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Archaeological houses, households, housework and the home (1995) In The Home: Words, Interpretations, Meanings, and Environments, edited by D. Benjamin and D. Stea, pp. 79-107. Avebury Press, Aldershot.

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This chapter discusses how the underlying assumptions that archaeologists hold about "the home" and "place" affect the way in which they interpret the archaeological remains of architecture, and the way in which that architecture is excavated. It discusses the fact that archaeology is not a discipline with a unified viewpoint about the "home" or the "house", but one in which the data may be interpreted in multiple ways. The article uses data from Southeast European prehistory, including that from my excavations at Opovo. It focuses at first on the empirical data that can be gleaned from prehistoric architectural remains about the different stages of the use-life of houses
... This is no less true of domestic communities than larger arrangements. A lively architectural study of social structure needs to move beyond a unitary view of one building, one institution, one set of qualities; not just in theory or in the final reconstruction, but in the way we handle data derived from houses and other buildings from the trowel's edge onward (Tringham 1995). ...
... Thus, a house is not a once-and-for-all consensus, but an on-going political medium (Law & Mol 2008). Biographical approaches to houses have been practised in archaeology for some time now, with varieties including phased life histories (Bailey & McFadyen 2010;Eriksen 2016;Tringham 1995), microarchaeological histories (Matthews 2005b;Milek 2012), study of structures' materiality (Noble 2017;Tung 2013a;Stevanović2012a) and text-aided approaches (Maxwell & Oliver 2017). Many biographical studies centre on individual buildings, read against the grain of the established view of their social context. ...
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Houses are rich resources for understanding prehistoric social structure. However, conventional working methods often handle houses as stable entities that reflect the nature of households and other social units. Social groups may be inadvertently rendered static in the process. A biographical understanding, in which the on-going transformation of built space is part of different kinds of human collaboration, allows us to explore the dynamic qualities of past communities. I examine detailed life-histories of four contemporary houses at Çatalhöyük in Central Turkey, using the site's fine stratigraphy to interrogate how furnishings, elaborations and rhythms of burial varied through each building's use-life. These trace shifting practice and performance in relation to built space. Çatalhöyük buildings’ social roles changed dramatically over their lives. The spatial dynamics observed suggest that commensal groups were less stable and less bound to specific houses than in more conventional views of the site, and interacted in unpredictable ways with larger forms of social collaboration. Ultimately, this suggests a more dynamic approach to both houses and social units in the Near East and the archaeology of houses generally.
... Examination of the settlement structure has been further expanded by discussing the results of the geophysical prospecting carried out at the site between 2011 and 2014. For the moment, only the results of the radiocarbon measurements and the typochronological analysis of a small portion of the grave ceramics provide data about the chronological frame- 11 Hodder 1990;Bailey 1990;Tringham 1995;Bailey 1996;Stevanović 1997;Perlès 2001;Nanoglou 2008;Naumov 2013;Souvatzi 2013;Bickle et al. 2016. 12 Tringham 1995Bailey 1996, 146. ...
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of the PhD thesis submitted in 2019 to the Archaeology Doctoral Programme, Doctoral School of History, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest under the supervision of Eszter Bánffy.
... Embedded in Herschend's and Gerritsen's work is the notion that houses have life cycles and biographies of their own -they are built, have a use-life and they die (e.g. Tringham 1995). House-building, rebuilding and dismantling and abandonment, including artefact deposition, were ways of handling life's events and marking key moments in the development of personhood of the kin (Eriksen 2019;Herschend 2009, 186-187). ...
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I often dream about my childhood home, and my mother’s family home. When I close my eyes, I can still see every room, every piece of furniture, the dust glimmering in a beam of light coming through my grandmother’s lace curtains. I see the silver mirror on her vanity cabinet in the upstairs bedroom, a mirror that once belonged to her mother, Anna, and that now sits on a bookshelf in my flat in Oslo. Vibrant strings bind us together across time and space, as embodied by that handheld mirror, its gleaming silver decorations of roses and leaves, the fact that the mirror once reflected the face of my great-grandmother, as it has returned the gaze of my grandmother, my mother and me. The mirror has belonged to a series of spaces – a late 19th-century apartment building in Oslo, the quiet, separate bedrooms of my grandparents in the suburbs, through life stages in flats and moving boxes, and now in my home. The mirror reflects four generations of women, our appearances, our cultural norms of beauty and vanity; it is a gendered object of female practice spanning more than a century, and it binds us, our bodies and our intimate spaces together. I am not alone in dreaming about the remembered houses of childhood, spaces where we learn about the world, go through rites of passage and are transformed (Hall 1983, 82–83). Across philosophy, psychology and architecture, it is widely acknowledged that the house can be deeply entwined with the self, with being (e.g. Jung 1963; Heidegger 1971; Marcus 1995 [1971]). Yet, I argue the house is not merely an abstract, passive metaphor for the self or the person – it is a material part of its transformations (Carsten 2018). Because the home is the primary arena for childhood development, earliest memories and identity formation, it becomes inextricably linked with household relations, group and power dynamics, and self-narrative. Paraphrasing Gaston Bachelard, exploring the poetics of space, we carry these houses with us throughout our lives (Bachelard 1994 [1964]). And, indeed, that also means that we may dream of them (e.g. Hall 1951). So, the question becomes: did the longhouse-dwellers of the Late Iron Age dream of houses, too? And, if so, did their dreams of houses relate to the self? Full-text uploaded with publishers' written permission.
