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Chapter 2
Self-Control in Weight Loss Process
Magdalena Marszał-Wiśniewska and
Ewa Jarczewska-Gerc
Additional information is available at the end of the chapter
http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.76127
Provisional chapter
DOI: 10.5772/intechopen.76127
© 2016 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution,
and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Self-Control in Weight Loss Process
MagdalenaMarszał-Wiśniewska and
EwaJarczewska-Gerc
Additional information is available at the end of the chapter
Abstract
Classical motivation theories assumed that the probability of success in goal striving pro-
cess (including weight loss) depended on two factors: likelihood of success and arac-
tiveness of the result. However, research referring to obesity showed that motivational
factors are not sucient in eective weight loss. In other words, obese people value
anticip ated weight loss but still do not succeed in this process. It is implied by the fact that
eectiveness and persistence of this process depend also on volitional factor. This factor
refers to self-control mechanisms, which mediate between intention to reach the goal
and its enactment. The current empirical data suggest that implementation intentions
and mental simulations are especially benecial techniques of self-control enhancement.
This chapter will unveil main theories and research concerning self-control mechanisms
and inuence of various mental simulations and implementation intentions in weight
loss process and weight-related behaviors. Moreover, our empirical data concerning indi-
vidual dierences in self-control of weight loss process are presented.
Keywords: weight loss, self-control, mental simulations, implementation intentions
1. Introduction
According to the World Health Organization, overweight and obesity serve as a serious
potential health risks [1]. Statistics shows that since 1970 the number of people suering from
overweight or obesity has tripled, and its prevalence is still growing. It is proved that weight
problems are responsible for several chronic diseases such as diabetes, cardiovascular dis-
eases or even cancer [2]. Both global institutions, as WHO, and local governments strive for
actions directed to stop this pervasive and threatening trend. Majority of those actions are
© 2018 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use,
distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
informative in their form—they convey information concerning benets of healthy lifestyle,
including diet and physical activity, or negative consequences of excessive fat accumulation.
However, everyday observation and research data [2–4] suggest that mere knowledge referring
to what is healthy and, on the contrary, what is insalubrious is not sucient to change peoples’
behavior. In other words, people know they should consume fruits and vegetables but they
grab for chips and sweets. They also know they should go jogging, but instead of that they lie
down on the sofa and watch TV. Interestingly, when asked, most people say they would like to
change their unhealthy habits, but they do nothing or almost nothing to enact their intentions.
At this point, one question may arise in our minds—where is our rationality? The problem is
that we often identify consciousness with rationality or even confuse them [5]. In other words,
people assume that since one is aware of some phenomena, e.g. knows that it is recommended
to drink two liters of water per day, she or he should drink each day at least this amount of
water. “Rational mind” takes into account all available data, processes the information and as
an output makes the best decision which is subsequently implemented into ongoing behav-
ior. Unfortunately, this is just a desired ideal construction, having not much in common with
everyday observation. The proverb says, “the road to hell is paved with good intentions.” What
does it mean? It means that there must be another than just a desire factor (formulation of inten-
tion) responsible for eective goal pursuit. In the psychological literature, this phenomenon is
being called volitional factor, volitional processes or volitional strategies [6–8].
This chapter presents theory and empirical data considering psychological processes medi-
ating eectiveness and persistence in intention enactment, especially signicant in area of
weight loss and weight loss maintenance. It also unveils theory and research concerning inu-
ence of techniques of self-control enhancement (various mental simulations and implementa-
tion intentions) in weight loss process. Moreover, our empirical data concerning personality
characteristics that may possibly dierentiate the eectiveness of self-control in area of weight
loss process will be overviewed.
2. Volitional factor in eective intention enactment
Imagine the situation of a person who decided to abandon junk food and shift toward healthy
eating. Let us assume that the decision was made autonomously, which means that is based
on personally relevant needs and values, and is perceived by the person as a free will choice
[9]. The person is highly motivated, speaks loudly about his or her eagerness to improve diet
and become healthier. It seems like all requirements are fullled to lead this person to eec-
tive goal aainment. This expectation is in accordance with classical model of motivation [10,
11], which assumed that probability of turning into action is based on the expectancy of suc-
cess and perceived value of desired outcome. However, after two successful days of dieting,
the person experiences stressful situation at work. Everything around her or him seems sad
and helpless. The mood is going down and the natural human reaction is aempting to regu-
late own mood in order to resume previous emotional state. What were the most commonly
used stress and mood strategy for this person in the past? For many people, it is eating or
even binging on tasty and unhealthy foods. At this point, the person faces not one but two
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intentions simultaneously: to eat healthy (distal and long-term intention) and to eat chocolate
(proximal and “here and now” intention). Interestingly, and unfortunately, both intensions
are internally contradictory. Even though in “cold” conditions the person was determined to
stick previous intention, now, in “hot” conditions gets very close to the breakdown. Which
intention will win? The question is not so easy to answer, but undoubtedly refers to ones
“willpower” to overcome temporal temptation and persist in goal congruent actions.
2.1. What does volitional mean?
The term “willpower” and its role in the motivational process, though present in psychol-
ogy from the very beginning [12, 13], are one of those which are not easy to dene. Ach [13]
wrote about the eciency of will which meant cognitive activities dedicated to the reduction
of discrepancy between present and anticipated states. James [12], however, distributed self-
management skills into regulatory motivation and regulatory competence, which state for respec-
tively motivation to reveal willpower and actual capacity to do it successfully. Contemporary
authors, e.g. Kuhl [14, 15], prefer to use term volition, which refers to the central coordination
of cognitive, motivational and emotional processes.
