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Participatory Health Research with Older People in the Netherlands: Navigating Power Imbalances Towards Mutually Transforming Power: Voices from Around the World

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Abstract

Recently, policymakers intend to transform the welfare state to a ‘participation society’ in the Netherlands. This neo-liberal orientation is legitimized by the notion of ‘self-sufficiency’. Against this backdrop we sketch participatory health research (PHR) and its history, followed by the description of our own approach to PHR and principles of PHR encompassing three steps: (1) collecting experiences of the those whose life (or work) is the subject of the study as a starting point for mutual learning, (2) ongoing dialogue with different stakeholders which is strength-based and extending their horizons, and (3) collaborative action and monitoring outcomes. We focus on older people and historical/cultural differences between different generations which have implications for PHR and for addressing specific groups of older people. We present two examples: one concerning a group of older people in a residential setting and the other concerning a group of baby boomers in a WHO Age-Friendly City project.
Participatory Health Research with Older People in the Netherlands:
Navigating Power Imbalances Towards Mutually Transforming Power
Barbara C. Groot
Email b.groot@vumc.nl
Tineke A. Abma
Email t.abma@vumc.nl
Department Medical Humanities, VU University Medical Centre, Amsterdam Public Health Institute, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Abstract
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Recently, policymakers intend to transform the welfare state to a ‘participation society’ in the Netherlands. This neo-liberal orientation is legitimized
by the notion of ‘self-sufficiency’. Against this backdrop we sketch participatory health research (PHR) and its history, followed by the description
of our own approach to PHR and principles of PHR encompassing three steps: (1) collecting experiences of the those whose life (or work) is the
subject of the study as a starting point for mutual learning, (2) ongoing dialogue with different stakeholders which is strength-based and extending
their horizons, and (3) collaborative action and monitoring outcomes. We focus on older people and historical/cultural differences between different
generations which have implications for PHR and for addressing specific groups of older people. We present two examples: one concerning a group
of older people in a residential setting and the other concerning a group of baby boomers in a WHO Age-Friendly City project.
Keywords
Dialogue
Relational empowerment
Facilitation
Power
Older people
Participatory health research
Foreword
Mrs. Caring (pseudonym) is a Dutch older woman in her 90s living in a nursing home. When we met her for the first time, she said that—despite her
limited mobility and hearing problems—everything was fine. At a later visit, Mrs. Caring took part in a lively conversation with a group of women her
age during which they were emotionally voicing their concern about the bad meals. Mr. Daring (pseudonym) is an articulate Dutch man aged 73, living
at home in a suburb of Amsterdam. He and a group of other active older baby boomers are involved in an age-friendly project to improve their
neighbourhood. When they find out that the professionals involved are taking the credit for what the older people have done, Mr. Daring is eager to
assert control.
As a participatory researcher, how do you create room for a greater say in service delivery by older people admitted to a nursing home? How do you
support older people who are commonly seen as passive and silent, and who often do not dare to ‘complain’, like Mrs. Caring, fearing repercussions?
And what do you do as a researcher when you enter into a situation in which the research project ownership on the part of the older people concerned
—a key principle in participatory health research (PHR)—is threatened by unintended actions on the part of professionals, as in the case of Mr. Daring?
In both situations prevailing power imbalances run counter to the democratic ideal of mutually sharing and transforming power in PHR.
In this chapter we present the approach we took in two studies with older people from different generations. We will share the challenges we
encountered and the lessons learned about the use of PHR in sharing power, facilitating dialogue and mutual learning between stakeholders. We will
show how we navigated tacit tensions between stakeholders and how we tried to ensure that all voices are heard and genuine dialogue and action take
place in a context in which the voices of older people tend to be marginalized.
But first, we will describe briefly the Dutch regional context in the Netherlands. Then we will provide an impression of the intellectual history of PHR
in the Netherlands and provide key insights and approaches that have inspired us and are informing our Dutch practice.
Regional Context: The Netherlands and theSo-Called Participation Society
In many European countries, healthcare reforms are taking place to deal with the aging population and economic crisis (European Commission 2014,
2016). The Netherlands is intending to transform itself from a welfare state to a ‘participation society’, a concept introduced by a neo-liberal
government.
