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In this part of the paper, the distribution of clause positions of the reflexive pronoun sě is analyzed statistically. Specifically, the impact of both stylistic factors and the length of the element in the initial position are investigated. The authors also discuss the possible influence of the word order of the Latin pretext (the Vulgate) on the Old Czech translation. 1. Annotation of the examples It is clear from Part I of this paper that in order to describe the word order positions of (en)clitics, it is necessary to use a classification which combines two perspectives:
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Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 135 (2018): 189–200
doi:10.4467/20834624SL.18.017.8853
www.ejournals.eu/Studia-Linguistica
PAVEL KOSEK
Masaryk University, Brno
kosek@phil.muni.cz
OLGA NAVRÁTILOVÁ
Masaryk University, Brno
olganav@mail.muni.cz
RADEK ČECH
University of Ostrava
radek.cech@osu.cz
JÁN MAČUTEK
Masaryk University, Brno
Comenius University, Bratislava
jmacutek@yahoo.com
WORD ORDER OF REFLEXIVE IN FINITE VERB PHRASES
IN THE FIRST EDITION OF THE OLD CZECH
BIBLE TRANSLATION PART II
Keywords: enclitic, clause position, style, development of the Czech language, Bible
translations
Abstract
In this part of the paper, the distribution of clause positions of the reexive pronoun is
analyzed statistically. Specically, the impact of both stylistic factors and the length of the
element in the initial position are investigated. e authors also discuss the possible inu-
ence of the word order of the Latin pretext (the Vulgate) on the Old Czech translation.
. Annotation of the examples
It is clear from Part I of this paper that in order to describe the word order positions
of (en)clitics, it is necessary to use a classication which combines two perspectives:

PAVEL KOSEK, OLGA NAVRÁTILOVÁ, RADEK ČECH, JÁN MAČUTEK
a) the position of the clitic in the clause (initial – postinitial – medial – prenal –
nal); b) the position of the clitic vis-à-vis its regent (contact/preverbal – postver-
bal – interverbal – isolated). We therefore manually annotated each example of
reexive found in the investigated Biblical texts with the above-mentioned clas-
sications. It is important to point out that this classication is purely instrumental;
it serves primarily to sort the examples extracted from the Old Czech texts (for more
details see Kosek : ‒). For more details of the limitations of researching
enclitics in Old and Early Modern Czech, see Kosek (: –).
. Results
e frequencies of annotated word order positions are presented in Table .
initial
postinitial
medial
prenal
nal
Gen 0 180 16 4 5 205
% 0 87. 8 0 7.80 1.95 2.44
Job 0 215 35 13 18 281
% 0 76.51 12.46 4.63 6.41
Sir 0 197 57 15 9 278
% 0 70.86 20.50 5.40 3.24
Isa 0 151 35 4 5 195
% 0 77. 4 4 17.95 2.05 2.56
Mt 0 205 42 12 6 265
% 0 77. 36 15.85 4.53 2.26
Lk 0 345 22 10 8 385
% 0 89.61 5.71 2.60 2.08
Acts 0 304 40 4 6 354
% 0 85.88 11.30 1.13 1.69
Rev 0 83 15 1 6 105
% 0 79.05 14.29 0.95 5.71
    
Table . Word order positions of in BiblOl and BiblLitTřeb.
(Abbreviations of Biblical books – see References)
is annotation system was used in previous research into the word order of Czech enclitics
(Kosek , ).
Word order of reexive in nite verb phrases in the rst edition … (Part II)

