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Community views of Milwaukee's police body-worn camera program: Results from three waves of community surveys

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This brief describes community survey results from the Urban Institute’s evaluation of the Milwaukee Police Department’s (MPD) body-worn camera (BWC) program. This program began in October 2015 as a response to strained police relations in the city’s communities of color that were exacerbated by several highly public police shootings of black men in Milwaukee and across the country. Urban researchers surveyed Milwaukee community members in April 2016, September 2017, and July 2018 about their attitudes toward the police department and its BWC program. Findings indicate that public knowledge of BWCs grew substantially each year and that the majority of community members held positive views of the program and the MPD. Yet these views varied over the years and by key demographic characteristics. Notably, black respondents had lower overall opinions about how often MPD officers were respectful and about how well BWCs could improve police-community relations or officer accountability.
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Daniel S. Lawrence, Bryce E. Peterson, and Paige S. Thompson
August 2018
This brief describes community survey results from the Urban Institute’s evaluation of
the Milwaukee Police Department’s (MPD) body-worn camera (BWC) program. This
program began in October 2015 as a response to strained police relations in the city’s
communities of color that were exacerbated by several highly public police shootings of
black men in Milwaukee and across the country. Urban researchers surveyed
Milwaukee community members in April 2016, September 2017, and July 2018 about
their attitudes toward the police department and its BWC program. Findings indicate
that public knowledge of BWCs grew substantially each year and that the majority of
community members held positive views of the program and the MPD. Yet these views
varied over the years and by key demographic characteristics. Notably, black
respondents had lower overall opinions about how often MPD officers were respectful
and about how well BWCs could improve police-community relations or officer
accountability.
Historically, the Milwaukee Police Department has had strained relations in communities of color,
where residents have experienced greater police presence and higher rates of poverty and crime. In
early 2014, these tensions came to a head after an MPD officer shot and killed Dontre Hamilton,
resulting in widespread demands from community members and city officials for a BWC program.
Support for BWCs in Milwaukeeand in other cities across the countryhas been rooted in the
idea that they can provide a neutral account of officer-community interactions to support investigations
into officer use of force and citizen complaints. Better investigations, in turn, can improve police
J US TI C E P OL IC Y C E NT E R
Community Views of Milwaukee’s
Police Body-Worn Camera Program
Results from Three Waves of Community Surveys
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C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
transparency and accountability and enhance community perceptions of and trust in the police.
However, the effect of BWCs on public opinion also depends on how departments implement their
program. Body-worn camera programs could negatively affect efforts for transparency if footage is not
released quickly or is only released when it justifies officer behavior. To fully address accountability,
departments must also follow up the release of footage with a thorough assessment of the officers’
behaviors and an appropriate administrative response if policy was violated.
In response to political pressure and calls for action from the community, the MPD applied for and
received funding from the US Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Assistance’s Strategies for
Policing Innovation program to develop and implement a BWC program. Across four deployment
periods between October 2015 and December 2016, the MPD trained and equipped roughly 1,100
officers with small cameras that mount on officers’ heads, collars, or shoulders and record audio and
video of officers’ interactions with community members. The BWCs have a short buffering period that
captures video of the 30 seconds immediately before the officer turns on the camera.
As a requirement of its Strategies for Policing Innovation grant, the MPD partnered with the Urban
Institute to develop and execute a rigorous, independent evaluation of the department’s BWC program.
Previous research from this evaluation found that MPD officers equipped with BWCs conducted fewer
subject stops and were less likely to receive citizen complaints than officers without BWCs (Peterson et
al. 2018). However, officers in both groups used similar levels of force during community encounters.
The current brief uses community survey data to assess public perceptions of the MPD and its BWC
program over three periods. Specifically, we examine how strongly community members from various
racial and demographic groups believe MPD officers were respectful, and the role BWCs played in
building community relations and holding officers accountable.
Community Surveys
We administered three waves of surveys to Milwaukee community members between 2016 and 2018.
People were eligible to take the survey if they lived or worked in Milwaukee at the time of data
collection. Survey responses were collected electronically through a mobile application for the first
survey wave, and with an online survey among a survey panel for the second and third waves. These
methodologies are detailed further in the appendix.
