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Varieties of anti-Americanism: A framework for analysis
... 2-Anti-Americanism Is a sentiment that has existed since the creation of America itself (Tomja 2013) 1. Elitist anti-Americanism: countries in which the elite has a long history to underestimate the American culture (Katzenstein & Keohane 2007) 2. Legacy anti-Americanism: the cumulative historical actions of the U.S. toward a receiver society. Therefore, anti-Americanism is rooted in the history and memories of the U.S. policies (Katzenstein & 2007) (Ameli, 2007;Bowen, 2007;Brooks, 2008;Chiozza, 2007Chiozza, , 2009Coen, 2009;Gienow-Hecht, 2006;Gilmore, Meeks, & Domke, 2013;Kizilbash, 1988;Knappertsbusch, 2013;McPherson, 2004;Nimer, 2007;Paz, 2003;Ross, 2010;Sinno, 2008;Stivachtis, 2007;Tkacheva, 2019) Political perspective Political anti-Americanism takes shape as reactions from U.S. practices, (foreign policies, and values). ...
... 2-Anti-Americanism Is a sentiment that has existed since the creation of America itself (Tomja 2013) 1. Elitist anti-Americanism: countries in which the elite has a long history to underestimate the American culture (Katzenstein & Keohane 2007) 2. Legacy anti-Americanism: the cumulative historical actions of the U.S. toward a receiver society. Therefore, anti-Americanism is rooted in the history and memories of the U.S. policies (Katzenstein & 2007) (Ameli, 2007;Bowen, 2007;Brooks, 2008;Chiozza, 2007Chiozza, , 2009Coen, 2009;Gienow-Hecht, 2006;Gilmore, Meeks, & Domke, 2013;Kizilbash, 1988;Knappertsbusch, 2013;McPherson, 2004;Nimer, 2007;Paz, 2003;Ross, 2010;Sinno, 2008;Stivachtis, 2007;Tkacheva, 2019) Political perspective Political anti-Americanism takes shape as reactions from U.S. practices, (foreign policies, and values). ...
... 3. Radical Anti-Americanism: The U.S. economic and political power and institutional practices make a mirror of the radicalizing world especially states that disclaim from any principal values carried by the U.S. constantly form Anti-Americanism threats. (Katzenstein & Keohane 2007). ...
Given that anti-Americanism in Algeria has intensified significantly in recent years according to surveys of Pew, Global Attitude Project (GAP), and Arab Barometer (AB), does that mean that Algerian academics in mainstream political science could be implicitly a part of that pervasive phenomenon? We have initially surveyed to examine the extent of bias and neutrality of the overall attitudes toward the U.S. within the Algerian political sciences community. The study has shown remarkable disparities among the respondents' attitudes, which appeared biased in some situations and neutral when the questionnaire required clear answers. The sample displayed proportionally a tendency toward anti-Americanism, either when they banished any moralism toward the U.S. actions and policies or when they failed to recognize some of the well-established facts about the US, such as its long-standing democratic traditions.
... This narrower viewpoint is also used by Kenneth Minogue who describes anti-Americanism as "a form of xenophobia" (Shin, 1996). This split in thought is summarized by Katzenstein and Keohane (2007) as they try to determine whether anti-Americanism is based on what the United States is or what it does. They explain that both are valid, albeit different forms of anti-Americanism. ...
... In Central America, Shin (1996) explains that anti-Americanism takes the form of rejecting the political and economic dominance of the United States. Katzenstein and Keohane (2007) describe this type of nationalism as sovereign-nationalist which is when a country perceives American power to be a threat to its sovereignty and welfare. Sovereign-nationalist has the mentality that [they] are rich because we are poor; we are poor because they are rich. ...
... Shin (1996) argues that it goes beyond the defensive attitudes mentioned above because it is religiously grounded and legitimized. Katzenstein and Keohane (2007) describe this attitude as "radical anti-Americanism" which consists not only of Islamic fundamentalism, but Marxism, and "argues for the weakening, destruction, or transformation of the political and economic institutions of the United States." This type of anti-Americanism is not merely defensive, but it can also be offensive. ...
In the last decade, negative attitudes towards the United States have increased throughout the world. Though the United States and East Asian countries have relatively had harmonious relationships, anti-Americanism is still prevalent for various reasons. In spite of China’s increasing economic interdependence with the United States, the country is succeeding to its long history of anti-Americanism. Although Japan and South Korea have been considered pro-United States allies since the Korean War (1950–1953), the countries’ younger generations have often expressed critical opinions of the United States. What is the cause of this anti-American sentiment in the East Asian countries? The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries using a cross-national survey. The results of the empirical analyses support previous approaches and promote four theoretical concepts: (1) the people’s knowledge and curiosity about the United States is the most influential factor of anti-American sentiment for East Asian college students (the cognitive-orientation); (2) individual’s attitudes towards American culture and society influence anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the cultural-cleavage); (3) anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries is mostly affected by people’s general ideas about the roles of the United States in the world and United States’ foreign policies (the anti-hegemony); and (4) the people’s general perception on the relationship between their own countries and the United States is another determinant of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the equal-relationship). In contrast, it explains that gender and the financial condition of East Asian college students are not significant determinants of anti-American sentiment.
... The literature on the Arab public sphere has paid considerable attention to the strength and sources of Anti-Americanism (Jamal et al., 2015;Nugent et al., 2018). Previous research on Anti-Americanism in general and in relation to the Arab world more specifically has already demonstrated at the conceptual and empirical level the importance of distinguishing negative attitudes towards US culture from negative attitudes towards US foreign policies (Berger, 2014;Ciftci and Tezcür, 2016;Jamal et al., 2015;Katzenstein and Keohane, 2007;Nugent et al., 2018;Walt, 2005). The former amounts to a 'psychological tendency to hold negative views of the United States and of American society in general' (Katzenstein and Keohane, 2007: 12). ...
... A second explanation would point to a type of anti-Americanism (Katzenstein and Keohane, 2007) which rejects certain foreign policies based on an evaluation of the underlying motives and results. In this perspective, support for US-led initiatives would be possible, at least in theory, depending on the evaluation of their impact on national and regional interests. ...