The transformation to this so-called participation society consists of reforms in different interrelated areas: a normative reorientation, a shift from
residential to non-residential care, decentralization of responsibilities and expenditure cuts (Maarse and Jeurissen 2016). Firstly, the normative
reorientation is more or less identical to what is happening in many European welfare states that are cutting back their responsibilities in care and
emphasizing ‘self-sufficiency’ for care needs (Grootegoed 2013). Secondly, the government is supporting a shift from residential to non-residential
care. This transition is in line with the trend of a ging in place (Wiles et al. 2012), a popular concept in current aging policy. Finally, in 2015 a transition
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in the organizational and financial structure of healthcare took place in the Netherlands. The transition was accompanied by a budget cut of 25% for
support and home care. The budget cuts put the aim of aging in place and participation under great pressure.
Given this context, we are critical of the notion of participation that is being proposed. Participation seems more like a form of co-optation and a
unilateral form of power. Under these circumstances, we think PHR is urgently needed to redress power imbalances and work towards the mutual
sharing of power to transform socially unjust situations.
PHR in theNetherlands
Intellectual History
The tradition of PHR in the Netherlands goes back to the 1960s when the student revolts and democratic ideals stimulated the inquiry into action
research (AR). In the 1970s and 1980s, a whole array of AR approaches was developed under various names such as decision-making or utilization-
focused research (beslissingsgericht onderzoek in Dutch) and practice-based research (praktijkonderzoek in Dutch). What all those approaches had in
common was the aim to improve the practical impact and use of scientific research. An articulate group of scholars criticized some of these approaches
for being positivist and managerialist in orientation, coining the term handelingsonderzoek after the German term of Heinz Moser handlungsforschung
(Boog 2007). Dutch handelingsonderzoek scholars are, for example, Bos (2016), Donk and Van Lanen (2012), Jacobs (2001), Lieshout (2013), Snoeren
(2015) and Weerman (2016).
In recent years there has been a movement to increase the participation of people whose lives are affected by health issues by consulting them over the
course of developing and implementing health research studies. People affected by the issue being studied are, for example, consulted in advance
regarding research topics and priorities (Abma and Broerse 2010; Caron-Flinterman 2005; Dedding 2009; Elberse 2012; Nierse and Abma, 2011;
Schipper 2012; Teunissen 2014; de Wit 2014). This has led to an increasing repertoire of more innovative data collection methods to engage study
participants in a more active way in research, for instance, as co-researchers (Bindels et al. 2014; de Wit et al. 2013). More widely, however, it
continues to be more likely in health research that those without lived experience and other external players lack the commitment to addressing
epistemic injustice (Fricker 2013) and social inequalities in health provision. Epistemic injustice captures the kind of discrimination arising when
unfair biases cause people to underestimate the credibility of knowledge of members of often socially disadvantaged groups. PHR takes a more radical
view and includes moving beyond understanding of the individual in order to address societal and structural injustices through a mutual sharing of
power.
Our Approach to PHR
Our work is inspired by a hermeneutic-dialogical tradition from responsive evaluation (Abma 2005a, b; Abma and Widdershoven 2005, 2006; Guba
and Lincoln 1987; Stake 1975, 2004; Widdershoven 2001). Central elements to this tradition are a variety of different perspectives, narratives,
storytelling, relationality, interactivity, ongoing dialogues and mutual understanding. Recently, art has become an element in our approach, inspired by
performative social science (Gergen and Gergen 2016) with the purpose of performing social transformation. The goals of our PHR approach are the
mutual sharing of power, social change and learning and encouraging all stakeholders to extend their horizon by appropriating new perspectives
(Abma and Stake 2001; Widdershoven 2001). We see a need for a relational empowerment (Vander Plaat 1999) based on the acknowledgement that
people exist in relation to each other and are empowered in that context.
Our dialogical approach to PHR has three different phases. It starts by collecting experiences of those whose life (or work) is the subject of the study.
We collect the experiences together with people whose life (or work) is at stake or these people collect the experiences themselves. These experiences,
captured in stories, photography and/or other forms of art, present the complexity of human life and work and are the starting point for mutual learning
processes (Baur 2012). All data collection methods focus on individuals or homogeneous groups of stakeholders with shared interests, as a way to deal
with power imbalances (Abma 2005a, b). In this phase of collaboration, creative methods of analyses are used, for example, the collaborative creative
hermeneutical analysis method (CCHA) (Lieshout and Cardiff 2011) or participatory visual analysis methods. The aim of this phase is to deepen a
mutual understanding of the issues faced by the different groups of stakeholders in a safe and mutually encouraging environment (Abma and
Widdershoven 2005).