What is the dierence between motivation and volition? The answer is absolutely crucial to
understand, explain and prevent peoples’ failures to aempt their goals, especially dicult
like losing weight or maintaining appropriate weight. Indeed, seing the goal and strong
motivation to achieve are not sucient to succeed. Heckhausen [16–18] and Gollwier pro-
posed a model of action phases, which addresses Levin’s distinction for goal seing and goal-
striving process [19]. According to this model [20, 21], action includes two distinct stages. The
rst is a motivational or deliberative phase during which the individual cognitively processes
the expenses and prots of prospective behavior. The second is volitional phase during which
the subject generates the strategies and plans subordinated to enact the intention. Therefore,
proposed model denotes that intention enactment is most probable when the subject is not
only motivated to act but also produced strategies and plans which foster intention aain-
ment [7]. The main objective for those plans and strategies is to control own behavior in order
to successfully achieve the goal. This mode of control dedicated to goal maintenance activities
is called self-control [14].
3. Self-control mechanisms which mediate between intention to
reach the goal and its enactment
In accordance with processual approach to willpower, researchers are trying to nd an
answer considering mechanisms and processes engaged in action control process. In other
words, they try to demystify the notion of willpower, identifying psychological mechanisms
which are responsible for intra and inter-individual dierences in self-control. In the follow-
ing sections, we will focus only on selected concepts and models, which, in our opinion, due
to their empirical value, are signicant in self-control mechanisms in weight loss process and
in weight-related behaviors.
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3.1. Willpower as self-regulatory strength
According to the Self-Regulatory Strength Model developed by Baumeister [22, 23], the will-
power is served by internal energetic resources of organism. The main assumption of this
model implies that the ability to regulate responses actively (thus to move the self closer
to a desired state) depends on a restricted and depletable self-regulatory resource. When
regulatory resources have been depleted, self-regulation failure is more probable.
As Baumeister and his colleagues assume [22], the main cause of undesired behaviors, also
diet related leading to obese, is insuciency of self-regulatory processes. The term “self-reg-
ulation” is understood as an eort undertaken by the subject, directed to change the reactions
of self, what in fact means self-control. Eective functioning of the self is possible due to the
energy, which is served by specic, limited resource sucient for limited acts of will. Self-
control can be then compared to the muscle which as a result of intensive exercise gets tired,
hence its eciency in subsequent task decrements. To renovate the resources time and rest is
required, thus many acts of self-control losses happen at night when people are tired after all
day long regulation of own behavior [24].
In the study conducted by Vohs and Heatherton [25], ego depletion in dieting behaviors was
induced and measured. Dieters were exposed with temptations, either strongly depleting—
siing very close to the bowl of candies, or weakly depleting—siing quite far away from
the same temptation. The study showed that after strong depletion of ego resources sub-
jects indeed exerted less self-regulatory strength. In more detail, subjects consumed more ice
cream and persisted less in the cognitive task after siing closer to the bowl full of candies
than those participants who were siing more far away.
The vast number of studies conducted in the typical schema for Baumeister’s ego depletion
model (see meta-analysis, [26]) as well as the study referring to everyday experiences mea-
sures by experience sampling method [27] acknowledge, in their authors’ opinion, the exis-
tence of ego depletion phenomenon. Although Baumeister’s model provides with a simple
and opportune explanation of self-control loss, researches conrming its legitimacy also have
some shortcomings. In our opinion, one of them is an excessive liberty in understanding what
actually self-regulatory acts and tasks which document ego depletion are. Also reductionist
form of Baumeister’s model meets with aention of critics. Bandura [28] for instance notices
that the loss or lack of control over behavior not necessary is tied to ego strength but can be
rather imposed by the perception of personal standards or engagement level according to
those standards. Moreover, studies which tested relation between the type of regulation and
ego depletion conducted by Muraven et al. [29, 30] showed that non-autonomic regulation
performed in the conditions of internal or external pressure depletes ego resources more than
autonomic regulation. Similar conclusions can be posed by the research results of Moller et al.
[31]. Summarizing the research results mentioned above, comprehension of self-regulatory
failure or loss only in terms of ego depletion is not sucient to explain the diculties in
the behavioral control area. As the studies show, the distribution of willpower (dened by
Baumeister et al. [22] as an ability to put eort to control own behavior) to dierent behav-
iors depends on the character of regulation or autonomy level of standards which drive the
behavior.
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3.2. Willpower as the central coordination system: the role of aect regulation
According to Personality Systems Interactions Theory [15], willpower coordinates functioning
of cognitive, motivational and emotional processes. The basic function of volitional processes
is to enable performance in accordance with the goal and to maintain the self-system inte-
gration as well. In Kuhl’s theory [15, 32], the self-system can be identied with extension
memory, which is served by the implicit system representing own needs, values’ preferences
and autobiographical memory. This system contributes to the integrated knowledge about
self and personal experience. The eective intention enactment requires an access to extension
memory, and the signicant factor which limits this access is stress [33]. Thus, it becomes clear
that eective aect regulation is a must for volitional eciency [33, 34].
Demands-related stress (e.g. stress implied by the conicts of goals, diculty of the task,
monotony or lack of favorable circumstances) is tied to the lack of positive aect [32, 33]. This
lack of positive aect activates intension memory (which includes cognitive representation of
goals, and its main goal is to maintain intention in working memory), and at the same time,
it impedes the access to extension memory (self-system). As a result, the subject is excessively
focused on the goal and unable to move to the core phase of the action which is intention
implementation [21]. The ability to arouse positive aect enables both intention implementa-
tion and starting the activity [35].
In turn, threat-related stress (which is caused by the threats, failures and serious life changes) is
accompanied by negative aect [32, 33]. This negative aect concentrates the subject’s aention
on ongoing negative experiences and inhibits an access to extension memory (self-system). In
such situations, the subject is unable to stop contemplating the unfavorable situation (rumina-
tion) and is unable to detach from it in order to make a decision about further action. The abil-
ity to neutralize negative aect allows the accessibility to extension memory (self-system) and
enables integration of the experiences into consistent whole with account to self-system [36, 37].
The mechanisms described above, function dierently under two, dierentiated by Kuhl self-
management modes: self-regulation and self-control [14, 15].