Analysing Arab public opinion on the international community’s response to the Syrian crisis, we expand existing scholarship by injecting a non-Western perspective into the oftentimes Western-centric debates on intervention. We demonstrate that publics in two prominent Arab Spring countries were quite willing to embrace intervention in Syria in order to depose Bashar al-Assad. More specifically, our analysis reveals that both interests and values shape support for different types of international intervention in Syria. In the context of the distinction between policy-driven and culture-driven anti-Americanisms, we show that Egyptian and Tunisian evaluations of US foreign policy behaviour and, to lesser extent, US culture correlate with support for Western-led intervention in Syria.
... Such dynamics are, of course, not without precedent. During the so-called Global War on Terror initiated by former President George W. Bush, public opinion and international relations scholars noted the rise in anti-Americanism among publics abroad and sought to diagnose its causes (Brooks 2006;Chiozza 2009b;Goldsmith and Horiuchi 2009;Katzenstein and Keohane 2007). What is more, these dynamics in global public opinion have real economic and political consequences. ...
... What is more, these dynamics in global public opinion have real economic and political consequences. Heightened levels of anti-American sentiment, understood as negative affective feelings toward the US (Katzenstein et al. 2007), are linked to decreased inbound tourism to the percent of Canadians and 84 percent of Australians expressed confidence. The following year in 2017, 22 percent of Canadians and 29 percent of Australians expressed confidence in Trump, returning to the low levels not seen since the G.W. Bush presidency (see Figure 1). ...
Even as the world’s sole superpower, the United States requires the cooperation of other states to achieve many of its foreign policy objectives. The President of the United States thus often serves as ‘Diplomat in Chief’ in public diplomacy efforts to appeal directly to publics abroad. Given Donald Trump’s antagonistic approach to foreign relations and widespread lack of popularity, what are the implications for support for US policy among publics abroad – particularly among middle power states allied to the US? While previous research on public opinion relying on observational data has found that confidence in the US President is linked to support for American foreign policy goals, the mechanisms at work remain unclear. Using original data from survey-based experiments conducted in Canada and Australia, this article seeks to clarify the effect of ‘presidential framing’ (presenting a policy goal as endorsed or not endorsed by Trump) on attitudes toward key policy issues in the Canada–US and Australia–US relationships. Results point to a negative ‘Trump framing’ effect in Canadians’ and Australians’ trade policy attitudes, but such an effect is not observed in other policy domains (energy policy in Canada, and refugee policy in Australia).
... Instead, these attitudinal characteristics represent, in Josef Joffe's words, "the obsessive stereotypization, denigration, and demonization of the country and the culture as a whole," in which images of a "Yahoo America" consistently find their counterpart in images of a "Superior Europe" (Joffe 2006). American students of this sort of heterostereotyping provide four hallmarks of such anti-Americanism, namely (1) systematic antagonism toward an America held to incarnate evil; (2) deliberate exaggeration of the country's shortcomings coupled with a denial that it might possess any merits; (3) sustained misrepresentation of America for the purposes of advancing a political agenda; and (4) constant misperception and ridiculing of American society (Rubin and Rubin 2004;Katzenstein and Keohane 2007). ...
This article explores the argument that antisemitism and anti-Americanism in France are linked to each other in a causal manner. Specifically, it addresses the oft-encountered suggestion that the two prejudices move in tandem with each other, and in such a way that the anterior one (antisemitism) effectively “causes” the latter one (anti-Americanism) to emerge—a suggestion made inter alios by Markovits (J Israeli History 25 85 105 2006). We argue that while there certainly appears to be a correlation between antisemitism and anti-Americanism in France, there is no evidence of contemporary antisemitism being a constitutive feature of the former. While antisemitism may arguably have been part of what propelled anti-Americanism during certain periods of the twentieth century, recently it appears as if “causal” vectors have been reversed, with anti-Americanism contributing to the rise of a “new antisemitism” in France motivated by anger toward Israel and America’s support thereof.
... An unexplored issue is the extent to which the relationship with the United States is a significant source of polarization among Mexicans. This question has not been sufficiently addressed in the literature, although some scholarship has explored the presence of "anti-Americanism" in Mexico (Katzenstein and Keohane, 2018). One study indicates that anti-Americanism in Mexico is not uniform, with people simultaneously showing attitudes of both rejection and approval toward the United States: Mexicans recognize the U.S. as an important partner in the binational relationship, yet admit they distrust the country (Tickner et al., 2015;Baker and Cupery, 2013). ...
There is growing evidence that severe polarization creates harmful consequences for democracy, such as an increase in support for extremist leaders (Iyengar et al., 2012), a reduction of electoral accountability (Pierson & Schickler, 2020), a deterioration in democratic quality (McCoy & Somer, 2019) and making governance more difficult (Levendusky, 2018). However, we need to learn more about the effects of polarization on public policymaking, mainly when there is more than one country involved. Our paper investigates whether the core beliefs and perceptions among future policy elites in Mexico and the United States limit bilateral cooperation. It aims to fill a gap in the existing literature on political polarization by investigating to what extent the rising polarization levels in Mexico and the United States affect the perception of future policy elites of the neighboring country and become an obstacle for binational policy collaboration. The paper is based on the Binational Policy Elites Survey conducted between September 2023 and January 2024. Its target population is graduate students enrolled in academic programs that prepare them to influence the public sphere, such as public policy, global affairs, public management, and the like, in the United States and Mexico.
... Türkmen'e (2010) göre, Türkiye'deki kökenleri geçmişe dayanan Amerikan karşıtlığı, Katzenstein ve Keohane'nin (2007: 29-34) "egemen-milliyetçi anti-amerikanizm" kategorisinin içerisinde ele alınabilir. Egemen-milliyetçi anti-amerikanizm, egemenliğin zorlu şartlarda kazanıldığı ve ABD'nin müdahaleci politikalar izlediği bölgelerde yaygındır (Katzenstein ve Keohane, 2007). Kurtuluş Savaşı sonrasında oluşan Türk ulusal kimliğinin siyasi değer taşıması, Türk toplumunda Amerikan karşıtlığı potansiyeli yaratmıştır (Türkmen, 2010). ...
