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Archaeological houses, households, housework and the home (1995) In The Home: Words, Interpretations, Meanings, and Environments, edited by D. Benjamin and D. Stea, pp. 79-107. Avebury Press, Aldershot.

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This chapter discusses how the underlying assumptions that archaeologists hold about "the home" and "place" affect the way in which they interpret the archaeological remains of architecture, and the way in which that architecture is excavated. It discusses the fact that archaeology is not a discipline with a unified viewpoint about the "home" or the "house", but one in which the data may be interpreted in multiple ways. The article uses data from Southeast European prehistory, including that from my excavations at Opovo. It focuses at first on the empirical data that can be gleaned from prehistoric architectural remains about the different stages of the use-life of houses
... This is no less true of domestic communities than larger arrangements. A lively architectural study of social structure needs to move beyond a unitary view of one building, one institution, one set of qualities; not just in theory or in the final reconstruction, but in the way we handle data derived from houses and other buildings from the trowel's edge onward (Tringham 1995). ...
... Thus, a house is not a once-and-for-all consensus, but an on-going political medium (Law & Mol 2008). Biographical approaches to houses have been practised in archaeology for some time now, with varieties including phased life histories (Bailey & McFadyen 2010;Eriksen 2016;Tringham 1995), microarchaeological histories (Matthews 2005b;Milek 2012), study of structures' materiality (Noble 2017;Tung 2013a;Stevanović2012a) and text-aided approaches (Maxwell & Oliver 2017). Many biographical studies centre on individual buildings, read against the grain of the established view of their social context. ...
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Houses are rich resources for understanding prehistoric social structure. However, conventional working methods often handle houses as stable entities that reflect the nature of households and other social units. Social groups may be inadvertently rendered static in the process. A biographical understanding, in which the on-going transformation of built space is part of different kinds of human collaboration, allows us to explore the dynamic qualities of past communities. I examine detailed life-histories of four contemporary houses at Çatalhöyük in Central Turkey, using the site's fine stratigraphy to interrogate how furnishings, elaborations and rhythms of burial varied through each building's use-life. These trace shifting practice and performance in relation to built space. Çatalhöyük buildings’ social roles changed dramatically over their lives. The spatial dynamics observed suggest that commensal groups were less stable and less bound to specific houses than in more conventional views of the site, and interacted in unpredictable ways with larger forms of social collaboration. Ultimately, this suggests a more dynamic approach to both houses and social units in the Near East and the archaeology of houses generally.
... Examination of the settlement structure has been further expanded by discussing the results of the geophysical prospecting carried out at the site between 2011 and 2014. For the moment, only the results of the radiocarbon measurements and the typochronological analysis of a small portion of the grave ceramics provide data about the chronological frame- 11 Hodder 1990;Bailey 1990;Tringham 1995;Bailey 1996;Stevanović 1997;Perlès 2001;Nanoglou 2008;Naumov 2013;Souvatzi 2013;Bickle et al. 2016. 12 Tringham 1995Bailey 1996, 146. ...
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of the PhD thesis submitted in 2019 to the Archaeology Doctoral Programme, Doctoral School of History, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest under the supervision of Eszter Bánffy.
... Embedded in Herschend's and Gerritsen's work is the notion that houses have life cycles and biographies of their own -they are built, have a use-life and they die (e.g. Tringham 1995). House-building, rebuilding and dismantling and abandonment, including artefact deposition, were ways of handling life's events and marking key moments in the development of personhood of the kin (Eriksen 2019;Herschend 2009, 186-187). ...