Figure 1 shows a timeline of the BWC program’s implementation and the waves of our community
surveys. The first survey was conducted between April 6 and 9, 2016, and yielded responses from 508
community members. At the time, 182 MPD officers had had BWCs for approximately six months (since
October 2015), while another 268 officers had received their BWCs just weeks before. In wave two,
775 community members were surveyed between August 24 to September 30, 2017. By this time, all
1,100 MPD patrol officers (i.e., those who have the most frequent interactions with members of the
community) had been equipped with BWCs for at least nine months. The final wave was conducted
between May 23 and July 11, 2018, nearly 18 months after patrol officers had been equipped with
C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
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BWCs, and yielded another 752 survey responses. In this brief, we examine four questions across these
three surveys that focused on community members’ perceptions of the MPD and its BWC program:
To the best of your knowledge, are Milwaukee police officers currently wearing body-worn
cameras?
Thinking about the Milwaukee police, how often do they treat people with dignity and respect?
Please indicate how strongly you agree that body-worn cameras will improve Milwaukee police
relationships with community members.
Please indicate how strongly you agree that body-worn cameras will hold Milwaukee police
officers accountable for their behaviors.
FIGURE 1
Body-Worn Camera Deployment and Community Survey Timeline
Source: Authors’ calculations. URB AN IN ST I T U TE
Note: Shaded areas denote the times the community surveys were fielded: April 69, 2016; August 24September 30, 2017;
and May 23July 11, 2018.
Sample Characteristics
Table 1 details the sample characteristics for each survey wave, as well as the corresponding citywide
characteristics from the 2010 Census. The surveys targeted the three largest racial and ethnic groups in
Milwaukee: non-Hispanic whites, non-Hispanic blacks, and Hispanics of any race. Accordingly, the
surveys were weighted to be representative of the 2010 city characteristics on unique groupings of
these race/ethnicity categories, as well as gender and age.
1
For example, survey responses from black
0
200
400
600
800
1,000
1,200
Jul. '15
Aug. '15
Sep. '15
Oct. '15
Nov. '15
Dec. '15
Jan. '16
Feb. '16
Mar. '16
Apr. '16
May. '16
Jun. '16
Jul. '16
Aug. '16
Sep. '16
Oct. '16
Nov. '16
Dec. '16
Jan. '17
Feb. '17
Mar. '17
Apr. '17
May. '17
Jun. '17
Jul. '17
Aug. '17
Sep. '17
Oct. '17
Nov. '17
Dec. '17
Jan. '18
Feb. '18
Mar. '18
Apr. '18
May. '18
Jun. '18
Jul. '18
Aug. '18
Approximate number of MPD officers equipped with a BWC
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C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
men who were age 36 and older were weighted to match the city’s 2010 total of black men who were
age 36 and older. This approach allowed us to more accurately compare survey responses across the
unique demographic groups and survey waves.
TABLE 1
Sample Characteristics by Survey Wave
Percent
April 2016 (n = 508)
Sept. 2017 (n = 775)
June 2018 (n = 752)
2010
Censusa
Unweighted
Weighted
Unweighted
Weighted
Unweighted
Weighted
39.56
47.09
76.65
44.56
75.80
44.56
44.56
41.14
37.51
9.16
35.49
12.90
35.49
35.49
19.29
15.41
7.74
14.58
6.12
14.58
14.58
--
--
6.45
5.37
5.18
5.37
5.37
46.85
52.72
51.88
52.70
52.93
52.70
52.70
66.54
42.08
40.52
42.89
37.72
42.89
42.89
33.46
57.92
59.48
57.11
62.28
57.11
57.11
Sources: Authors’ calculations and US Census.
a Percentages of 2010 Census population 18 years and older.
Survey Results
Knowledge of Body-Worn Camera Program
Figure 2 details the results from the three survey waves for the question, “To the best of your
knowledge, are Milwaukee police officers currently wearing body-worn cameras?Only one-third (35.8
percent) of the city’s community members thought that officers were wearing BWCs during the first
wave of the survey (April 2016), six months after the first phase of camera deployment. This share
nearly doubled (63.2 percent) by wave two (September 2017), nine months after all patrol officers had
been equipped with BWCs, and jumped to three-quarters (75.9 percent) the following year in wave
three (June 2018). These survey results indicate that public awareness of the BWC program grew in
accordance with expansion of the program.