Bu çalışma, Türk Dış Politikası’nda dönüşüm bağlamında Türkiye-Venezuela ilişkilerinin gelişimini Neoklasik Realist kuram ile açıklamayı hedeflemiştir. Türkiye’nin Venezuela politikası, ABD’nin Venezuela’ya yaptırımlar uyguladığı bir dönemde gerçekleşmesi sebebiyle diğer dış politika adımlarından ayrışmaktadır. Bu kapsamda, Soğuk Savaş sonrası sistem içindeki stratejik çevrenin izin verici karakteri ve Türkiye’nin artan göreli gücü, Türkiye'nin ABD’ye rağmen siyaset izlemesinin önünü açan temel sistemik faktörler olarak ele alınmıştır. İç faktörler bağlamında, 2002 yılından sonra Türkiye iç siyasetindeki değişimler, Türk toplumunda uzun yıllardır süregelen ABD karşıtlığı, ABD ve Türkiye’nin Suriye krizindeki çelişen politikaları ile ABD’nin 15 Temmuz 2016 darbe girişimi sonrası politikasının Türkiye’deki lider ve toplum algısına etkisi irdelenmiştir. Son olarak, Türkiye-Venezuela ilişkileri özelinde 2016 yılındaki sıçramayı açıklamak adına, iki ülkede de yaşanan darbe/yönetim değiştirme girişimlerinin getirdiği empati ile demokratik gerileme süreçlerinin yarattığı yakınlaşma üzerinde durulmuştur.
... Movements use frame alignment processes in order to link their own interpretive orientation with that of the individual (Snow et al., 1986). In this context, AQ plays the card of anti-Americanism that is quite strong in many parts of the world, including in Muslim countries (Katzenstein and Keohane, 2007). The group appears to consider this to be facilitating its mobilization efforts due to the rapport it builds with a large audience. ...
This study employs frame theory tools to describe the identity and ideology of al-Qaeda (AQ) and the Islamic State (IS). The aim is to identify elements that make the two groups’ mobilization effective. The article utilizes the concept of identity fields, to explore how the two groups divide in-group and out-group identities in protagonists, antagonists, and audiences and the concept of core framing tasks to examine how their ideology materializes in diagnoses, prognoses, and calls to arms. The results indicate that AQ frames its identity as the protector of Muslims from the evil West and IS as the sole legitimate religious authority guiding Muslims to true Islam. AQ and IS prioritize and contextualize their ideological frames differently, despite both adhering to the same ideology, namely Salafism-Jihadism. AQ mobilization tends to rely more on political frames whereas IS framing is almost exclusively religious. Both groups, however, appropriate political and religious frames already extant in the minds of Muslim audiences in order to mobilize potential adherents.
... Only recently scholars have begun to investigate the political consequences of anti-Americanism. Katzenstein and Keohane (2007) as well as Datta (2009) studied whether worldwide anti-Americanism affected US national interest and power. While the former found no significant relation between anti-Americanism and a decline in US soft power, the latter argues that anti-Americanism does precipitate a decline in US soft power and economic interests. ...
... This finding about the survey intentions factor may stem from Qatar's vast expatriate population, and so apply in countries with similar demographic characteristics. A more likely and also more instructive explanation, however, is that Qatar is an Arab country and the Arab world's relationship with the West has been complex and frequently problematic, and this has often given rise to suspicions about Western and especially American activities in the MENA region (for example, Blaydes and Linzer 2012; Jamal 2012; Katzenstein and Keohane 2007). Previous surveys conducted in Qatar and other Gulf states have revealed citizen worries over Western interference in domestic affairs (Gengler 2012;Gengler 2017). ...
For the first time in an Arab country, this article examines attitudes toward public opinion surveys and their effects on survey-taking behavior. The study uses original survey data from Qatar, the diverse population of which permits comparisons across cultural–geographical groupings within a single, non-democratic polity. The authors find that Qatari and expatriate Arabs hold positive views of surveys, both in absolute terms and relative to individuals from non-Arab countries. Factor analysis reveals that the underlying dimensions of survey attitudes in Qatar mostly mirror those identified in Western settings, but a new dimension is discovered that captures the perceived intentions of surveys. Two embedded experiments assess the impact of survey attitudes. The results show that generalized attitudes toward surveys affect respondents’ willingness to participate both alone and in combination with surveys' objective attributes. The study also finds that negative views about survey reliability and intentions increase motivated under-reporting among Arab respondents, whereas non-Arabs are sensitive only to perceived cognitive and time costs. These findings have direct implications for consumers and producers of Arab survey data.
... As críticas do antiamericanismo ao a-historicismo dominante no contexto do capitalismo neoliberal global rearticulam não apenas o excepcionalismo americanista de direita e o padrão civilizacional da supremacia branca (Hodgson, 2004), mas também o argumento de que reviver passados ressaltados por historicismos bárbaros, classificados pelo padrão anti-antiamericanismo como ameaçadores e irresponsáveis (Katzenstein & Keohane, 2007), é uma irresponsabilidade que bloqueia o progresso natural do conhecimento acadêmico (Brownlie & Saren, 1995) e cede ao padrão histórico de contramovimentos ambivalentes de mundos emergentes que se beneficiam da modernidade e promovem "a rejeição da ciência, tecnologia, e vida urbana ... o desgosto generalizado com modernidade, a defesa de meios tradicionais de vida, e a condescendência cultural das elites" (Hollander, 1995, p. 384, tradução nossa). ...
Resumo O avanço da desigualdade, da injustiça e da discriminação, e a emergência de movimentos anticonsumerismo no contexto do capitalismo neoliberal global, informam a explosão de debates corporações-sociedade no campo de Organizações e Gestão (O&G) e a construção do novo consumerismo global (NCG). Esse quadro é marcado pela radicalização da negação da face racialista do capitalismo modernista por historicismos antiamericanismo na Europa e na América Latina, que também desestabilizam e reforçam a rearticulação do historicismo discriminatório em consumerismo pelo NCG. Usando uma perspectiva crítica transmoderna enunciada em país emergente da América Latina, indo além das dicotomizações americanismo versus antiamericanismo e consumerismo versus anticonsumerismo, este artigo re-historiciza o movimento consumerista dos EUA, para mostrar que passados negados pelo anti-antiamericanismo racialista desempoderam academia e sociedade por meio de dinâmicas de apropriação e contenção de alternativas e identidades não discriminatórias, mobilizadas por mundos emergentes. Análise mostra que historicizações transmodernas podem permitir que NCG e o campo de O&G recuperem identidades discriminadas, promovam conhecimento para e com a maioria, ao invés de minorias, e atenuem o avanço do autoritarismo populista mobilizado pela supremacia branca.