The second phase of the dialogical approach is the start of the ongoing dialogue between different stakeholders about the issues that matter to them. By
means of dialogue sessions (Abma et al. 2001), storytelling workshops (Abma 1998, 2003; Abma and Widdershoven 2005) and working conferences
(Oguz et al. 2015), stakeholders are encouraged to extend their horizon by appropriating new perspectives. Photographs, music or other performances
bring the lifeworld of the people who are the focus of the research literally into the room. In this phase, we are also inspired by Appreciative Inquiry
(Cooperrider and Srivastva 1987;Cooperrider et al. 2008). This ‘strength-based’ approach encourages hope and optimism and focuses on similarities,
including shared interests. It gives room for the resilience and potential of stakeholders that might otherwise be overshadowed by frustration and
difference (Baur et al. 2010). The final and ongoing phase is about collaborative action and monitoring of the outcomes of the collaborative process in
the previous phases.
Stories from theField
Here we illustrate our approach in two research projects with older people of different age groups and generations. Needs and aspirations for being
involved in research differ between generations, as we sensed in projects involving different generations. Every generation is united by memories,
historical periods, language, habits, beliefs and life lessons (Howe and Strauss 2007). Different major societal events during the formative years have a
lasting influence on the world views of the members of each generation (Diepstraten et al. 1999). The lens of generations helps to understand the
dynamics and needs for the facilitation of older people in PHR projects.
When we look at research with older people in the Netherlands, we speak about the Pre-War Generation (born 1901–1930), the Silent Generation (born
1930–1940) and the Protest Generation (born 1940–1955), also called Baby Boom Generation (Becker 1992). In this chapter we tell a story of one
project working with the Pre-War and the Silent Generations and one working predominantly with the Protest Generation. The baby boomers are
legendary for their political resistance to the ‘capitalist system’ and for embracing norms and values that accentuate freedom, democratization, equality
and political involvement. The other two generations share traditional norms and values that stress a solid work ethic, temperance, thrift and a desire
for law and order (Diepstraten et al. 1999).
A Case of Mutual Inquiry for Healthy, Tasty Meals
Fostering Dialogue in aResidential Setting: Participatory and Local
We turn to Mrs. Caring, a woman from the Silent Generation , who we met a few years ago in a PHR study with the aim to involve older people in
decision-making processes concerning their life and well-being in a nursing home(Baur & Abma, 2015). The features of this study that distinguish
PHR from other research paradigms are that the study was ‘participatory’ (conducted together with those who are the subject of the study) and ‘locally
situated’ (grounded in the reality of daily life in a specific place and time) (ICPHR 2013a). It namely concerned a small home with 129 apartments for
older people who could still live independently but who are in need of some kind of support due to frailty. We brought together a group of residents, all
from the Silent or Pre-War Generations, to set their agenda. The study was therefore ‘collectively owned’, also a distinguishing feature of PHR (ICPHR
2013a). After a series of conversations, a core action group of seven women aged 82–92 decided to work on improving meals. All had some degree of
physical limitation and suffered from illness and/or poor vision, hearing problems and decreased mobility.
AQ1
Eight meetings were held with this action group over a 7-month period. We encouraged the group to explore the problems they had identified. In later
gatherings, the group was encouraged to look for solutions by inviting them to make a collage and a series of photographs to show their dreams and
wishes. It was at this stage that the participants came up with a name for themselves: the Taste Buddies. A meeting was set up for the entire resident
community in order to establish whether the other residents shared the same concerns and solutions. We also organized homogeneous meetings with
kitchen staff and with the restaurant staff who served the meals.
In the next stage, dialogue meetings with heterogeneous groups were held. First, the action group met with the team leader and local manager to
discuss their experiences with the meals and to explore where there might be room for improvement. Later, the Taste Buddies met with team leaders,
kitchen staff, restaurant staff, the local manager and a resident council member to discuss their ideas for improvement. A collage helped the Taste
Buddies to present the plans for improvement.
Transformation Through Human Agency Amongst the Older Women
Initially the Taste Buddies discussed a broad set of subjects for improvement, including not feeling at home, not being able to go out, feeling
dependent and experiences of loss and grief. One theme stood out as particularly meaningful for them: the dissatisfaction over the meals. This issue
was not high on the local manager’s list of priorities; he was more concerned with care-related topics.
Originally, the interaction in the group consisted of a careful exploration of shared experiences about meals, downplaying anything negative. After a
while, the group began to feel more comfortable with each other and felt empowered by discovering that their discontent about meals was mutual.
However, sharing negative experiences resulted in stagnation. The colourful collage the group made together put an end to this negativism and the
associated downward spiral since they had to envision the ideal situation in which anything was possible. There was a renewed sense of joy and hope.
The Taste Buddies began to express an activist attitude and was more future-oriented. The group had jointly learned in a very natural way, with help of
the academic researcher as facilitator, how to transform their discontent into constructive advice for improvements in their quality of life. In terms of
PHR, we call this feature ‘transformation through human agency’ (ICPHR 2013a).