Notably, while general trends in knowledge of the program were similar across community groups,
the percentage of white respondents with knowledge of the program grew more substantially between
the first and third waves than the percentages of black and Hispanic respondents. In wave one, roughly
one-third of each group believed officers had cameras. But by 2017 and 2018, more white community
members stated that MPD officers had BWCs than the other two groups. Also, fewer young community
members (female and male, 18 to 35 years old) knew about the BWC program than older community
members across each survey year (female and male, 36 years old and older).
C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
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FIGURE 2
To the Best of Your Knowledge, Are Milwaukee Police Officers Currently Wearing
Body-Worn Cameras?
Percent answering “yes
Source: Authors’ calculations. URB AN IN ST I T U TE
Perceptions of Officer Respectfulness
Figure 3 details the results from the three surveys for the question, “Thinking about the Milwaukee
police, how often do they treat people with dignity and respect?” Respondents could have answered this
question with “never,” “sometimes,” “frequently, or “almost always. The bars in figure 3 depict the
percentage of respondents who answered with either “frequently” or “almost always.” Community
attitudes decreased slightly each year. In April 2016, around two-thirds (63.2 percent) of community
members reported that MPD officers frequently and almost always treat people with dignity and
respect. In September 2017, this share dropped to 60.8 percent, followed by another decrease to 58.1
percent in June 2018. Responses did not vary much across gender or by age groups, although a larger
percentage of men than women reported that MPD frequently treated people with respect and dignity.
84.3
63.9
81.1
70.0
70.8
72.0
81.7
75.9
65.7
65.4
67.3
52.4
64.4
54.3
70.5
63.2
43.3
25.7
38.5
32.1
37.4
34.8
36.1
35.8
Male, 36+
Male, 1835
Female, 36+
Female, 1835
Hispanic
Black
White
Total
April 2016 September 2017 June 2018
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The most notable differences in these attitudes were by race and ethnicity. Opinions about how
frequently the police treated individuals with respect and dignity were most favorable among white
respondents, followed by Hispanics. By a large margin, black community members held the least
favorable opinions about respectful treatment by the MPD, with the share responding “frequently” or
“almost always” steadily declining from 48.0 percent in April 2016 to 30.1 percent in June 2018. These
findings are indicative of the historically challenged relationships between MPD and the black
communities in Milwaukee and throughout the country.
FIGURE 3
Thinking about the Milwaukee Police, How Often Do They Treat People with Dignity and Respect?
Percent answering “frequently and “almost always
Source: Authors’ calculations. UR BAN I N ST I T UT E
Impact of Body-Worn Cameras on Police-Community Relations
Figure 4 shows the percentage of survey respondents who agreed or strongly agreed with the
statement “Body-worn cameras will improve Milwaukee police relationships with community
members.” Respondents could have also answered “disagree” or “strongly disagree.” Generally,
62.0
62.2
57.0
51.2
72.5
30.1
73.8
58.1
60.8
63.9
63.7
53.7
64.1
36.5
78.7
60.8
70.7
67.6
57.7
57.6
63.8
48.0
75.1
63.2
Male, 36+
Male, 1835
Female, 36+
Female, 1835
Hispanic
Black
White
Total
April 2016 September 2017 June 2018
C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
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respondents indicated strong, consistent support for the program. In April 2016, just over 80 percent of
community members believed BWCs would improve MPD’s relationships with the community. This
share increased to 85.3 percent in September 2017 and slightly decreased to 83.6 percent in June 2018.
For many of the race, age, and gender groupings, the shares of community members agreeing with
this statement were at their highest during September 2017, around two years after the first
deployment of BWCs. Female community members of both age groups reported similar levels of
agreement with the statement across each of the three surveys. A notable finding is the 18-point
increase in the level of agreements for older men between the 2016 and 2017 surveys, though it is
unclear what led to this change. In all three waves, fewer black community members than white or
Hispanic community members agreed that BWCs could improve police-community relations. However,
even among black respondents, support for the cameras was consistently above 70 percent.