... As críticas do antiamericanismo ao a-historicismo dominante no contexto do capitalismo neoliberal global rearticulam não apenas o excepcionalismo americanista de direita e o padrão civilizacional da supremacia branca (Hodgson, 2004), mas também o argumento de que reviver passados ressaltados por historicismos bárbaros, classificados pelo padrão anti-antiamericanismo como ameaçadores e irresponsáveis (Katzenstein & Keohane, 2007), é uma irresponsabilidade que bloqueia o progresso natural do conhecimento acadêmico (Brownlie & Saren, 1995) e cede ao padrão histórico de contramovimentos ambivalentes de mundos emergentes que se beneficiam da modernidade e promovem "a rejeição da ciência, tecnologia, e vida urbana ... o desgosto generalizado com modernidade, a defesa de meios tradicionais de vida, e a condescendência cultural das elites" (Hollander, 1995, p. 384, tradução nossa). ...
US-born new global consumerism (NCG) has emerged, within a global neoliberal capitalism context marked by growing inequality, injustice, white populist authoritarianism, in response to multiple anti-consumerism movements and corporation-society debates within US-led Eurocentric management and organization studies (MOS). With a focus on emerging worlds, NCG aims to foster consumerism capitalism by denying the racialist-civilizational face of marketing and
modernist capitalism. This transitional context informs the ascension of anti-Americanism historicisms in Europe and Latin America enabling NCG’s rearticulation of an amnetic anti-anti-Americanism historicism in consumerism. Drawing on a critical decolonial transmodern perspective enunciated in a Latin America emerging country, beyond Americanism versus anti-Americanism and consumerism versus anti-consumerism hierarchical dichotomies, this article historicizes the US consumerist movement, recovering historicisms from other areas, to show that pasts not accounted for by racialist anti-anti-Americanism help disempower academia and society at large by way of oligarchic civilizational appropriation-containment dynamics of anti-racism decolonial alternatives and identities mobilized by interconnected emerging worlds. Analysis
shows that this transmodern historicism of consumerism from emerging worlds might help uncover alternatives and discriminated identities in order to foster alternative knowledge on NCG
and MOS for and with the majority, attenuating growing inequality, injustice and white populist authoritarianism in a global scale.
... In this section, we provide an illustrative example of how machine translation can be used in conjunction with the STM to make comparisons across countries and languages. An important theoretical and empirical agenda is understanding how other countries view the United States (Katzenstein and Keohane 2007;Chiozza 2009;Lynch 2007;Telhami 2002;Rubin 2002). One way to understand views of the United States is to compare responses to specific events (e.g., Jamal et al. n.d.). ...
The intensively propagated moral construct of ma’naviyat penetrates all fields of public life in present-day Uzbekistan. The originally religious term is used as the moral foundation of the state’s official ‘ideology of national independence’. Portrayed as a return of the Uzbek people to their pre-Soviet past and their innate values and traditions, the ideological concept is preached as the only effective remedy for overcoming the negative Soviet legacies. Yet the analysis of the phenomenon shows that both the conceptualization of ma’naviyat at large and the concept’s underlying rhetoric, ideas and structures reveal many analogies to Soviet times. By offering a detailed linguistic analysis of a range of official writings, I argue that the discourse about ma’naviyat works – similarly to Soviet ideological patterns – as a strong legitimizing factor of today’s authoritarian regime.
... As described above, the anti-Americanism-as-prejudice perspective can be seen as one of the most promising developments in current anti-Americanism research, since it provides a more detailed and conceptually consistent understanding of the matter than many other conceptualizations which, as O'Connor points out (2007, 10 ff., 19), often use the term either in a too liberal or an overly restricted way. Understanding anti-Americanism as a form of prejudice seems to avoid both of these tendencies and is therefore adopted by many researchers (O'Connor 2007, Markovits 2007, Keohane and Katzenstein 2007, Beyer and Liebe 2010. However, despite its obvious advantages, the notion of prejudice is far from guaranteeing a more concise and insightful approach to the phenomenon. ...
A contribution to the ongoing debate on how anti-Americanism can be adequately conceptualized and how such prejudice can be distinguished from legitimate criticism, arguing that part of these conceptual problems arise from a too narrow focus on defining anti-Americanism and the use of standardized empirical operationalizations. Such approaches exhibit severe limitations in grasping the flexibility of the phenomenon in everyday discourse and often underestimate or ignore the interpretive aspect involved in identifying utterances as anti-American prejudice. Alternatively, a performative approach is proposed, understanding anti-Americanism as a network of speech acts bound by family resemblance rather than identical features. In combination with qualitative empirical research methods such a conceptualization is especially suited to account for the flexible, situated use of anti-American utterances. At the same time it grants reflexivity to the research concept, in the sense of a close description of the scientific application of the notion of anti-Americanism. Two empirical examples from an interview study on anti-American speech in Germany illustrate the potential of such an approach, providing an insight into how anti-Americanism is incorporated into the construction and expression of racist and revisionist national identifications in everyday discourse.
Türkiye - United States relations have a multifaceted character and have spanned a long period, witnessing ups and downs throughout their historical trajectory. Türkiye’s relations with and foreign policy towards the US have been closely monitored by the public, and diverse perspectives towards the US have emerged within Turkish public opinion over time. This paper investigates the various factors that affect Turkish public opinion towards the US. Previous studies have generally examined public opinion through the demand side, exploring what features of the public predict their behavior towards other countries. In this research, we examine what exactly it is about the US that the public likes or dislikes. The research question of this article is: What are the determinants of the variation in individuals’ foreign policy attitudes towards the US in Türkiye? By answering this question through survey data conducted in 2021, we aim to present the economic, security-related, and political reasons behind the Turkish public’s positive and negative attitudes toward the US. The findings demonstrate that individuals are influenced by various dimensions pertaining to the US and its relations with Türkiye. The respondents’ demographic characteristics and political and foreign policy attitudes have resulted in disparate opinions regarding these multiple dimensions.