e data presented in Table  must be approached critically. As has already been
mentioned, the language of Bible texts is not a representative sample of ordinary
language as spoken at the time, as it is subject to various degrees of stylization and/or
the inuence of the Latin source texts (indeed the stylization is oen achieved
by calquing the Latin source texts). A particularly prominent feature of the texts
is their use of various rhetorical gures and tropes. For example, the following
extract (a.) from Isaiah demonstrates the use of parallelism aer the medial
postverbal position; this reinforces the gura etymologica (potřěsením – potřěse,
pohnutím – pohne):
() a. | [Neb][próduchové s výsosti] otevřěli | a zrušena budú založenie zemská, |
[potřěsením] potřěse země a [pohnutím] pohne země,… | BiblOl Isa ,–
for ood-gatesNOM.M.PL from on-highGEN .F.S G openPA RT.P RE T.AC T.M. PL beAUX.PRET..PL REF-
LACC | break ingINSTR.N.SG brokeFU T. .SG REFLAC C earthNOM.F. SG and tremblingINSTR.N.SG
moveFU T.. SG REFLACC earthNOM.F.SG
‘for the ood-gates from on high are opened, and the foundations of the earth
shall be shaken. With breaking shall the earth be broken, with trembling shall
the earth be moved
b. quia cataractæ de excelsis apertæ sunt et concutientur fundamenta terræ. Con-
fractione confringetur terra, contritione conteretur terra BiblVul
e nal position in the following example (a.) from Sirach can also be attributed
to parallelism:
()
a. | [Ot tvých nepřátel] otděl a [k tvým přátelóm] přibliž , | neb přietel věrný
silná jest obrana,… BiblOl Sir ,–
from yourGEN.M.PL enemyGEN.M.PL separateIMP..SG REFLACC and to yourDAT. M. PL
friendDAT.M .PL approachIMP..SG REFLAC C
‘Separate thyself from thy enemies, and take heed of thy friends. A faithful
friend is a strong defence’
b. Ab inimicis tuis separare, et ab amicis tuis adtende BiblVulClem
e text of the same book also includes an example of the inuence of rhythm,
as can be seen in the rst clause in (a.); this clause ends with the sequence | řěčí sě
| činí mil |, which can be interpreted as a cursus tardus (| áaa | áaa |):
() a. | [Múdrý][řěčí] činí mil, | ale slova bláznová budú rozlita BiblOl Sir ,
wiseNOM.M.SG manNOM.M.SG REFLACC makePRS ..SG belovedNOM.M.SG
A man wise in words shall make himself beloved: but the graces of fools shall
be poured out’
b. Sapiens in verbis seipsum amabilem facit:… BiblVul
However, text-structural factors may also play a role in cases of postinitial position.
e normative character of the text in the Book of Sirach is reected in the high

PAVEL KOSEK, OLGA NAVRÁTILOVÁ, RADEK ČECH, JÁN MAČUTEK
frequency of clauses beginning with imperatives, illustrated by example (a.), which
lead to a higher frequency of examples featuring postinitial position:
()
a. | Nevaď s mocným mužem, | a neupadneš v jeho rucě. | Nesvař s mužem
bohatým, | ať proti tobě neustrojí jiné svády BiblOl Sir ,–
NEG-argue
IMP..SG
REFL
ACC
with powerful
INSTR.M.SG
man
INSTR.M.SG
| NEG-contend
with manI NSTR.M.SG richINSTR.M.SG
‘Strive not with a powerful man, lest thou fall into his hands. Contend not with
a rich man, lest he bring an action against thee’
b. Non litiges cum homine potente, {…}. Non contendas cum viro locuplete,… BiblVul
As has already been mentioned, the Latin source text may have had an inuence
on the word order. e following examples – (a.,b.) and (a.,b.) – demonstrate
that the word order position of the Old Czech reexive sometimes corresponds
with that of the Latin se or te:
() a. Blažené jsú ty panošě, kteréž přijda pán nalezne jě tak bdiece; věrně pravi vám,
| že opáše | káže jim za stuol siesti a chodě bude před ně slúžiti;… BiblOl Lk
,
that girdIMPERFECT..SG REFLACC
‘Blessed are those slaves whom their master nds alert when he returns! I tell
you the truth, he will dress himself to serve, have them take their place at the
table, and will come and wait on them!’
b. quod præcinget se, et faciet illos discumbere, et transiens ministrabit illis BiblVul
() a. Viz, aby nikomému nepravil, ale jdi | a uk kněží | a ofěruj dar,… BiblOl Mt ,
and showIMP..SG REFLAC C priestDAT.F.SG
‘See that you do not speak to anyone, but go, show yourself to a priest, and bring
the oering’
b. Vide, nemini dixeris; sed vade, ostende te sacerdoti et oer munus,… BiblVul
However, there are very few examples of such direct inuence from Latin, for the
following reasons:
.
e word order of the Old Czech does not always correspond with Latin word
order, as is demonstrated by a comparison of the word order of sě domní and
putat se in example (a.,b.) (and likewise in examples (a.,b.)):
()
a. [Muž ješitný][v pýchu] výší a [jako hřiebě divokého osla][svobodně uro-
zeného] domní BiblOl Job ,
vain
NOM.M.SG
man
NOM.M.SG
into pride
ACC.F.SG
REFL
ACC
lie-up
PRS.. SG
and like
colt
ACC. N.S G
wild
GEN.M.SG
donkey
GEN.M.SG
free
ADV
born
PAR T.P RE T. PAS S. GE N. M. SG
REFL
ACC
feelP RS.. SG
Word order of reexive in nite verb phrases in the rst edition … (Part II)