3.2.1. Paradoxes of self-management processes
Baumeister and his colleagues [24] identify terms “self-regulation” with “self-control” thus
they use them interchangeably. However, this approach seems to be misleading, what was
emphasized by Kuhl in the 1996 article titled Who controls whom when I control myself [14]. The
author recalls, among others, paradoxes of the self-regulatory processes, which are worthy to
be noted at this point. Let us consider the situation of a woman who decided to lose weight
and as one of the strategies she planned to jog everyday after work. It is winter, she comes
back home tired and cold. The day at work was nervous and exhausting. She would rather
stay at home, eat some delicious chocolate and watch her favorite TV show. What activity
(staying at home versus going out for a jog) will be an accurate self-regulatory strategy used
by the women in this particular situation? If she decides to go for a jog will she demonstrate
the willpower? Or maybe the genuine willpower will be to break the previous decision, sabo-
taging internal imperative and immerse into pleasure of the moment?
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Let us consider another dilemma in the subject of self-management area. Based on the
previous example, the women who want to lose weight issue an order to herself to grab
for an apple when she feels like eating a snack. But at the kitchen table, besides fruits there
is also a plate with donuts. Her internal voice (let us call it “angel”) says: eat an apple,
you decided to shift into a healthy lifestyle! But at the same time, another voice (“devil”)
demands: eat a donut! You like it beer! The truth is that indeed she likes sweets more that
fruits, but at the same time after eating too much junk food she feels bad, both physically
and emotionally.
How can it be explained that one tells him of herself “eat an apple” but his or her own hand
grabs for a donut? To understand this phenomenon, two modes of self-management should
be distinguished [15].
3.2.2. Self-regulation and self-control: democratic and autocratic self-management modes
Kuhl distinguished two modes of self-management: self-regulation and self-control [14, 15]
Self-regulation is a mode, which is dedicated to support self-maintenance and can be meta-
phorically portrayed as a democratic leadership aimed to sustain or increase one’s well-being
(positive emotionality). The self-control mode, on the other hand, supports goal-maintenance
activities and can be paralleled to mild or even strict dictatorship. The role of this mode is to
inhibit potentially uncooperative processes like feelings, values or preferences in order to pro-
tect and conserve the intention from any distracters. When the subject decides to reduce body
weight following the serious health condition, the necessity to change the menu most prob-
ably arouses negative emotions and is not perceived as democratically assigned (even though
patients rationally agrees that this is a proper decision). A good solution in this situation is to
gradually incorporate this goal to the patient’s personal goals network, so it could be seen as
a great chance for development, geing respect from others or to avoid adverse health eects.
However, prior to this positive introjection, the eective dietary change discounting self-con-
trol mode seems to be very unlikely. Thus, Kuhl and Fuhrmann [35] mark some advantages
of using this mode, especially when realizing dicult and eortful tasks. Nevertheless, the
long-term and rigid employment of self-control drains psychophysical resources and can lead
to negative consequences [38].
3.2.3. State and action orientation
Based on the vast empirical data [15, 33], Kuhl assumes the existence of relatively stable indi-
vidual dispositions in aect regulation: state or action orientation. The action-oriented subjects
facing demand-related stress are able to elicit positive aect and to neutralize negative aect
when confronted with threat-related stress [15]. They also manifest higher self-motivation
when challenged by dicult task and imply self-relaxation while threatened to risks or fail-
ures. On the contrary, state-oriented persons expose low ability to generate positive aect
when faced with challenge, and at the same time, they show inability to eectively initiate
the goal-related behavior. That is why they expose tendency for procrastination, experience
passive rumination over the goal, engage in counterintentional behaviors and are oppressed
by the task-irrelevant intrusions.
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3.3. The ability to delay of gratication: self-control in inhibiting impulses and
temptations
An eective self-management strongly depends on the temporal perspective. What is good for
me here and now (e.g. eating a donut) is no longer good for my distant goal (losing weight).
On the other hand, what is good for my distant goal (e.g. reduce BMI), not necessarily is good
for me at the moment (go outside to the frosty air to jog). This problem is widely known in the
literature as a delay of gratication paradigm or marshmallow dilemma [39–42]. In the series
of experiments, Mischel and his colleagues [40, 43, 44] showed that:
1. Under 4 years of age, children are generally unable to wait any time for the delayed
gratication.
2. Above this age, children start to vary—some of the young subjects can wait until experi-
menter goes back to the room to receive bigger treat and some cannot do it even when gets
older.
3. The number of seconds the child waits in the situation of being exposed with temptation
(e.g. cookie or marshmallow) strongly predicts his or her results in the Scholastic Aptitude
Test (SAT) and social-cognitive, personal and interpersonal skills many years later.
How to explain those eects? Mischel distinguished two types of control: stimulus-control
and self-control [42]. The rst type refers to the power (control) which is executed by tempt-
ing object present in one’s perceptual eld. The second type is a control operated by self
over the stimuli. This type of control provides one with the ability to resist the temptation
as so not to consume it. The eectiveness of delay of gratication or resisting the temptation
relays, according to the Mischel’s concept, on the interaction between hot and cool systems
[45]. The hot system is a “go” system, which directs emotional, quick, simple and signicant
for survival information. It regulates ght or ight reactions. The system is ready to operate
from the very early childhood and enables the child to communicate with outside world. The
most probable neural substratum for hot system is amygdala [46, 47]. Amygdala is a small,
almond-shaped structure in the brain, which reacts to the situations perceived by the sub-
ject as threatening [46]. The eect of amygdala’s activation is physiological arousal, which
fosters automatic, survival reactions. However, there is also a second system of behavior
regulation—the “cool” system. This one is cognitive, slow, thoughtful and elaborative and
outputs rational, deliberative and rational behaviors. The neural origins of the cool system
are being aributed to hippocampal and frontal lobe processing [45]. Those neural struc-
tures are responsible for metacognitive processing, memory, problem-solving and knowl-
edge organization. The eective self-control while being exposed with temptation depends
on the maturity of the brain (especially hippocampus and frontal lobe, which ripen quite
late in the ontogeny) and stress level (high emotional activation aenuate or even turn o
the cool system). Mischel and his colleagues mark also the role of mental representation
of the temptation (gratication) [42] in the successful delay. For example, in the study by
Mischel and Baker [43], children who were hinted with a cool, informational representation
of temptation were able to wait for a reward (snack) 13 minutes in average, while those who
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were cued with a hot instruction could delay only for 5 minutes. Concluding the ndings
by Mischel [40], it can be pointed out that the signicant role in delay of gratication (self-
control) is played by aentional control, namely the way in which the temptation is mentally
represented. Mentally portrayed as “white, puy cloud” or “yummy and chewy” marshmal-
low is objectively still the same treat but subjectively its appealing strength is much dierent.