Foreign influences on elections are widespread. Although foreign interventions around elections differ markedly-in terms of when and why they occur, and whether they are even legal-they all have enormous potential to influence citizens in the countries where elections are held. Bush and Prather explain how and why outside interventions influence local trust in elections, a critical factor for democracy and stability. Whether foreign actors enhance or diminish electoral trust depends on who is intervening, what political party citizens support, and where the election takes place. The book draws on diverse evidence, including new surveys conducted around elections with varying levels of democracy in Georgia, Tunisia, and the United States. Its insights about public opinion shed light on why leaders sometimes invite foreign influences on elections and why the candidates that win elections do not do more to respond to credible evidence of foreign meddling.
Anger is a neglected area in the study of international relations. Set against the broader impact of emotions on international relations and the emotional turn in the human and social sciences, this exploratory article focuses on state and non-state anger (as an emotion) in the contemporary era, here defined as the Age of Anger. The unique attributes of this era and states displaying anger are presented. The article concludes with a description and consequences of the behaviour of angry states and the inherent political utility of and dangers associated with anger.
God & Apple Pie: Religious Myths and Visions of America, 2015
Christopher Buck, God & Apple Pie: Religious Myths and Visions of America. (Introduction by J. Gordon Melton, Distinguished Professor of American Religious History, Institute for Studies in Religion, Baylor University.) Kingston, NY: Educators International Press, 2015. (Hardbound release date: March 27, 2015; Paperback release date: November 10, 2015.) ISBNs: Hard-bound: 9781891928154 | Paperback: 9781891928451.
Note: The publisher, Educators International Press, went out of business in 2019. All rights reverted back to the author, Christopher Buck. Since there is little prospect that this title will ever be republished, I am now releasing this book, in full, to the interested public.
Contents
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Chapter 1: America: Nation and Notion
Chapter 2: Native American Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 3: Protestant Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 4: The Christian Right’s Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 5: Catholic Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 6: Jewish Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 7: Mormon Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 8: Christian Identity Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 9: Black Muslim Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 10: Contemporary Muslim Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 11: Buddhist Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 12: Baha’i Myths and Visions of America
Chapter 13: Conclusion: How Minority Faiths Redefined America’s World Role
References
About the Author”
Based on a Michigan State University course, “Religious Myths of America” (IAH-211C) for “Integrated Arts and Humanities” (IAH). This course was designed and taught by Christopher Buck, Ph.D., during the 2003–2004 academic year.
Course syllabus:
http://www.wabashcenter.wabash.edu/syllabi/b/buck/Buck-20040309.pdf
Reviews
• “Interview with Christopher Buck, author of God & Apple Pie.” By Troy Mikanovich, Assistant Editor, and Christopher Buck. Reading Religion: A Publication of the American Academy of Religion. (Published online: September 14, 2018.)
• Reading Religion (“A Publication of the American Academy of Religion). Review of God & Apple Pie: Religious Myths and Visions of America by Emily Goshey (PhD candidate, religious studies, Princeton University): “This overview of religions in America and their relationship with America as both “nation and notion” covers tremendous ground. … God and Apple Pie is a veritable encyclopedia of both primary and secondary sources, but with the benefit of a more digestible presentation and a coherent narrative framework. Although the numerous, lengthy block quotes require some extra work from the reader, the overall effect is to empower the reader to see for themselves exactly how people within a given tradition mythologize and theologize America. That is to say, Buck shows as well as tells. … God and Apple Pie offers a valuable contribution to readers looking to understand why religion matters in America and how different American religious groups have seen their relationship with their country. Any reader, no matter how well versed in religious traditions, would learn a great deal by perusing its pages.” (Published online: August 14, 2017.)
• Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 20.4 (May 2017): pp. 130–131. Review by Donald A. Westbrook (UCLA): “Thus, the volume has clear import for both theological studies and religious studies, and is unique in that it attempts to summarize, systematize, and synthesize the visionary and mythical examples it deftly surveys. … On the whole, this revised and expanded volume is impressive for the breadth and depth it accomplishes and will be of value to researchers, teachers, and especially general readers.” DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/nr.2017.20.4.130
• Religion: (Published online: October 26, 2016.) Review by Daniel Liechty PhD, DMin, ACSW (Professor of Social Work, Illinois State University): “Fascinating … The chapter on Mormonism … is itself alone worth the price of the book. Other chapters, on Black Muslim and contemporary Islamic views, as well as Buddhist and Bahá’í visions of America … are, to my knowledge, the very best sources available for summarization of this material. … The reading itself is quite accessible. It could easily function not only as an undergraduate textbook, but also as the main reading for any adult education class or discussion group.” DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1080/0048721X.2016.1244636.
Internal and external sources cause anti-Americanism. This study does not justify any terrorist and extremist activities, whether against the US or other states. In Pakistan, these factors shape the anti-American sentiments: ideo-cultural perceptions about the US, US policies towards the Muslim world, the elite's role, the media's role, and US foreign policies towards Muslim World. This study analyzes the students' views of higher education institutions through a survey questionnaire. Results conclude that these factors significantly shape anti-Americanism among educated youth. US policies towards Pakistan and the Muslim world (external factors) have had a more significant impact on anti-American sentiment than elite and media roles (internal factors), including Ideo-cultural perceptions about the US. This study forwards recommendations for curtailing such feelings.
Anger is a neglected area in the study of international relations. Set against the broader impact of emotions on international relations and the emotional turn in the human and social sciences, this exploratory article focuses on state and non-state anger (as an emotion) in the contemporary era, here defined as the Age of Anger. The unique attributes of this era and states displaying anger are presented. The article concludes with a description and consequences of the behaviour of angry states and the inherent political utility of and dangers associated with anger.
This book focuses on foreign policy decision-making from the viewpoint of psychology. Psychology is always present in human decision-making, constituted by its structural determinants but also playing its own agency-level constitutive and causal roles, and therefore it should be taken into account in any analysis of foreign policy decisions. The book analyses a wide variety of prominent psychological approaches, such as bounded rationality, prospect theory, belief systems, cognitive biases, emotions, personality theories and trust to the study of foreign policy, identifying their achievements and added value as well as their limitations from a comparative perspective. Understanding how leaders in world politics act requires us to consider recent advances in neuroscience, psychology and behavioral economics. As a whole, the book aims at better integrating various psychological theories into the study of international relations and foreign policy analysis, as partial explanations themselves but also as facets of more comprehensive theories. It also discusses practical lessons that the psychological approaches offer since ignoring psychology can be costly: decision-makers need to be able reflect on their own decision-making process as well as the perspectives of the others. Paying attention to the psychological factors in international relations is necessary for better understanding the microfoundations upon which such agency is based.