FIGURE 4
Body-Worn Cameras Will Improve Milwaukee Police Relationships with Community Members
Percent answering “agree and “strongly agree
Source: Authors’ calculations. URB AN IN ST ITU TE
81.9
87.6
82.2
84.0
86.4
71.8
91.1
83.6
87.2
84.7
81.7
88.7
89.7
74.6
92.8
85.3
69.4
81.0
88.2
81.1
73.4
71.9
88.9
80.2
Male, 36+
Male, 1835
Female, 36+
Female, 1835
Hispanic
Black
White
Total
April 2016 September 2017 June 2018
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Impact of Body-Worn Cameras on Officer Accountability
Figure 5 shows the survey results for the percentage of respondents who agreed or strongly agreed, as
opposed to those who disagreed or strongly disagreed, with the statement “Body-worn cameras will
hold Milwaukee police officers accountable for their behaviors.” Overall, roughly 9 in 10 community
members agreed or strongly agreed that BWCs will promote accountability for MPD officers’ actions.
Responses on this question were slightly higher in 2017 than in the 2016 and 2018 surveys.
Though agreement with this statement was high among all respondent groups, black respondents
were much more skeptical than their white and Hispanic counterparts that BWCs could hold officers
accountable for their behaviors, particularly in the last survey wave. In 2018, for example, 96.3 percent
of white respondents and 91.1 percent of Hispanic respondents thought BWCs would hold officers
accountable, compared with 72 percent of black respondents.
FIGURE 5
Body-Worn Cameras Will Hold Milwaukee Police Officers Accountable for Their Behaviors
Percent answering “agree and “strongly agree
Source: Authors calculations. UR BAN IN S T IT U T E
84.1
88.3
86.4
89.3
91.1
72.0
96.3
86.8
95.7
85.0
92.8
94.3
90.7
88.8
95.6
92.3
80.0
86.4
89.4
86.8
76.4
81.0
92.4
85.7
Male, 36+
Male, 1835
Female, 36+
Female, 1835
Hispanic
Black
White
Total
April 2016 September 2017 June 2018
C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
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Takeaways and Policy Implications
The survey results described in this brief point to three key takeaways, all of which are relevant for
police department BWC policies and practices. First, awareness of the BWC program among survey
respondents increased as more officers were equipped with cameras and the MPD’s program
matured. Across all demographic groups, awareness that MPD officers were equipped with BWCs grew
steadily from wave one to wave three. While expected, this finding is a necessary step for improving
perceptions of transparency. Community members can only have an opinion about a BWC program or
understand its impact on police-community relations insofar as they are aware of the cameras use.
Further, the awareness of BWCs may be linked to public perceptions of procedural justice during police
encounters (White, Todak, and Gaub 2017), though other research indicates that these views depend
more on officer behaviors than on whether they are wearing cameras (McClure et al. 2017).
The second takeaway is that, by and large, people in Milwaukee held positive opinions about the
police department and its BWC program. The majority of community members within each survey
wave believed MPD officers frequently or “almost always treat people with dignity and respect.
These are important indicators of procedurally just behaviors, which can affect community members’
perceptions of a police interaction, the officer, the outcome of the incident, and the department as a
whole (see Donner et al. 2015). Procedurally just behaviors include officers treating community
members with dignity and respect, trusting them to do the right thing, taking the time to listen, and
making fair decisions (Blader and Tyler 2003; Sunshine and Tyler 2003; Tyler 2001; Tyler, Callahan, and
Frost 2007). When an officer exhibits these behaviors during a community interaction, research
suggests that community members are more satisfied with the encounter, are more willing to cooperate
with the officer, and have greater trust and confidence in the officer’s behaviors (Mazerolle et al. 2013).
Further, the surveys found that a large majority of respondents held high opinions about the potential
for BWCs to improve police-community relationships and keep officers accountable for their behaviors.
Though these findings are largely positive, analyzing survey results in the aggregate masks more
germane findings concerning police relations with communities of color; relations that are historically
fraught and persist, particularly given growing awareness and social media dissemination of police
misconduct. Our third key takeaway is that fewer black respondents across all three surveys viewed
MPD officers as respectful or believed BWCs could improve police-community relations and officer
accountability. This finding is consistent with national surveys, which have found that black community
members are less optimistic than their white counterparts that BWCs can reduce racial tensions or
increase trust in the police (Sousa, Miethe, and Sakiyama 2018). Black community members are also
more likely to have negative police contacts, which could contribute to their skepticism of BWC benefits
(Crow et al. 2017; Ray, Marsh, and Powelson 2017).