‘But an empty man will become wise, when a wild donkey’s colt is born
a human being’
b. Vir vanus in supérbiam erígitur, et tamquam pullum ónagri se líberum natum
putat BiblVulClem
.
In the large majority of examples, the Old Czech does not have any direct
Latin equivalent; this is demonstrated by the comparison of the analytical Old
Czech reexive verb forms with the corresponding synthetic Latin verb forms,
e.g. budeš sě modliti – adorabis in examples (a.,b.), sě obořichu – inruerunt in
examples (a.,b.) or sě výší – erígitur in examples (a.,b.)
In some cases, the inuence of Latin could be viewed as indirect; this concerns
clauses in which occupies the position of an auxiliary verb in an analytical passive
structure such as misertus est, as demonstrated in the clauses Volánie Sodomských
a Gomorrejských rozmnožilo jest Clamor Sodomorum et Gomorrhæ multiplica-
tus est in examples (a.,b.) and example (a.,b.):
()
a. … | a [přěs celé léto] obcházeli | obcijíc s sborem křesťanským BiblLitTřeb Acts
,
and for wholeACC .N. SG yearACC. N.S G conversePART. PRE T.AC T.M .PL REFLACC
‘And they conversed there in the church
b. Et annum totum conversati sunt in ecclesia: … BiblVul
is word order position of can be activated particularly when the rd person
forms jest,are used; in such cases the clitic form of the reexive occurs together
with the auxiliary in a position corresponding to the Latin source text, as illustrated
in the clause Volánie Sodomských a Gomorrejských rozmnožilo sě jest – Clamor
Sodomorum et Gomorrhæ multiplicatus est in examples (a.,b.) and in examples
(a.,b.) or (a.,b.) (it is evident that the decisive factor is that the reexive and the
auxiliary combine to form an (en)clitic group):
()
a. … a zbořenie města Davidova uzříte, | [neb] rozmnožila sú | a sebrali ste vody
rybníka dolnieho a domy jeruzalémské ste zečtli a zkazili ste domy, abyšte zed
ohradili,… BiblOl Isa ,–
for multiplyPA RT.PR ET. ACT. M. PL beAUX.PRET..SG REFLACC
‘And you shall see the breaches of the city of David, and you have gathered to-
gether the waters of the lower pool, and have numbered the houses of Jerusalem,
and broken down houses to fortify the wall’
b. Et scissuras civitatis David videbitis, quia multiplicatæ sunt et congregastis aquas
piscinæ inferioris,… BiblVul
()
a. | A [v ten čas] narodil sě jest Mojžieš,| jenžto byl vzácen bohu a chován jest
tři siece v domu otce svého BiblLitTřeb Acts ,