Christer Pursiainen is Professor of Societal Security at the Arctic University of Norway (UiT) in Tromsø, Norway.
Tuomas Forsberg is Director of the Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies at the University of Helsinki and Professor of International Relations at Tampere University, Finland.
Chapter 4 of The Psychology of Foreign Policy ponders whether beliefs matter. Conventional wisdom holds that decision-making depends more on people’s beliefs about the reality than on the external reality as such. The chapter scrutinizes the mechanisms underlying this phenomenon, how it affects decision-making, and the methodologies related to how these issues can be studied and used as explanatory causal factors in the study of foreign policy decision-making. The chapter looks at such research fields as belief systems, studies of ideologies, images, cognitive maps, and operational codes. A number of prominent foreign policy applications are reviewed, and the respective theoretical and methodological challenges discussed. These include the notion that while information about beliefs can be relatively easily gathered from public sources such as speeches and other discourse, unlike in most psychological approaches, foreign policy decision-makers may hide their real motives and thoughts regarding an action and use popular ideologies as a smokescreen for both domestic and foreign audiences.
Chapter 7 of The Psychology of Foreign Policy discusses personality. The personalization of politics seems to be a pervasive trend in world politics, judging by the daily news as well as political and diplomatic discussions. This is in stark contrast to current mainstream International Relations theorizing, which concentrates on the structures and has either neglected the personality factors or placed them artificially outside the scope of the discipline. The chapter takes an in-depth look at the theoretical and methodological opportunities for integrating personality into the study of foreign policy decision-making. The issue at stake is whether personality matters, or whether systemic drivers suppress personal qualities and characteristics. The chapter starts by reviewing the generic personality theories, such as psychohistorical and psychoanalytical approaches, theories on personality types, and those based on personality traits and their sub-categories in different combinations. We then move to applications of these theories in the field of International Relations by looking at key research literature on personalities of foreign policy leaders and leadership traits. In a more detailed fashion, short illustrative psychological profiles of two great-power leaders are delineated. Finally, the challenges of the above approaches are discussed critically but constructively, pointing out the obvious data and methodological problems, but also issues such as whether personalities are subject to change, and what that would entail.
Chapter 5 of The Psychology of Foreign Policy addresses heuristics and cognitive biases that have often been regarded as being at the core of psychological approaches to foreign policy. This field does not constitute a unified theory as such but concerns a variety of cognitive mechanisms that affect decision-making. We start by briefly outlining the main theoretical approaches concerning these phenomena before taking a closer look at some of the most foreign policy relevant biases. In order to illustrate the diversity of the factors we look at confirmation bias, overconfidence, attribution error, cognitive dissonance, misleading historical analogies, groupthink and polythink. After that, representative examples of their applications in the empirical analysis of foreign policy decisions are presented. In the discussion part, conceptual, theoretical and methodological challenges are identified, such as the difficulties involved in verifying those circumstances where biases have or have not materialized.
Chapter 3 of The Psychology of Foreign Policy concerns prospect theory, which originates from behavioural economics but has been increasingly applied to International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis. It is one of the most influential cognitive psychological decision-making theories. The theory arose to challenge the straightforward expected utility-based rational choice theory. Prospect theory claims that people hardly ever make choices on the basis of the mathematical utility value of the available options, as the expected utility theory models the decision-making situation. Focusing on risky decision-making, the theory argues that the way in which a decision is framed, that is, whether it is understood to be in the realms of loss or gain, defines whether the decision-maker is a risk-taker or risk-averse. After carefully considering the generic theory, the chapter presents its applications to foreign policy decision-making. In addition to methodological challenges, the critical discussion deals with the issue of whether a theory based on average behaviour and tested by small monetary values in controlled circumstances can be applied to foreign policy decision-making.
Chapter 9 of The Psychology of Foreign Policy provides a systematic and structured comparison of the psychological approaches discussed in the book. It concludes by summarising their ontological, epistemological, and axiological assumptions, and discusses the methodological solutions as applied to foreign policy decision-making. In an encompassing manner, it elaborates on the issues of the reliability and validity of psychological theories in the context of foreign policy decision-making studies. The chapter discusses the (im)possibility of creating a single research programme around the psychological theories when studying foreign policy decision-making, noting that this would be a challenge without any clear common core of basic assumptions. Nevertheless, the chapter identifies those areas where research shows the most promise in producing new theoretical innovations and empirical explanations within the field of foreign policy analysis. It also outlines practical takeaways for foreign policy decision-makers and practitioners.
Chapter 2 of The Psychology of Foreign Policy discusses the extent to which foreign policy decisions can be deemed rational. The chapter provides a reasoned justification for why one must go beyond the rational choice models towards psychological theories when explaining decision-making. In addition to a rather critical but nonetheless constructive discussion of instrumental rationality, the chapter reviews the theoretical and methodological foundations of two modifications of rational choice, namely bounded rationality and the poliheuristic theory of decision-making. Both take into account the cognitive limitations of information-gathering and decision-making, but the latter emerges more inherently from the tradition of Foreign Policy Analysis and is more adapted to empirical applications in this field. On this general basis, some relevant applications in the field of international politics and foreign policy are presented, illustrating the operationalization of the aforementioned approaches. In the discussion part, the conceptual, theoretical and methodological challenges and limitations are identified. The question of whether and how one can apply the theoretical assumptions of these schools in empirical studies and gather the required data is considered, as well as the degree to which these approaches add to the pure rational choice analysis explanation.
A counter-intuitive finding emerges from an analysis of Arabic Twitter posts from 2014 to 2015: Twitter participants who are negative toward the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) are also more likely to hold negative views of the United States. This surprising correlation is due to the interpretations of two sets of users. One set of users views the United States and ISIS negatively as independent interventionist powers in the region. The other set of users negatively links the United States with ISIS, often asserting a secretive conspiracy between the two. The intense negativity toward the United States in the Middle East seems conducive to views that, in one way or another, cause citizens to link the United States and ISIS in a conspiratorial manner.