4. Mental simulations and implementation intentions as benecial
techniques of self-control enhancement
Since eective goal pursuit requires engagement not only in motivational but also, or even
primarily, in volitional phase, signicant question arises: Are there any techniques which can
increase one’s self-control? In this section, we review two basic techniques, which are proved
to be especially benecial in enhancing successful goal achievement, mental simulations and
implementation intentions.
4.1. Mental simulation
Mental simulations can be dened as cognitive activities, which constitute an imitative
representation of event or series of events [48]. There are three basic forms of mental simu-
lations: outcome simulations (representing the result of performance), process simulations
(portraying the following steps of action to be taken in order to achieve the goal), and rumi-
nations (negative images of setback or adversity) [49]. Three primary psychological mecha-
nisms are responsible for benecial eects of process mental simulations on goal aainment:
eective emotional regulation (e.g. reduction of stress), plan for action formulation and acti-
vation of problem-solving behaviors. On the other hand, positive outcome simulations are
maladaptive because, though they imply positive aect (pleasure derived from the mental
image of success), they veil eective planning and problem-solving activities. Ruminations,
however, also hinder eective goal pursuit. Ruminative thoughts glue one’s aention to
negative aspects of the reality and distract from potential planning and problem-solving
activities [49–52].
The eectiveness of process-focused simulations was displayed in areas such as problem-solv-
ing [53], examination performance [49], planning fallacy reduction [49], quiing smoking [54]
running on time skills [55] and nally weight loss [52].
Mental contrasting developed by Oeingen [56] is a kind of cognitive procedure, similar to
mental simulations but slightly dierent in the form. The subject is mentally contrasting when
he/she is actively processing the discrepancy between the presence and the desired future [50].
Based on this cognitive process, the subject starts to perceive the reality as an obstacle to reach a
desired goal [57]. If the subject exposes high expectations of realizing the future, then the actual
behavior (performance) is highly probable. On the contrary, if the expectations are low, mental
contrasting is supposed to inhibit the performance, since it depicts the necessity of eortful
goal aainment requiring personal or other resources that the subject thinks he/she is lacking.
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4.2. Implementation intentions
Implementation intentions serve as a form of self-instructions, which anchor intentions in
concrete time, place and circumstances of action [20, 58]. They are formulated as implications:
“Whenever situation x arises, I will initiate the goal-directed response y!” Gollwier, author
of implementation intentions concept, assumes [8] that this special form of planning delegates
the control of goal-directed responses to anticipated situational cues, which, in the situation
they appear, elicit these responses automatically (so-called cue-to-action [6]).
Meta-analysis of 94 studies conducted by Gollwier and Sheeran [59] showed that implemen-
tation intentions facilitated eective goal aainment with medium-to-large eect of d = 0.65.
Implementation intentions showed protective role in the process of performance initiation, in
guarding ongoing action from distractors and threats, shielding disengagement implied by
temporary failures and preserving resources for future goal aainment [59]. The eectiveness
of implementation intentions was proved in many studies (for the review: [8, 59]). Among
others, it was demonstrated that this form of planning enhanced breast self-examination dur-
ing the next month [60], vitamins intake [61], recovery of patients prior to joint replacement
surgery [62] or regular exercise activity [7]. Also eectiveness in dieting behaviors has been
aributed to applying implementation intentions [63].
4.3. Mental simulations and implementation intentions in weight loss and weight-
related behaviors: the research review
Since neural substrates of self-control (“cool system”) are being aributed to hippocampus
and the frontal lobe [42, 45, 64], it seems to be obvious that eortful and eective self-control
assumes brain’s health. Researchers who scrutinize determinants of the brain’s health and lon-
gevity propose SEEDS model referring to following ve scientically veried factors, which
strongly contribute to subjective and objective well-being [65]: social support (S), exercise (E),
education (long-life, E), diet (D) and sleep (S). Although all ve health factors (SEEDS) stay in
two-way relation with eective self-control (reciprocal relation) in this section, we focus on
weight loss and weight maintenance implied by two factors: appropriate diet and physical
activity. Those two factors showed to be absolutely crucial to sustain health, including mental
and neurological conditions (e.g. [66–68]).
If it is already obvious that appropriate diet and exercise (thus in turn, adequate weight) are cru-
cial to regain or maintain health (also brain’s health) and, at the same time, volitional processes
are indispensable for eective goal achievement (e.g. to losing or maintaining weight), it is time
to present specic studies devoted to this relation. Studies exposing the use of mental simula-
tions and implementation intentions in weight loss, diet change and exercise will be disclosed
later.
4.3.1. Mental simulations in weight loss process
In our research project, two experimental studies were conducted [52]. We tested the inu-
ence of various mental simulations on the eectiveness in weight loss process.
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In study 1, we expected that participants who imagined the structure of the weight loss rel-
evant performance would reduce more weight than those imagining only the result of activ-
ity, either positive (success) or negative (failure). We also tested an inuence of mixed type of
simulation: negative outcome followed by process. This condition was implemented based on
the assumption that fear caused by the image of failure would motivate and energize subjects
to avoid the adverse result. At the same time, plan of action triggered by the process simula-
tion following the negative outcome was supposed to strengthen the volitional resources of
participants. This assumption reected the Leventhal et al.’s results of studies referring to
fear-arousing communications and their inuence on peoples’ behavior [69, 70].