PAVEL KOSEK, OLGA NAVRÁTILOVÁ, RADEK ČECH, JÁN MAČUTEK
and at thatACC .M. SG timeACC .M. SG arrivePART. PR ET.AC T.M .S G. REFLACC beAUX.PRET..SG
MosesNOM.M.SG
‘At that time Moses was born, and he was beautiful to God. For three months
he was brought up in his father’s house’
b. Eodem tempore natus est Moses, et fuit gratus Deo:… BiblVul
However, other examples do not manifest any indirect inuence from Latin analyti-
cal passive structures, as the clausal position of the reexive does not correspond
with the clausal position of the Latin auxiliary. Such counter-examples include
the clause hanbú sú sě zastyděli – et pudore cooperti sunt in examples (a.,b.) and the
clause s velikú sě náhlostí rozhněvali – repleti sunt ira in examples (a.,b).
e total frequencies of in the investigated word order positions (presented in
Table ) indicate that this reexive form exhibits the characteristics of an (en)clitic
because a) it never occupies the initial position, and b) it predominantly occupies
the postinitial position. e results also show clear frequency dierences among the
individual positions (see Fig. ) – as we have already shown with an analysis of
the word order of the preterite auxiliary in the rst edition of the Old Czech Bible
(Kosek, Čech, Navrátilová, Mačutek [forthcoming]); these dierences can be at-
tributed to stylistic factors.
To test the signicance of dierences among distributions of word order positions
in selected books of the Olomouc Bible, we used the χ
-test (Snedecor, Cochran ).
We found signicant dierences among the distributions (χ = ., p-value < .);
these indicate that style is an important factor inuencing the distribution.
Figure. Proportions of positions of in selected books of the BiblOl a nd BiblLitTřeb.
e books are ranked in descending order of frequency of post-initial
position.
Because the observed frequencies are low for some (en)clitic positions, we used simulated
p-values (Ross ). All computations were performed in the statistical soware environ-
ment R (https://www.r-project.org/).
0
25
50
75
100
Lk Gen Acts Rev Isa Mt Job Sir
postinitial p.
medial
prenal
nal
Word order of reexive in nite verb phrases in the rst edition … (Part II)

However, it would be too simplistic to view the dierences in the frequency distri-
bution of the individual clausal positions of reexive solely as a result of stylistic
factors. is variability also reects the above-mentioned competition between
postinitial and contact positions of (en)clitics during the development of the language.
e inuence of the contact position is evident in the large majority of examples of
medial, prenal and nal position (which for the sake of simplicity we subsume into
the category of “non-postinitial” positions). If we focus on the position of the regent
and the reexive in these “non-postinitial” positions, it is clear that in the majority
of cases this “non-postinitial” position can be attributed to the inuence of contact
word order. ese results are shown in Table  below.
contact isolated
preverbal postverbal
interverbal
Gen 6 17 2 0 25
% 24.00 68 8.00 0
Job 11 49 3 3 66
% 16.67 74.24 4.55 4.55
Sir 19 55 3 4 81
% 23.46 6 7.90 3.70 4.94
Isa 2 34 8 0 44
% 4.55 77. 27 18.18 0
Mt 15 41 2 2 60
% 25.00 68.33 3.33 3.33
Lk 11 27 2 0 40
% 27. 50 6 7. 5 0 5.00 0
Acts 8 41 0 1 50
% 16.00 82.00 0 2.00
Rev 2 19 1 0 22
% 9.09 86.36 4.55 0
    
Table . Position of and the regent in “non-postinitial” positions in BiblOl and
BiblLitTřeb
It would also be possible to take into account other factors, such as text structure or the in-
formation structure in the clause; the relevance of these factors can be seen in the few exam-
ples of “non-postinitial” position, in which the initial phrase consists of a short word (usually
a subjunctor), as demonstrated e.g. by the clause [ažť][zatiem] sě uspokojí in example (a.).
In these cases, the less usual position of the (en)clitic may serve the purpose of topica lization
or contrast, as in Modern Czech (Franks, King : –; Lenertová ; Kosek : ).
Due to space constraints, this is not discussed further here.