China relies on soft power for its economic and political expansion, and this strategy has proven effective in achieving the goals set by the Chinese administration. China-Arab relations have developed greatly in the past ten years, in parallel with the increase in the number of Arab students in China. This article examines the Chinese soft power strategy towards the Arab region through student exchange programs, and the role of students in the development of Sino-Arab relations. China achieves strategic goals through soft power. A survey was conducted on a group of Arab students in China, specifically in Wuhan, to learn more about the orientations of Arab students towards Chinese policies and to get a clearer idea of life and study in China. The article concludes with new concepts about life in China, and about the Chinese environment, which have proved to be attractive to Arab students.
In our research, we focus on the image of the United States in Latin America. We use mainly data from Latinobarómetro, and we analyse Obama’s last year and Trump’s first year in the presidency in 18 countries in Latin America. We use logistic regression to reach conclusions. We also analyse Trump’s tweets to see his Twitter rhetoric. We find that Trump’s election has strongly worsened the image of the United States in the public opinion of Latin America. However, we find that people that believe more in democracy, the free market and national political institutions are more likely to have a positive opinion of the United States. Also, we find that the more left-wing citizens are, the more likely they have a bad opinion of the United States. This article contributes to the theory of trust and research on the public opinion across nations. Also, this article offers insights into the topical research agenda concerning the influence of political ideology on public opinion.
The global, Taiwan’s and Chinese cultures have been vying for support from people in today’s Taiwan. This paper attempts to evaluate the glocalization hypothesis by way of an explanation. Using recent data collected in 2018 by the Taiwan Social Change Survey, it is found that acceptance of Chinese culture is high, despite the political tension across the Taiwan Strait. In contrast, global culture is least well received. Regression estimation of the influence of global exposure (measured by border crossing, transnational networking and consumption of foreign food) on support for the three cultures provides only weak supporting evidence. In contrast, ethnic origin plays a key role when it comes to accepting Taiwanese or Chinese culture.
Donald Trump frequently attacks foreign countries such as Germany (e.g., via Twitter). Drawing from social identity theory and intergroup threat theory, I theorized that exposure to news about Trump's anti-German utterances indirectly increases anti-Americanism in Germany. First, I theorized that Trump's utterances result in negative attitudes toward Trump and, in turn, increase anti-Americanism (spillover effect). Second, I theorized that Trump's anti-German utterances indirectly affect anti-Americanism via increased European Union (EU) popularity. Furthermore, I assumed that effects would be stronger for individuals low in political interest. A quota-based online experiment (N = 428) revealed that Trump's anti-German utterances increased
The chapter proposes the concept of the (omnipresent) "public sector" in China to understand China´s socioeconomy in general in the 21st century and specifically with LAC. The chapter reviews a group of alternative concepts and measures the share of the public sector in Chinese economy.
Based on the existing research in the LAC-China relationship, the contribution of this book is to focus on the Chinese institutions and actors related to LAC. Nine chapters and 10 authors examine a group of detailed topics: Ariel C. Armony, Nicolás Velásquez, Enrique Dussel Peters, Zhimin Yang, Bettina Gransow, Eduardo Daniel Oviedo, Adrian H. Hearn, Hongbo Sun, Julie Michelle Klinger, and Jingsheng Dong.
У статті здійснено спробу виявити спільні та відмінні риси антиамериканізму у пострадянських Україні та Росії. Визначено присутність так званого «старого» (радянського) та «нового» (пострадянського) антиамериканізму. Відзначено, що в Україні антиамериканізм є більш поміркованим, ніж у Росії, в якій він став однією з основ державної політики.
There was made an attempt to identify the common features of anti-Americanism in post-Soviet Ukraine and Russia. The presence of so-called "old" (Soviet) and "new" (post-Soviet) anti-Americanism were determined. It was noted that anti-Americanism in Ukraine is more moderate than in Russia, where it became one of the foundations of public policy.
In the early 1990s, the Russian public held overwhelmingly favorable attitudes toward the United States; in recent years, attitudes toward the United States have been overwhelmingly unfavorable. Analysts often trace this dramatic change to (1) the emergence of Russian-American conflicts such as those in former Yugoslavia and (2) Russian leaders’ attempts to escape blame for their country's failures by attributing them to a powerful external enemy. We point to another major factor of Russian anti-Americanism that preceded the international conflicts and the government-led anti-American propaganda: (3) disillusionment, or an emotional and ideological dissatisfaction with the outcome of pro-Western reforms that started among the liberal elites and then spread among the general public. Using data from the New Russian Barometer surveys, we analyze the dynamics of attitudes toward the United States from 1993 to 2009. We find that mass disappointment in the perestroika outcomes preceded the spread of anti-Americanism in Russia and that anti-American sentiment was stronger and occurred earlier among the elite than among the mass public. Furthermore, those (especially better-educated) people who express disappointment with the outcomes of pro-Western reforms prove significantly more anti-American. Our findings illustrate a general ideological phenomenon that may explain the growth of anti-Americanism in unsuccessful democracies worldwide.
Prior research has sought to understand the rise of election observers and their consequences for outcomes such as fraud, protest, and violence. These studies are important but they overlook a significant individual-level dynamic that observers themselves care about: the effect that election observers have on local attitudes about elections. We argue that the activities of election observers can enhance elections' local credibility, but only when locals perceive observers as being both capable of detecting fraud and unbiased in that pursuit. Not all observer groups are seen as equally capable and unbiased. Evidence from a large-scale, nationally representative experiment in Tunisia supports the argument. A key finding is that observers from the Arab League—an organization criticized internationally for low-quality election observation—enhanced credibility the most because they were perceived locally as both relatively capable and unbiased.
A Política de Externa Lula da Silva (2003-2010) foi alvo de controvérsia. Houve debate entre grupos que defendiam estar ela “contaminada pelo antiamericanismo e pela orientação ideológica” e aqueles que consideravam que o país apenas agia de modo pragmático. Tal controvérsia é mais um capítulo das distintas visões sobre as relações Brasil-EUA existentes, pelo menos, desde a proclamação da República no Brasil em 1889. O artigo analisa e coteja dados econômicos e políticos dos mandatos presidenciais de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e Lula da Silva (2003-2010) verificando a eventual influência do alegado ‘antiamericanismo’ na gestão deste segundo presidente.