Several events in Milwaukee during survey data collection likely impacted police-community
relationships and perceptions of the BWC program, particularly among black respondents. Between the
first and second survey waves, on August 13, 2016, a BWC-wearing MPD officer shot and killed Sylville
Smith during a foot pursuit, prompting days of protests and violence in several parts of Milwaukee. The
officer was ultimately charged with first-degree reckless homicide but acquitted after a jury trial. The
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BWC footage of the incident was not publicly released by the district attorney until nearly a year after
the incident (June 14, 2017) because it was being used in an active investigation and trial. A similar
incident occurred between the second and third survey waves when MPD officers stopped Sterling
Brown of the Milwaukee Bucks for a parking violation on January 26, 2018. After a verbal exchange, the
officers wrestled Brown to the ground and tased him. Again, BWC footage of the incident was withheld
for several months while the incident was investigated. After the video was released, the officers
involved were suspended. Coincidently, the footage was released the same day we began our third
wave survey data collection (May 23, 2018). Another notable event was the retirement of Chief Edward
Flynn, who was Milwaukee’s chief of police for 10 years and in the middle of his third term when he
announced his retirement. Captain Alfonso Morales was promoted to chief of police in interim on
February 15, 2018, and in full on April 5. The final notable event was when Officer Charles Irvine was
tragically killed on June 7, 2018, when the squad car he was in lost control during the pursuit of a
suspect. His was the department’s first death in the line of duty in 22 years.
In light of our findings, it is clear that police departments must continue to revise their policies and
fine-tune their BWC programs in order to maximize transparency and accountability and broaden
public support, particularly among communities of color. We therefore conclude this brief with a
discussion of three policy solutions that departments with BWCs should consider to achieve this goal.
First, departments should standardize, expedite, and publicly disseminate their process for releasing
BWC footage. In most localities, the public can request and access BWC footage through an open
records request. But, as in the Smith and Brown incidents, this process is often delayed when the police
department or district attorney is using the footage for an ongoing investigation. Though it is important
to follow due process during these investigations, the need to protect an investigation must be carefully
weighed against releasing footage within a reasonable time frame.
Likewise, the process of releasing footage must be consistent in all cases. Transparency and
accountability will be compromised if the public believes departments are quicker to release footage
that justifies officers’ behaviors than footage that depicts police misconduct. In the two incidents
described above, the MPD or district attorney took punitive or legal action, respectively, against the
officers involved. But, the delay in releasing the footage led to community questions and speculation
about what the videos depicted. Thus, it is essential that departments formalize and follow their policy
for releasing footage.
Finally, departments should clearly communicate their use of BWCs and the footage they
produce. Departments must describe their process of and policy for reviewing footage to investigate
police misconduct and substantiate or refute complaints. They should also assess and communicate to
the public whether BWCs have helped promote civility and professionalism during community
interactions. When appropriate, this may include releasing footage that depicts these benefits. Much of
the released footage comes from public requests around use of force incidents. While these crucial
requests should be expediently fulfilled, they also reinforce unfavorable views of the police by depicting
negative or violent encounters that often do not result in officer discipline (see Kerrison, Cobbina, and
Bender 2018). Departments can create a more complete picture by proactively providing details
supplemented with BWC footage, further promoting transparency and accountability.
C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
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Appendix
April 2016 Survey Methodology
The April 2016 survey was deployed using a newly developed survey platform created by Google. At the
time, the Google Survey platform allowed rapid survey deployment to a representative sample of
Milwaukee community members. This was accomplished through Google’s partnerships with a diverse
group of about 80 publishers (e.g., news media). These websites restricted access to premium content
via a “survey wall,” which required visitors complete a short survey on their computers or smart phones
(McDonald, Mohebbi, and Slatkin 2012). Google also offered an app for Android users to take surveys
for small credit to their Google accounts. Most respondents (71.7 percent) completed the survey
through the phone app, while the rest completed the “survey wall” to access content on a website.
Google Survey had many advantages over traditional internet- or phone-based surveys. It was less
expensive and could be administered very quickly (the 508 responses in our study were collected within
a few days). Further, Google found that the average response rate for their method was higher than
response rates in comparable survey methods (McDonald, Mohebbi, and Slatkin 2012). Pew
researchers also found that surveys collected from this platform achieved a representative sample on
age, gender, race and ethnicity, marital status, and homeownership when compared to Pew Research
Center surveys (Keeter and Christian 2012).