PAVEL KOSEK, OLGA NAVRÁTILOVÁ, RADEK ČECH, JÁN MAČUTEK
From this quantitative analysis we can conclude with a reasonable degree of con-
dence that . in Old Czech, the contact position was still a competing word order
position for (en)clitics; . the medial isolated position is entirely marginal in terms of
frequency. In view of the frequency of the postinitial and contact positions, we can
deduce that in Old Czech, the basic word order position for (en)clitics was already
the postinitial position; . style has only a weak (if any) impact on the distribu-
tion of non-postinitial positions. Specically, the p-value of the χ-test (χ = .,
p-value < .) reveals that the result lay on the boundary of signicance, thus it is
dicult to either refute or accept the null hypothesis according to which there are
no dierences among the distributions in the selected books.
Figure . Proportions of non-postinitial positions of (en)clitics in selected books
of BiblOl and BiblLitTřeb. e books are ranked in descending order of
frequency of postverbal position.
Now let us address the question of what factors may motivate the occurrence of in
contact position. A detailed examination of the examples of contact word position
in “non-postinitial” positions reveals that . this position occurs in clauses whose
initial phrase consists of two or more clause elements; . in such cases (multi-word
initial phrases), only occurs rarely in postinitial positions; this can be seen in
Table , which lists the absolute frequencies of examples with the (en)clitic reexive
in W or D position:
Gen Job Sir Isa Mt Lk Acts Rev
2W 1 4 0 0 0 1 4 0 10
2D 1 (3) 3 (6) 0 (4) 1 (1) 0 (1) 0 (1) 2 (3) 2 9 (19)
Table . Competition between W and D position in BiblOl and BiblLitTřeb
As we use simulated p-values, they slightly dier from one simulation to another; however,
they never exceeded ..
e gures given in brackets are ambiguous examples of D position which can also be in-
terpreted as cases of preverbal medial or prenal position, as in the clause a [na ten dóm]
obořichu in (a.) in Part I.
0
25
50
75
100
Rev Act Isa Job Mt Gen Lk Sir
preverbal
postverbal
interverbal
isolated
Acts
Word order of reexive in nite verb phrases in the rst edition … (Part II)

All the data indicate that in such cases – when the initial phrase in the clause consists
of two or more words – the (en)clitic occurs in a contact position with its regent in
“non-postinitial” positions (cf. Kosek, Čech, Navrátilová, Mačutek [forthcoming]).
is behaviour can be associated with the length of the initial phrase, i.e. its dura-
tion: the length of the initial phrase causes it to become an independent prosodic
unit
whose boundaries are usually signalled by a pause.
Because a genuine enclitic
avoids the position aer a pause, it is positioned aer the phrase that follows the
rst multi-word phrase.
In order to verify the validity of this postulated prosodic rule – i.e. that an enclitic
avoids postinitial position if the length of the initial phrase causes a pause – we car-
ried out a quantitative analysis taking into account the following parameters:
the length of the initial phrase, in the case of reexives in postinitial position,
the length of the initial phrase, in the case of reexives in “non-postinitial” posi-
tion (e. g. in medial/prenal/nal position),
the length of the phrase immediately preceding the reexive, in the case of
reexives in “non-postinitial” position.
If the rhythmic rule were valid (i.e. the rule forcing enclitics to cliticize aer a shorter
element than the long postinitial element), then:
In the Czech tradition, a relatively independent unit in the spoken production of an utterance
is referred to as promluvový úsek (literally “section of speech”) or kolón (in English the term
intonation phrase is used – Franks, King : ). In Modern Czech, the boundaries of an
intonation phrase may be signalled by a pause (Palková : ). We can therefore assume
that in Old Czech and Early Modern Czech the boundaries of an intonation phrase were
likewise signalled by a pause – though the existence of such a pause is only an assumption.
In Modern Czech, intonation phrases range from  to  syllables in length, but it is very dif-
cult to determine the length of a phrase which causes a pause. Many factors inuence the
number of syllables, especially the number of phonological words in the intonation phrase
and the tempo of speech. According to Palková, the average length of an intonation phrase in
neutral contexts is around  syllables (Palková : –; Karlík; Nekula, Pleskalová :
the entry Promluvový úsek).
is mechanism is sometimes characterized as heavy constituent constraint (Radanović-Kocić
: ). It was recognized already by Ertl () when analyzing (en)clitic word order.
Trávníček (: ) and Šlosar (: ) also pointed out the inuence of the length of the
initial phrase on the occurrence of a pause which causes Old Czech (en)clitics to appear in
“non-postinitial” position.
is rule is sometimes described as the clitic third principle: “In genera l, in these constructions
the initial constituent is separated by a pause from the rest of the clause and the clitics then
cliticize to the second constituent. Note that the initial phrase is oen topicalized or otherwise
receives special discourse status” (Franks, King : ). In the Old Czech material it is
not possible to explain all examples of “non-postinitial” position by means of the clitic third
rule; this is because an enclitic may follow not only the second, but also the third, fourth or
h phrase in a clause, as see in (a.) in Part I ([nebo][po Izákovi][tvé siemě] sě rozplodí).
We analyzed all examples of “non-postinitial” position in the corpus and the same number of
examples of postinitial position. Analyzing examples of postinitial position, in each book we
began at the beginning of the text and analyzed each example until we reached the required
number of examples (i.e. the same number as the total occurrences of “non-postinitial” posi-
tion in the particular book).