... Archaeologists generally recognize the building of a house or a home as a cultural phenomenon; something that involves technological knowledge and social and ideological/symbolic activities that structure social interactions (Boivin 2000;Tringham 1995). A house is not just a material embodiment of the social relationships of those who dwell within and around it, but is a Bplace^of special meaning, itself entangled in the creation and maintenance of these relationships (Hodder 2012). ...
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Most archaeological projects today integrate, at least to some degree, how past people engaged with their surroundings, including both how they strategized resource use, organized technological production, or scheduled movements within a physical environment, as well as how they constructed cosmologies around or created symbolic connections to places in the landscape. However, there are a multitude of ways in which archaeologists approach the creation, maintenance, and transformation of human-landscape interrelationships. This paper explores some of these approaches for reconstructing the Epipalaeolithic (ca. 23,000–11,500 years BP) landscape of Southwest Asia, using macro- and microscale geoarchaeological approaches to examine how everyday practices leave traces of human-landscape interactions in northern and eastern Jordan. The case studies presented here demonstrate that these Epipalaeolithic groups engaged in complex and far-reaching social landscapes. Examination of the Early and Middle Epipalaeolithic (EP) highlights that the notion of “Neolithization” is somewhat misleading as many of the features we use to define this transition were already well-established patterns of behavior by the Neolithic. Instead, these features and practices were enacted within a hunter-gatherer world and worldview.
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The scope of the present paper is to scrutinise the evidence regarding settlement continuity, especially where continuous replication of the same buildings is involved, and to investigate how it was practiced in Late Bronze Age mound settlements in terms of building methods. Furthermore, we aim to investigate how building continuity or change related to people’s lives and the spatial organisation of their mundane activities and social practices which concerned their biological and social reproduction.
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In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, company towns often provided housing for workers within a system of benevolent paternalism. This paper examines a set of workers’ cottages known as “the Twelve Apostles” on Maria Island, Tasmania. The archaeology reveals differences between the standardized, company-built houses, providing evidence that the residents’ responses often varied in ways that were not officially expected or sanctioned by the company. People individualized their houses in ways that reflect their everyday routines and rituals, and demonstrate how they made these houses into homes.
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The two key themes in this work are 1) the meeting between knowledges about the material world, and 2) the intimate relationships between people and their material surroundings we find in the social dynamics of households. The approach consists of three comparative field studies of present-day contexts conducted among eastern Bantu-speakers in Mozambique, Botswana and South Africa, in addition to an archaeological synthesis of the sequence known as Moloko, belonging to the Late Iron Age (AD 1300-1840) in southern Africa. While located within the discipline of archaeology, the approach draws on insights from anthropology, history, sociology and philosophy. Focusing on the relationship between clay, ceramic containers and social interaction in household spaces which follow rationales that may be associated with a sub-Saharan ‘thermodynamic philosophy’, the main objective is to arrive at an understanding of the relevant social dynamics involved in the developments of the Moloko ceramic sequence and the spatial and material changes to associated settlements. Particular attention is given to the introduction of stone walling; a transition which runs at the very core of the debate over the application of ethnographically derived models for understanding the cultural logic of southern African settlement space in the past. In order to obtain the main objective, the work is divided into three main parts. The first presents the archaeological research status of the Moloko sequence and provides an overview of the main theoretical strands in the discourse, while also setting out to clear the epistemological and ontological ground for my subsequent analyses. The second part seeks to accommodate the theoretical framework into an approach for studying clay practice, a methodology which is implemented for the following three field studies. The third part consists of an archaeological synthesis which draws on the insights from the previous two parts. Three specific research questions are sought answered. These relate to 1) diachronic variation in social meanings of fire and hearths, 2) changes to the social dynamics of living members of households and their ancestral links, and 3) the relationship between the microscale changes and regional social transformations towards the terminal Iron Age in southern Africa, with a particular emphasis on the implications for women’s personhood. The final chapter offers some concluding reflections on knowledge by recapturing the fourth research question of this work: What do we learn from such a comparative approach to the meeting and interaction between different material knowledges? As a science, archaeology is inextricably linked to modernity, and its practices are grounded in Western ways of knowing. Are we willing to allow the discipline to change through our engagements with other ways of knowing the material world?
Conference Paper
Introducing Social Machines as web-enabled entities integrating social energies and computational powers into a socio-technical system (whether purposeful or not) where social dynamics animate communities, this paper proposes a theoretical framework in which to observe them. Attempting to strike a balance between the roles of humans and non-humans, and aware of the difficulties that this heterogeneity presents, we propose to approach the questions of capturing the social dynamics of a social machine through prosopography. Prosopography is a method, used in particular by historians, that allows to systematically study a collection of biographies, be they of persons, artefacts, infrastructures of groups thereof. Systematization is achieved through designing an appropriate questionnaire to gather homogeneous data across the biographies. Our questionnaire design relies on the identification of five archetypal elements in biographical narratives. Illustrating our method with three examples, we demonstrate how our archetypal narratives have the potential to describe at least aspects of the social dynamics in social machines.
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