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I often dream about my childhood home, and my mother’s family home. When I close my eyes, I can still see every room, every piece of furniture, the dust glimmering in a beam of light coming through my grandmother’s lace curtains. I see the silver mirror on her vanity cabinet in the upstairs bedroom, a mirror that once belonged to her mother, Anna, and that now sits on a bookshelf in my flat in Oslo. Vibrant strings bind us together across time and space, as embodied by that handheld mirror, its gleaming silver decorations of roses and leaves, the fact that the mirror once reflected the face of my great-grandmother, as it has returned the gaze of my grandmother, my mother and me. The mirror has belonged to a series of spaces – a late 19th-century apartment building in Oslo, the quiet, separate bedrooms of my grandparents in the suburbs, through life stages in flats and moving boxes, and now in my home. The mirror reflects four generations of women, our appearances, our cultural norms of beauty and vanity; it is a gendered object of female practice spanning more than a century, and it binds us, our bodies and our intimate spaces together. I am not alone in dreaming about the remembered houses of childhood, spaces where we learn about the world, go through rites of passage and are transformed (Hall 1983, 82–83). Across philosophy, psychology and architecture, it is widely acknowledged that the house can be deeply entwined with the self, with being (e.g. Jung 1963; Heidegger 1971; Marcus 1995 [1971]). Yet, I argue the house is not merely an abstract, passive metaphor for the self or the person – it is a material part of its transformations (Carsten 2018). Because the home is the primary arena for childhood development, earliest memories and identity formation, it becomes inextricably linked with household relations, group and power dynamics, and self-narrative. Paraphrasing Gaston Bachelard, exploring the poetics of space, we carry these houses with us throughout our lives (Bachelard 1994 [1964]). And, indeed, that also means that we may dream of them (e.g. Hall 1951). So, the question becomes: did the longhouse-dwellers of the Late Iron Age dream of houses, too? And, if so, did their dreams of houses relate to the self? Full-text uploaded with publishers' written permission.
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It is proposed that combining a microhistorical approach with the frameworks offered by household archaeology and posthumanism provides a way of rethinking what urbanity means in archaeological (specifically later medieval) contexts. This approach is deployed to challenge generalising approaches which obscure the complexity, vibrancy, and generative capacity of past urbanities. Focussing on the question of the fortunes of later medieval small towns in England, a posthuman household microhistory of two households in the town of Steyning (southern England) is presented. This demonstrates how a focus on the practices undertaken by, and relational constitution of, households can reveal difference and open new avenues for understanding past urbanity.
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This article is an introductory contribution to our Special Issue Reconsidering the Chaîne Opératoire: Towards a Multifaceted Approach to the Archaeology of Techniques . The chaîne opératoire is a central and fundamental concept for archaeological studies that has been fully appropriated and repurposed by several generations of researchers. In this paper, we would like to present some of the points discussed and illustrated by the various articles in this special issue. The aim is to highlight theoretical and practical considerations in various fields, with a diachronic focus. From the biographical approach to the study of artefacts to the challenges of interdisciplinarity through cognitive and sensory approaches, the theoretical discussion is rich and innovative, acknowledging that the chaîne opératoire can be used as a tool for deciphering the complex network of artefacts, environments, and societies of the past and present.
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Macrolithic tools are linked to daily activities and, fundamentally, to settlements, hence their importance for the study of Late Prehistoric societies. However, these objects are also associated with funerary contexts, but have not often been analysed holistically. This paper studies an assemblage of macrolithic elements from three collective tombs from the third millennium cal. BC at the site of La Orden-Seminario (Huelva, Spain), from a theoretical and methodological perspective based on the biography of the object. Our analysis focuses on typology, raw materials, technology, function and burial context. The results show that the tools can be linked to domestic activities such as the grinding of cereals and the processing of plant materials, as well as for the production and maintenance of the elements used in these activities. The analysed objects display long biographies of use and, in some cases, we have documented intentional breakage for their deposition in the tombs. The patterns of deposition in the funerary contexts reflect social practices related to the ritual and symbolic behaviours surrounding death and the relationship with everyday objects.
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The scope of the present paper is to scrutinise the evidence regarding settlement continuity, especially where continuous replication of the same buildings is involved, and to investigate how it was practiced in Late Bronze Age mound settlements in terms of building methods. Furthermore, we aim to investigate how building continuity or change related to people’s lives and the spatial organisation of their mundane activities and social practices which concerned their biological and social reproduction.
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In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, company towns often provided housing for workers within a system of benevolent paternalism. This paper examines a set of workers’ cottages known as “the Twelve Apostles” on Maria Island, Tasmania. The archaeology reveals differences between the standardized, company-built houses, providing evidence that the residents’ responses often varied in ways that were not officially expected or sanctioned by the company. People individualized their houses in ways that reflect their everyday routines and rituals, and demonstrate how they made these houses into homes.
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