PAVEL KOSEK, OLGA NAVRÁTILOVÁ, RADEK ČECH, JÁN MAČUTEK
the initial phrase in postinitial positions should be shorter than the initial phrase
in “non-postinitial” positions,
the initial phrase in “non-postinitial” positions should be longer than the phrase
aer which the enclitic in “non-postinitial” position is positioned.
Given that it is not possible to measure the length of the investigated elements
in the actual Old Czech spoken realization of a clause, the question then is
how to quantify the length of these elements. In this situation we can choose
other prosodically relevant units which enable us to draw conclusions about
the duration of these elements on the basis of contemporary Czech. It would be
possible to choose the number of syllables, as proposed in Kosek (); however,
this would cause syllables of different lengths to be counted as if they were the
same length, e.g. the monosyllabic words stkvěl, vzmohl would be quantified
in the same way as , jie. We therefore decided to choose the grapheme as the
basic unit; the contemporary Czech transcription does not take into account
all the aspects of the Old Czech phonological system, nevertheless the pho-
neme–grapheme relation gives a fairly good level of correspondence with the
phonemic structure of a word.
Lk Sir Isa Gen Mt Rev Acts Job
LiP 6.94 6.41 6.23 5.91 5.58 5.45 5.4 4.9
LiN 9.1 9.02 10 10.4 5 11.01 10.01 9.96 8.02
LnN 5.75 6.52 8.18 6.48 6.23 7.77 7.06 6.74
Table . Average length of a) the initial phrase in cases when the (en)clitic occurs
in the post-initial position (LiP); b) the initial phrase in cases when the
(en)clitic does not occur in the post-initial position (LiN); c) the non-initial
phrase to which the (en)clitic is connected (LnN) in cases when it is not in
the post-initial position
e results conrm the validity of the investigated hypotheses:
.
In the entire corpus, the average length of the initial phrase in cases when
the (en)clitic is in postinitial position is L
i
P = . graphemes, while the aver-
age length of the initial phrase in cases of “non-postinitial” positions is LiN =
. graphemes. From this we can deduce that the contact position is indeed
dependent on the prosodic characteristics of the (en)clitic , which avoids the
position aer a pause; it can be assumed that a pause is more likely to follow
a phrase with an average length of . graphemes than a phrase with an average
length of . graphemes.
. e average length of the initial phrase in cases when the (en)clitic is in “non-
postinitial” positions (value LnN = . graphemes) is greater than the average
length of phrases aer which (en)clitics in postinitial positions occur (value
L
i
P = . graphemes). From this we can deduce that “non-postinitial” positions
Word order of reexive in nite verb phrases in the rst edition … (Part II)