Using this platform created challenges as well. These surveys were specifically developed for
marketing purposes, limiting their use in social sciences. The survey could include a total of 10
questions, up to four of which could be included as screening questions to better identify and obtain
responses from specific populations. This severely limited the number of research questions we could
examine in this survey. The length of each item was limited to a specific number of characters and could
only include radio button or check-box response options, also of a limited length. For these and other
reasons, we explored an alternative method for administering the survey for waves two and three.
September 2017 and June 2018 Survey Methodology
The September 2017 and June 2018 surveys were deployed using the Panel Services platform provided
by SurveyGizmo. Respondents from this platform come from a network of survey panelists who
frequently participate in surveys for a small payment. Our surveys used the Milwaukee market area,
which included approximately three or four panels and respondents from counties surrounding
Milwaukee County (although these respondents were filtered out based on screening items if they did
not live or work in Milwaukee city). Respondents were recruited to complete the survey by email.
The surveys were accessible through a url hosted by SurveyGizmo, which allowed the researchers
to develop a more complex survey with more items and measured domains. In total, 31 items were
included in the instrument. One disadvantage to SurveyGizmo compared to Google was that
respondents could not be filtered out of the survey based on their race. As a result, the surveys had
biased samples of respondents who were white, requiring researchers to weight the data.
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Note
1
A limitation to this approach is that we weighted survey responses on Milwaukee resident characteristics, even
though the survey data were collected from people who lived or worked in Milwaukee. Although we cannot
differentiate these two groups in wave one, we find that Milwaukee residents made up 81 percent of the wave
two sample and 78 percent of the wave three sample. Given that Milwaukee residents were a large majority of
our survey samples, we used the city characteristics from the census to determine the appropriate weights.
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C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
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About the Authors
Daniel S. Lawrence is a senior research associate in the Justice Policy Center at the
Urban Institute. His research interests are primarily in the law enforcement field,
specifically on police technology, police legitimacy and procedural justice, police
screening and hiring practices, and community policing.
Bryce E. Peterson is a senior research associate in the Justice Policy Center at the
Urban Institute. His research focuses on correctional policy, children of justice-
involved parents, prison population forecasting, and technological interventions in
criminal justice settings.
Paige S. Thompson is a research analyst in the Justice Policy Center at the Urban
Institute, where she works on projects related to policing and crime prevention. Her
research interests include law enforcement, human trafficking, juvenile justice issues,
community-based crime reduction initiatives, and the intersection of mental health and
the justice system.
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C OM M UN I TY VI EW S O F M I L WA U KE E’ S P O LI C E B ODY- W OR N C A ME R A PR O GR AM
Acknowledgments
This project was supported by Grant No. 2015-WY-BX-0006 awarded by the Bureau of Justice
Assistance. The Bureau of Justice Assistance is a component of the Department of Justice’s Office of
Justice Programs, which also includes the Bureau of Justice Assistance, the National Institute of Justice,
the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, the Office for Victims of Crime, and the
SMART Office. Points of view or opinions in this document are those of the authors and do not
necessarily represent the official position or policies of the US Department of Justice. We are grateful
to them and to all our funders, who make it possible for Urban to advance its mission.
The views expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Urban Institute,
its trustees, or its funders. Funders do not determine research findings or the insights and
recommendations of Urban experts. Further information on the Urban Institute’s funding principles is
available at urban.org/fundingprinciples.
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... Studies to date focus largely on outcomes of using BWCs, such as changes in use of force, effects on evidence collection, crime reporting, reduction in citizen complaints, and impacts on prosecution and case processing (Ariel, 2016;Ariel et al., 2017;Ariel, Farrar, & Sutherland, 2015;Bellin & Pemberton, 2018;Fan, 2016;Hedberg, Katz, & Choate, 2017;Jennings, Lynch, & Fridell, 2015;Katz, Choate, Ready, & Nuno, 2014;Morrow, Katz, & Choate, 2016;. Fewer studies have examined specific community and general public perceptions of BWCs (Crow, Snyder, Crichlow, & Smykla, 2017;Culhane, Boman, & Schweitzer, 2016;Demir, 2018;Lawrence, Peterson, & Thompson, 2018;Sousa, Miethe, & Sakiyama, 2017;, the challenges of implementing a BWC program (Sousa, Coldren, Rodriguez, & Braga, 2016), or detainees' perceptions of the capacities of BWCs to deliver promised increased levels of accountability in policing (Lee, Taylor, & Willis, 2018). ...
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