In study 1, 40 female students from universities in Warsaw were participated (19–27 years
old, M = 23). The criterion to join the research was the desire to lose weight and signing
informed consent to take part in the 5-week program. Subjects were randomly allocated to
one of four conditions: positive outcome simulation, process simulation, mixed simulations
(process followed by negative outcome simulations) and control (no simulations). Participant
from all groups received wrien instructions portraying the content of respective simula-
tion. Instructions in positive outcome group referred to the very nal stage of losing weight.
Participants were supposed to imagine themselves as being slimmer, wearing smaller size
clothes, walking on the beach in the bikini and receiving many compliments regarding
their new, beer look. Subjects in the process simulation group, instead, were instructed to
imagine quite another content. Their task was to imagine themselves in the specic actions
imprinted in the weight loss process. In detail, the scenario of simulations illustrated step-
by-step activities, which should be implemented to reduce body weight like buying low-fat
and low-calorie foods, avoid junk food, preparing diet meals and exercising. In the mixed
simulations condition, participants were rst instructed to imagine that they gained even
more weight. Just after that suggestion, the process simulation was provided. The content
of the scenario was directly copied from the one adopted in the former group. The control
group did not receive any instructions and was supposed to lose weight in their typical form
or just as they wished.
Subjects from all experimental groups agreed to use this mental training for 5–10 minutes
everyday in 5-week period. Additionally, there was a direct contact (via telephone or e-mail)
between experimenter and subjects during the time of experiment, and once a week, there
were meetings to measure the eects of weight reduction process.
The results showed that participants from mixed group (process followed by negative out-
come simulation) and process simulation group lost signicantly more weight than those
from the positive outcome simulation and control group. At the same time, there was no sig-
nicant dierence between mixed and process simulations group (see Figure 1).
In study 2, we tested ve scenarios of mental simulations. The experiment was targeted to
verify the eectiveness of two additional treatments: sole negative outcome simulations and
mixed simulations of process following positive outcome simulations. Although the depen-
dent variable in the study 2 – weight loss was the same as in study 1, the procedure was quite
dierent. First, the study was conducted via internet. An information about the study was
located at its website and included a statue of participation. About 274 female subjects were
entered into the study and signed informed consent, while 106 (aged 19–45, M = 29) out of
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initial number logged into the study at least twice so their results were included in the statisti-
cal analysis. Second, besides the eectiveness of the simulations on the weight loss process,
we also implemented other dependent variables which were persistent. This variable was
measured by the number of logins to the study website. Each person who decided to enroll
5-week weight loss program was randomly assigned to one of six conditions: ve simulation
groups or control group. The scenarios for positive outcome, process and process followed by
negative outcome simulations were directly taken from the previous study. The instruction
for negative outcome simulation group was served by the rst part of the instruction used in
the process followed by negative outcome condition (without the process part). In the process
followed by positive outcome simulation, subjects were supposed to imagine rst the positive
result of weight loss (being slimmer) and then the process of activities which would enable
them to reach this desired goal. All subjects were asked to log into the system as frequently as
they can and write down their weight at that moment. The number of logins was a measure of
persistence. We assumed that each time the subject needs to declare her weight, and she has
to overcome a discomfort implied by this moment of sensitive data verication.
The results showed that the most persistent were subjects assigned to the process followed by
positive outcome simulation group, who logged into the website signicantly more often than
subjects from the negative outcome and control groups (see Figure 2).
In terms of weight loss eects, the results from the rst study were quite replicated. Participants
from the process followed by negative outcome simulation group lost signicantly more
weight than subjects from the negative outcome and control groups. There was also a trend
(p < 0.08) showing that participants from the process followed by negative outcome group
were more eective in weight loss than those from the positive outcome group. Also sub-
jects from the process simulation group achieved signicantly beer result than those from
the negative outcome and control groups. Additionally, those participants who simulated
rst the positive outcome and then process of reaching the favorable eect (process followed
by positive outcome group) performed beer than negative outcome and control subjects
(trend p < 0.07). The summary of results concerning number of kilograms reduced within
groups is presented in Figure 3.
Figure 1. Average number of kilograms reduced within groups.
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Based on the results above, it can be concluded that imagining the process of performance
increases both eectiveness and persistence in intention enactment. Studies also showed that
combination of simulations (process and outcome) can be a benecial technique of self-control
enhancement. Additionally, we noted the eect that cannot be dissembled but was observed
as a kind of artifact of implied methodologies. This eect refers to the fact that participants in
study 1 achieved generally greater results of weight loss comparing to participants in study
2. The main dierence between methodologies used in both studies was that in study 1 there
were personal, relatively frequent meetings of subjects with experimenter, while in the study
2, the contact between participants and experimenter was only via internet (except the meet-
ings at the beginning and at the end of the study when the subjects were weighted). Most
probably face-to-face meetings function as a form of the “social mirror” activating self-con-
sciousness, which induce the need to meet the personal standards [71].
Figure 3. Average number of kilograms reduced within groups.
Figure 2. Average number of logins into the website within groups.
Weight Loss24
4.3.2. The role of implementation intensions and mental contrasting in dietary behaviors
Healthy diet means not only reduction in calories intake but also consumption of appropriate
foods like vegetables and fruits [1]. Thus, it becomes extremely important to nd the way of
persuading people to change their dietary behaviors.
In the study conducted by Stadler et al. [63], training combining implementation intentions
and mental contrasting was adopted. In this study, 255 females aged 30–55 were partici-
pated. At the beginning of the study, all participants had a meeting with experimenter who
in 2-hour session presented signicant health-related benets of increasing the intake of fruits
and vegetables (information intervention). Then, participants were divided into two groups:
experimental (information & mental contrasting & implementation intentions) and control
(information). In the experimental condition, subjects were asked to write down their biggest
wish due to the diet which should have been challenging but feasible (e.g. I want to eat more
fruit and vegetables). Then subjects were supposed to state the benets of this positive change
(e.g. I will increase my well-being) and anticipate the obstacles standing in the way to enact
this desired future (e.g. There is a lack of vegetable and fruits at my workplace). This proce-
dure of comparing the positive, desired future with negative aspects of reality (obstacles to be
overcome) is named mental contrasting. As a next step, participants were instructed to prepare
three implementation intentions regarding this prospective change: (1) Where and when will
obstacles occur and what can I do to cope with it? (2) Where, when and how can I predict and
prevent those obstacles not to occur? (3) Where, when and under what circumstances there
will be a suitable moment to perform goal-directed behaviors? Fruits and vegetables intake
was measured by servings (handfuls) of cut raw, frozen, cooked or canned fruits or vegetables
or one glass of fruit or vegetable juice (with 100% fruit or vegetable content). Subjects noted the
number of consumed portions in the daily diary reports form. The study lasted for 24 months.