This book presents the evolution of the field of foreign policy analysis and explains the theories that have structured research in this area over the last 50 years. It provides the essentials of emerging theoretical trends, data and methodological pitfalls and major case-studies and is designed to be a key entry point for graduate students, upper-level undergraduates and scholars into the discipline. The volume features an eclectic panorama of different conceptual, theoretical and methodological approaches to foreign political analysis, focusing on different models of analysis such as two-level game analysis, bureaucratic politics, strategic culture, cybernetics, poliheuristic analysis, cognitive mapping, gender studies, groupthink and the systemic sources of foreign policy. The authors also clarify conceptual notions such as doctrines, ideologies and national interest, through the lenses of foreign policy analysis.
The recent debate about the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has triggered widespread opposition to the trade agreement in Germany. It is not clear, however, what factors drive public attitudes toward transatlantic trade. This article explores the role of anti-Americanism in predicting attitudes toward TTIP among the German public. It argues that the impact of anti-Americanism depends on the extent to which political elites frame the TTIP proposal as a basic conflict between American and European values. Using data from two national representative surveys, it is found that attitudes toward America strongly predict support for the TTIP agreement. The results further demonstrate that the effect of national resentment is moderated by issue awareness, with citizens with a strong anti-American sentiment being significantly more likely to oppose the agreement if they follow the elite debate more closely. Taken together, the results suggest that national resentments are more important for the explanation of TTIP preferences than traditional factors such as partisanship, ideology and material concerns.
We explore how the reception of remittances affects perceptions of the bilateral relationship between Mexico and the U.S. Scholars have claimed that the economic benefits of the relationship with the U.S. prevail over imperialistic concerns stemming from the asymmetry of power between the two countries. Empirical research shows that Latin American public opinion is indeed more supportive of the U.S. than the theory predicts. We identify, however, two gaps in this literature: first, scholars have explored the determinants of generic expressions of sentiment toward the U.S., overlooking more concrete instances of cooperation between the two countries. Second, scholars have focused on trade and investment and have ignored how the material gains of emigration shape attitudes toward the U.S. Using novel survey data on the bilateral relationship between Mexico and the U.S., our paper fills these two gaps. On one hand, we find that while the reception of remittances correlates positively with good sentiments toward the U.S., those that receive remittances are consistently more opposed to cooperation with the U.S. in the fight against drug trafficking. We argue that this finding can be explained by the different nature of the migratory phenomenon, and the connection between anti-drug trafficking policies and the close scrutiny of illegal flows of money and people.
Este artículo discute las actitudes de anti y pro-americanismo en América Latina tomando como base las encuestas del proyecto México, las Américas y el Mundo, que permiten debatir las ideas dominantes dentro de la discusión, según las cuales existe en la región un profundo anti-americanismo. A partir del análisis de los resultados de las encuestas, se argumenta que no es posible atribuir una identidad anti o pro-americana a los países de la región, que, por el contrario, muestran tendencias en ambas direcciones.
Este artículo discute las actitudes de anti y pro-americanismo en América Latina tomando como base las encuestas del proyecto México, las Américas y el Mundo, que permiten debatir las ideas dominantes dentro de la discusión, según las cuales existe en la región un profundo anti-americanismo. A partir del análisis de los resultados de las encuestas, se argumenta que no es posible atribuir una identidad anti o pro-americana a los países de la región, que, por el contrario, muestran tendencias en ambas direcciones.
In this article I explore the discursive origins of anti-Americanism or anti-American sentiments in the two Koreas, where the status of postcolonial states was pursued in different ways. I compare two early examples of stories that embodied anti-Americanism, based on discourse analysis in literary criticism: Jackals, written by the North Korean novelist Han Sorya, and Land of Excrement, written by the South Korean novelist Nam Jung-hyun. I emphasize the differences between the two anti-Americanisms in terms of their respective discursive origins. Land of Excrement was reprinted in a North Korean Communist Party bulletin without the author's permission, and he was arrested in 1965. The incident symbolizes the antagonistic relations of the two Koreas as well as the implicit and unofficial linkage between South Korean civil society and the North Korean state.
Objective
Recent works on anti‐Americanism have indicated a link between anti‐American and anti‐Semitic resentments but neither an explication of the underlying mechanisms nor satisfying empirical data regarding such a relationship exist. This article offers historical insights and theoretical reflections as well as quantitative data for the case of Germany with which the theoretical assumptions are tested.
Methods
The sample of the study consists of 1,201 respondents randomly selected from the German population older than 18 years (computer‐assisted telephone interviews survey). The data are analyzed using seemingly unrelated regression models.
Results
Anti‐American and anti‐Semitic attitudes correlate substantially. Multivariate models show that this correlation can be explained via the common function of both to rationalize social change.
Conclusion
The historical ties of European anti‐Semitism and anti‐Americanism are still prevalent today. They combine into a comprehensive symptom that is constituted by the uncertainty caused by “globalization” and an accelerated “capitalism.”
The article examines the causes and social mechanisms of anti-American attitudes and behavior and illustrates the fruitfulness of this theoretical approach using the example of Germany. We argue that anti-American attitudes are rooted mainly in two sociopsychological functions: the rationalization of social change and the projection of self-parts that have been suppressed. Other determinants are social norms, lack of personal social contact with Americans, and a strong national identity. Further, we also investigate the correlation between anti-American attitudes and behavioral intentions. Using a national sample (n = 1,201) and a comprehensive measure of anti-Americanism, we document the distribution of perceptions about America and Americans among the German population and explore the explanatory power of the theoretical concepts.
Countries, large and small, are now keenly aware that their image and reputation can be vital strategic resources in world affairs. In this regard, China is no exception. In fact, perhaps nowhere else has the idea of “soft power” been as widely discussed, embraced, and appropriated as in China.1
Few government programs that aid democracy abroad today seek to foster regime change. Technical programs that do not confront dictators are more common than the aid to dissidents and political parties that once dominated the field. What explains this 'taming' of democracy assistance? This book offers the first analysis of that puzzle. In contrast to previous research on democracy aid, it focuses on the survival instincts of the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that design and implement democracy assistance. To survive, Sarah Bush argues that NGOs seek out tamer types of aid, especially as they become more professional. Diverse evidence - including three decades of new project-level data, case studies of democracy assistance in Jordan and Tunisia, and primary documents gathered from NGO archives - supports the argument. This book provides new understanding of foreign influence and moral actors in world politics, with policy implications for democracy in the Middle East.
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