not static but rather underwent constant
transformations. The question addressed is: How did people and objects
interact and how did objects and ideas change their function and meaning
in time and space?
Colleagues representing different scholarly traditions and cultural back-
grounds, working in Greece, Turkey, Bulgaria, FYR of Macedonia, Albania,
Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia, took part in this debate, and a total of 19 papers
are now presented in this book.