The results showed that in both groups participants increased the number of consumed fruit
and vegetable portions (especially at the beginning of the study). However, in the control group
who received informative training only, after visible growth especially in the rst month follow-
ing the session, at the end of 24-month program, participants resumed to the initial level of fruit
and vegetable consumption. In the experimental group, who besides information intervention
received also volitional training (mental contrasting and implementation intentions), the num-
ber of consumed portions was not only higher than in control group but also very stable in time.
Two issues deriving from this experiment are additionally worthy to highlight. First, subjects
from control group showed accelerated tendency to increase fruits and vegetables intake at
the beginning of the study. In means that indeed, this commonly used motivational tech-
nique—persuasion can be eective to prompt individuals to start the activity. In terms of
time persistence, however, mere information referring to benets of diet change proved to be
insucient. The second issue is a number of consumed fruit and vegetable portions. At the
end of the study in control group, the number of weekly consumed portions was about three
portions per day. In the experimental group, although it was higher (about four portions per
day), but still below recommended intake [1].
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The eective weight management requires one more dietary behavior—abandonment of
unhealthy snacking. Indeed, the weight increase is an adverse condition, but still, this is
not the only reason why to resign from chips, chocolate bars or cookies. Although our brain
depends on its main fuel—glucose, both too low and too high glycemic index cause many
health problems [65].
In two studies conducted by Adriaanse et al. [72], mental contrasting and implementation
intentions were used to foster the subjects in the process of declining the number of consumed
unhealthy snacks. Female students who wanted to change their dietary habits were partici-
pated in the study. They were divided into two groups: experimental with mental contrasting
and implementation intentions and control. In the rst group, participants were asked to close
their eyes and imagine the positive future (decrease in unhealthy snacking) and then obstacles
standing in the way to reach this desired goal. The subjects assigned to the control group,
however, were only informed that one of the possible ways to cut down unhealthy snacking is
to replace them with healthier substitutes (e.g. chocolate bar with orange). In the next 7 days,
all participants noted in their diaries how many and what kind of snacks they consumed
everyday. As a measure of unhealthy snacking, not only the number of snacks was accounted
but also their caloric value. The results showed that after 7 days participants from the experi-
mental condition assimilated signicantly less calories from unhealthy snacking comparing
to subjects from the control group. The average number of calories from unhealthy snacking
in the mental contrasting and implementation intentions group was 1745 for the week period.
In the control condition, the weekly value was much higher (2870 calories).
The goal of the study 2 [72] was to determine the primacy of the two volitional techniques. The
question was: What is more eective, mental contrasting or implementation intentions, or
maybe the synergic eect of combining both techniques? The subjects were divided into three
groups: with the use of implementation intentions, with the use of mental contrasting and
mixed with the use of both techniques. The results of the study disclosed that the technique
combining implementation intentions and mental contrasting provided with signicantly
beer eect than each of the techniques itself. Nonetheless, there were no signicant dier-
ences in eciency of the two techniques used separately.
4.3.3. The role of implementation intentions and mental contrasting in regular exercise
Lack of regular exercise is being aributed to many mental and physical health problems
[65, 66]. On the other hand, regular physical activity predicts well-being and longevity
(Anders Hansen, The Real Happy Pill: Power Up Your Brain by Moving Your Body, 2017).
In the study conducted by Milne et al. [7], implementation intentions were used to increase
the regular exercising among 248 university students. They were divided into three groups:
motivational training, motivational plus volitional training and no intervention groups. At the
beginning of the study, subjects assigned to the two experimental conditions were provided
with the leaets informing about the health threats implied in the lack of regular exercise
and also about the benets that can be gained following the regular physical activity. This
procedure served as a motivational support, supposed to awake the desire to change current
habits and formulate an intention to aain the desired goal (to exercise regularly). Besides
the informative support, subjects from the second experimental condition (combined motiva-
tional and volitional support) were asked to generate implementation intensions of when and
Weight Loss26
where they were going to exercise in the following week. Participants from the control group
did not receive any treatment—they were only asked to engage in regular physical activity
in following weeks of research program. In the rst week of study, there were no dierences
between groups in terms of number of workouts. Nonetheless, after second week of the study,
signicant eects started to appear. Subjects from the second experimental group (combined
training) exercised more frequently than those from the rst experimental (motivational train-
ing) and control groups. Interestingly, there were no dierences between the rst experi-
mental and control groups. This result proves again that intention induced by awareness
of adverse consequences of not changing the behavior and favorable eects following the
change is not enough to actually enact this intention.
Sheeran et al. conducted the study with low-SES, middle age, overweight shermen from
North England [73]. The goal of the experiment was to help them to form positive habit of
regular physical exercise. About 467 males in their middle ages (M = 54 y. o.) were partici-
pated in the study. At rst, participants were asked about their aitude toward regular activ-
ity, and then they were randomly assigned to one of the two groups: experimental (mental
contrasting) and control. The subjects from the experimental condition were invited to imag-
ine the gains that regular activity could supply. Most participants considered such results as
weight loss or beer health. Then, the subjects were instructed to think about major obstacles
that stand in the way to reach the desired goal. The main problems foreseen by the partici-
pants were lack of time and lack of company during the trainings. In the control condition,
no instructions were used to induce favorable change but only the actual level of physical
activity was monitored. The measurement of exercise level was conducted three times: at the
beginning of the study, after a month and after 7 months of treatment. At the beginning of
the study, there were no dierences between participants in their activity (or rather inactiv-
ity, because most of them denoted that they exercised rarely or not at all). Nonetheless, just
after 1 month of joining research program, observable dierences started to appear. Subjects
from the experimental condition exercised more than those in control group. After 7 months,
however, the dierence between groups became even greater. Indeed, participants who imag-
ined the benets of regular physical activity prior to considering the obstacles standing in the
way to reach this goal exercised more regularly than those who did not mentally contrast the
desired future with unfavorable reality full of obstacles. Subjects from the control condition
stayed as inactive as they were at the beginning of the research program.