are less dependent on the prosodic rule forcing an (en)clitic to avoid the posi-
tion aer a pause than postinitial positions; it indicates that in cases of contact
position, other factors besides merely prosodic factors are in play – including
both stylistic factors and the historically unproductive nature of the contact
position of clitics.
. Conclusion
e analysis reveals dominant position of postinitial position of in the oldest Czech
bible translation. e contact position is less frequent position and it is motivated
not only by the grammatical rule which forces (en)clitics to occupy a position im-
mediately adjacent to their regent; it is also motivated by prosodic factors: if the
initial phrase is long, it is followed by a pause. However, an (en)clitic cannot follow
a pause directly, because it requires its host to occupy this position. In such cases, the
(en)clitic must thus encliticize in a dierent position. If these rhythmic conditions
(which enable enclitics to occur in postinitial position) are breached, the historically
unproductive rule of contact position is activated.
Besides this interplay of prosodic and grammatical factors, stylistic factors also
inuence the number of examples of contact position: a quantitative data analysis
revealed that the dierences in the distribution of (en)clitics among dierent clausal
positions may be due to the dierent styles of the individual books (though in the
case of the distribution of dierent types of “non-postinitial” positions the results
of the quantitative analysis are not suciently conclusive).
Acknowledgement
is study was supported by the project Development of the Czech pronominal (en)clit-
ics (GAČR GA–S).
Figure . Average length of phrases presented in Table 
0
3
6
9
Lk Sir Isa Gen Mt Rev Act Job
LiP
LiN
LnN
Acts

PAVEL KOSEK, OLGA NAVRÁTILOVÁ, RADEK ČECH, JÁN MAČUTEK
Abbreviations of Biblical books
Acts = Acts of the Apostlees; Gen = Genesis; Isa = Isaiah; Job = Job; Lk = Gospel of Luke;
Mt = Gospel of Matthew; Rev = Revelation; Sir = Sirach
References
BiblLitTřeb = Litoměřice-Třeboň Bible (Bible litoměřicko-třeboňská). See Part I.
BiblOL = Olomouc Bible (Bible olomoucká). See Part I.
BiblVul = () Wordsworth J., White H.J. (eds.). –, . Nouum testamentum domini
nostri Iesu Christi Latine. [vols. –]. Oxford; () Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem
ad codicum dem iussu Pii PP. XI. Librum Genesis. [vols. –]. –. Rome.
BiblVulClem = Clementine Vulgate. [available at http://vulsearch.sourceforge.net].
Ertl V. . Příspěvek k pravidlu o postavení příklonek. – Naše řeč .: –; .: –.
Franks S., King T.H. . A handbook of Slavic clitics. Oxford.
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Czech (en)clitics. – Glottometrics.
Lenertová D. . Czech pronominal clitics. – Journal of Slavic Linguistics .–: –.
Palková Z. . Rytmická výstavba prozaického textu. Praha.
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Radanović-Kocić V. . e placement of Serbo-Croatian clitics: A prosodic approach. –
Halpern A., Zwicky A. (eds.). Approaching second: Second position clitics and related
phenomena. Stanford: –.
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The paper focuses on analyzing the relationship among word order positions of pronominal enclitics in the history of Czech. Specifically, we look at the Wackernagel’s position and the contact position and we try to decide whether these two positions compete, as usually taken for granted, or whether there is a certain kind of cooperation between them. The results show that the positions do not compete, at least not in the majority of cases. We used a corpus-based on selected books of the first edition of the Old Czech Bible and Kralice Bible for the analysis.
Příspěvek k pravidlu o postavení příklonek
  • V Ertl
Ertl V. 1924. Příspěvek k pravidlu o postavení příklonek. -Naše řeč 8.9: 257-268; 8.10: 293-309.
  • D Lenertová
Lenertová D. 2004. Czech pronominal clitics. -Journal of Slavic Linguistics 12.1-2: 135-171.
Approaching second: Second position clitics and related phenomena
  • V Radanović-Kocić
Radanović-Kocić V. 1996. The placement of Serbo-Croatian clitics: A prosodic approach. -Halpern A., Zwicky A. (eds.). Approaching second: Second position clitics and related phenomena. Stanford: 429-445.
  • S M Ross
Ross S.M. 2006. Simulation. Burlington (MA).
Poloha enklitik jako kritérium k hodnocení staročeské interpunkce
  • D Šlosar
Šlosar D. 1967. Poloha enklitik jako kritérium k hodnocení staročeské interpunkce. -Listy filologické 91.3: 251-258.