5. Individual dierences in self-control of weight loss process
Most of the studies exploring the individual dierences in eective intention enactment,
especially in the health-related area, refer to the self-ecacy construct [74, 75]. Proposed by
Bandura [76], concept of self-ecacy assumes that a sense of personal control over behavior
facilitates eective goal aainment. For example, in the study with diabetes patients moti-
vated to increase their exercise level, the results showed that people lacking self-ecacy ben-
et from planning strategies signicantly less than those who exert high self-ecacy [75].
There are also some other aempts to appoint the dispositional factors inuencing eective
intention enactment. In the study of 43 dieters, Big Five personality factors were measured to
verify the relation between conscientiousness as personality trait and eectiveness of weight
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loss [77]1
high level of conscientiousness lost average 1.43 kg more than those who revealed low level
of this personality factor.
5.1. The role of processuality as type of mental simulativeness in eective weight
loss
intention enactment, the personal, individual tendency to imagine either outcome of action
Jarczewska-Gerc [78] constructed the Questionnaire of Goals dedicated to measure the indi-
mental simulativeness -
accounts for two factors: the structural factor (processuality: focusing on outcome versus pro-
four types of mental simulativeness:
1.
predominantly positive emotions while achieving them. Subjects representing this type
easily set plans for their actions and imagine step-by-step activities which are imprinted in
2. “Defensive pessimists”—Subjects who display high processuality, though at the same time
much to gain the goal but rather to avoid the failure. Prior to prevent potential adversity,
gains.
3.
-
and ruminate over them.
4. -
Sciences and Humanities in Warsaw, Poland.
Weight Loss28
fantasies (conf. [79]); they daydream about eligible outcomes but do not think much about
how to enter the action and actually reach the goal. Objectively, most of times they loudly
speak about their desires and resolutions but rarely enact them later on.
showed the highest weight loss comparing to other types after 5 weeks of research program
[80
81]2
5.2. The role of motivational (internal versus external) and volitional dispositions in
weight loss
82], we intended to identify main
motivation for weight loss, called the Motivation for Weight Loss Questionnaire-
[4233].
Motivation for Weight Loss Questionnaire
three motivational and three volitional.
Within motivational factors, the following factors were distinguished: (1) internal motivation,
(2) positive external motivation and (3) negative external motivation. Internal motivation factor refers
to the global and long-term desire to change lifestyle including dietary behaviors. Persons
receiving high results on this factor decided to go on diet because they want to maintain
or regain health. Diet is not a temporary whim for them, they tend to internalize behaviors
Positive external motivation-
ing the diet. Persons who receive high results on this factor motivate themselves by focusing
negative external motivation operates when the subject perceives
Sciences and Humanities in Warsaw, Poland.
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own decision about dieting as a kind of punishment for sins. The necessity to change every-
day menu makes them quite nervous, because they did not internalize the reasons for dieting.
This happens because most people rebel against the behaviors which they though planned
but still do not accept. People scoring high on this factor look forward to nish the diet and go
back to the previous, unhealthy habits.
Within volitional factors, the following factors were distinguished: (1) the ability to delay of grati-
cation and two dierent aect regulation strategies, i.e. (2) task-oriented and (3) avoidance-sub-
stitutional strategy. Subjects who score high on the ability to delay of gratication factor declare
that they can resign from the temporary pleasure in order to achieve greater and more valuable
goal in a while. For them, the necessity to employ the diet and abandon previous bad habits
constitutes a natural path to aain the desired goal. The task-oriented strategy factor means fac-
ing the challenge, planning the action and avoiding eating unhealthy food as a coping behavior.
In turn, the avoidance-substitutional strategy factor is a tendency to mentally and/or physically
escape from the diculties and eort, focusing on the stimuli and activities unrelated with
ongoing action. The subject scoring high on this factor when exposed to a stressful condition
tends to aenuate negative aect by binging on tasty foods, alcohol or excessive shopping.
The cluster analysis based on this six factors solution revealed three types of dieters, which
we operatively named: “Masters of self-control,” “Motivated” and “Waiting for a miracle.”
“Masters of control” (N = 223) exactly know why they decided to go on diet; they want to
permanently change the lifestyle to gain or regain health, well-being and happiness. They
are internally motivated, thus external rewards or gratications (like aractive “bikini look”)
are not so important for them. They can easily delay of gratication and generate plans and
strategies of goal implementation. They can both initiate advantage behaviors and inhibit
adverse activities. While faced with diculties, they most usually use task-oriented strategies
of coping. They rarely obey to impulses when stressed or anxious.
“Motivated” (N = 296) are also eective in their pursuance of weight loss. They are motivated
and their willpower is high, but at the same time they are driven by diverse motives. Being
healthy and happy are much of their desire, but besides that they yearn for external aention
and appreciation. They daydream about the positive results of losing weight, like aractive,
thin gure, being praised by relatives and strangers. In stressful situations, they chose task-ori-
ented strategies at rst, but sometimes they also fall into substitutive or avoidance behaviors.
“Waiting for a miracle” was the most represented type in the study sample (N = 334). The sub-
jects representing this type are motivated externally and their motives are in majority negative.
They experience many various problems while enacting their intentions, because they have
problems with delay of gratication and planning. They perceive dieting as a punishment
and look forward for a diet to terminate. They daydream about an aractive appearance but
without restrictions. Most usually they use avoidance-substitutional strategies of coping when
faced with stress.
Figure 4 shows the average results on respective factors dependently to the type of dieter (1–7
scales were used, where 1 means this statement does not suit me at all and 7 means this statement
totally suits me).
Weight Loss30
The last step of analysis was aimed to verify the dierences in actual weight loss between sub-
jects representing particular types of dieters (measured by declarations of subjects provided
in the internet). The analysis (one-way ANOVA) indeed revealed the main eect of the type of
dieters (F(2, 755) = 15.5, p < 0.001) showing that subjects who were qualied to “Masters of self-
control” and “Motivated” lost signicantly more weight than those representing “Waiting for
the miracle” group. The results are presented in Figure 5. The dierences are a, b–c, p < 0.001.
The results of the study enabled to distinguish three dierent types of dieters and denote
their eectiveness in weight loss process. As we assumed, people dier in terms of the drivers
which steer them to go on a diet and later determine eciency in implementing their weight
loss-related intentions. The results comply with the theoretical assumptions, which formed
the basis for our expectations. People dier in both: the source of the dietary motives (external
versus internal) and volitional ability to realize these motives in factual action. Those dier-
ences, as it was conrmed in the statistical analysis, inuence the eectiveness in goal aain-
ment, also in weight loss area. It should also be remarked that the majority of our sample were
females, thus the conclusions can be only aributed to this group of subjects. In further stud-
ies, we intend to account for more male participants and verify the legitimacy to include them
to respective types of dieters. Furthermore, in following steps, we plan to generate appropri-
ate feedbacks for subjects representing particular types to help them eectively pursue their
dietary goals. Especially, we will focus on the “Waiting for a miracle” type, which occurred to
be the least eective while dieting.
6. Concluding remarks
In this chapter, we presented theories and research concerning the problem of self-control in
weight-related behaviors. We intended to demonstrate what the self-control is, what are its
manifestations and how successes and failures of self-control can be explained. We depicted
techniques which can increase self-control: mental simulations, mental contrasting and imple-
mentation intentions. We indicated benets of those techniques but also marked the threats
which are imprinted in inappropriate forms of using them (e.g. adverse eects of outcome
mental simulations). Additionally, we presented data, especially from our studies revealing
the role of individual dierences in eective weight loss.
Our review of selected theories and empirical data presented in this chapter enables to formu-
late following global conclusions and remarks:
1. However, self-control, as a signicant factor in eective intention enactment (including
weight loss intention), requires eort, the mechanisms rooted at its core are diverse and
go beyond ego strength thesis comprehended as restricted and depletable self-regulatory,
energetic resource.
2. The eort necessary for eective intension enactment depends on the modes of self-
management, what precisely means the degree to which the regulation standard (goal,
intention) is integrated with the self. There are two self-management modes: democratic
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31
and autocratic. First one—democratic mode (named by Kuhl self-regulation)—enables
performance consistent with the self (goal/intention is integrated with the system repre-
senting own needs, value preferences and autobiographical memory) and allows for the
self-system’s integration. Autocratic mode in turn (named by Kuhl self-control) excludes
the inuence on the performance of signicant aspects of the self like feelings, needs or
values. The person in the self-control mode implements the intentions which are not inte-
grated with the self at all or are integrated in small extent.
3. Aect regulation (the ability to activate positive and/or neutralize negative aect) plays a
signicant role in eective intension enactment.
4. Alike mental simulations, mental contrasting and implementation intentions are benecial
techniques of self-control enhancement.
Figure 4. The average results on respective factors dependently to the type of dieter.
Weight Loss32
5. Research results prove as far that in weight-related behaviors, the technique combining
implementation intentions and mental contrasting is more benecial (provided with sig-
nicantly beer eect) than each of the techniques itself.
6. The results of our studies referring to the inuence of various mental simulations on the ef-
fectiveness in weight loss process evidenced that imagining the process of performance in-
creases both eectiveness and persistence in intention enactment. Our studies also showed
that combination of simulations (process and outcome simulations) can be the most ben-
ecial technique of self-control enhancement.
7. There are individual dierences in the way people imagine the goals and the process of
their aainment. An individual tendency to imaginatively think about the goals either in
the structural or outcome mode is called mental simulativeness. The results of our studies
presented that the subjects representing so-called persistent type of mental simulativeness,
who are characterized by the high processuality (i.e. strong tendency to imagine the pro-
cess of goal aainment) accompanied with experiencing positive emotions while achieving
the goal—showed the highest weight loss after 5 weeks of dietary program.
8. In the search for main factors which drive people to go on a diet and individual dierences
in this domain, we entered the research program which takes into account motivational
factors (internal versus external motivation), volitional factors (the ability to delay of grati-
cation) and aect regulation strategies as well (task-oriented and avoidance-substitution-
al strategy). The data gathered as far evidenced that type of dieters, which we operatively
named “Waiting for a miracle,” is the most represented type in the study of Polish sample.
The subjects representing this type are motivated externally and their motives are in ma-
jority negative. They have problems with delay of gratication and planning. They per-
ceive dieting as a punishment and look forward for a diet to terminate. Most usually they
use avoidance-substitutional strategies of coping when faced with stress.
Figure 5. The average weight loss (in kilograms) dependently to the type of dieters.
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Hopefully, the theoretical and empirical review presented in this chapter was at least in some
part exhaustive and contributed to beer understanding of processes, which are involved in
humans’ aempts to struggling with goal. Further studies should focus on possible sources
(e.g. energetic, neural, etc.) of interindividual dierences in self-control abilities and suggest
the ways in which psychological interventions could compensate unequal chances for suc-
cess in health-related behavioral change. Additionally, virtual reality seems to be an interest-
ing area of further explorations. Currently, in Poland, there are conducted studies which are
dedicated to examine the possibility of using virtual reality in the phobias area (the results
have not been published yet since the studies are still carried on). Research concerning imple-
mentation of virtual reality could open a new path to scrutinize mechanisms of will power
and later on inspire practitioners to create diverse and complex interventions dedicated to
everyday struggles with self-control problems.
Author details
Magdalena Marszał-Wiśniewska* and Ewa Jarczewska-Gerc
*Address all correspondence to: mmarszal@swps.edu.pl
SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Warsaw, Poland
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