Collage and Photographs on Dreams and Wishes
Over time, the women developed into a cohesive group in which they supported each other to keep going. Whenever one of them expressed doubt
about the feasibility of their dreams, the others gently motivated her to stay positive. Trust was an important aspect of their process, as they had found a
place in this group where they could speak freely about their concerns and dissatisfaction. This is reflected in the quote from Mrs. Caring when
assuring her fellow participants that criticism was acceptable in an atmosphere of mutual encouragement: ‘After all, we’re here by ourselves, we can
talk freely about this’. This relates to two ethical principles of PHR ‘mutual respect’ and ‘personal integrity’ (ICPHR 2013b).
Engaging Others, Finding Common Ground and Action
For the kitchen and restaurant staff, the project was an opportunity to share their ideas about the meals. Early in their meetings, participants were
critical and negative about developments in the organization and their own lack of influence. For example, some restaurant staff pointed out that the
kitchen staff did not appreciate their ideas for improving dinner time. An appreciative approach was used by us for these meetings: the participants
were asked to think about what could be done to make improvements and about what they could do to contribute towards the well-being of the
residents. Furthermore, we introduced the participants in these groups to the issues and ideas of the Taste Buddies. They soon realized that they shared
the same concerns and dreams. This process could be typified as ‘active learning’ : learning from each other, an ethical principle of PHR (ICPHR
2013b). At the final meeting, the Taste Buddies, kitchen staff, team leader, local manager, resident council members, volunteers and restaurant staff all
got together to share their views. They first discussed the perspectives and values of the Taste Buddies as reflected in the photos they had taken. The
other participants recognized these issues very well. For example, one of the kitchen staff said: ‘Yes, that’s something we often talk about, that the
combination [of different parts of the menu] is not always good’. The professionals came up with their own examples of these issues and discussed
their dissatisfaction about the meals. There was openness, and the result was a feeling of mutual understanding and recognition, and this led to all
participants’ arriving at agreements about practice improvements. The result is ‘collective action’ to ‘make a difference’, two ethical principles of PHR
(ICPHR 2013b).
Collaborative Action and Monitoring Changes
The next step was to create plans for actions. This was done in collaboration between management, staff and older residents. The local kitchen in the
care facility was reopened, a cook was hired, meals became more fresh and adjusted to the seasons, and the ambiance was improved.
The Taste Buddies decided to continue as a group. They monitored the changes and were not only successful in terms of the concrete actions they
implemented but also in bringing about a change in their own perceptions of self and how they were seen and named by their environment. While these
women were initially a bit shy and insecure, through a process of relational empowerment , they became more self-confident and proud. The story of
the Taste Buddies has become part of the corporate story in the larger organization (this residential care home is part of a holding of five residential
care homes), is told over and over and functions as a success story for others (staff, management) willing to change their relation with older people.
Other facilities adopted a similar strategy to engage older people and implemented local changes as well (Baur et al. 2013). The project has increased
our understanding of direct democracy.
A Case in theAge-Friendly City Amsterdam: Who Owns the Project?
Facilitating Participation in theNeighbourhood
Back to Mr. Daring, a baby boomer living independently with his wife in a suburb of Amsterdam. We met him in an Age-Friendly City
Age-Friendly City
PHR project in Amsterdam in 2016, aiming to research and improve the age-friendliness of their district. Mr. Daring worked with a group of ten older
people, aged 67–85, as co-researchers. Most of them felt part of the Baby Boom Generation, also called the Protest Generation. They all lived in the
neighbourhood of Mr. Daring. The group was mixed in terms of gender, age, ethnic background and frailty. All were still living at home and were
capable of traveling independently.
The PHR study was embedded in the World Health Organization (WHO) network of Age-Friendly Cities (World Health Organization 2007), of which
the city of Amsterdam had become a member. The key strategy of Age-Friendly Cities is to facilitate the inclusion of older persons and to enhance
participation in the community. This strategy fits the PHR approach in which ‘equality and inclusion’ is one of the seven main ethical principles of
PHR (ICPHR 2013b).
Initially, a group of 15 professionals from seven different organizations were involved at the start of the Age-Friendly City PHR study in two
neighbourhoods in Amsterdam. The occupations of these stakeholders were diverse, from academic researchers and teachers at the school for health
professionals to various representatives of the municipality and the patient organization in the city. In short, the work began with a very large
stakeholder group without any older citizen at the table from the neighbourhoods involved. Including those who are subject of the research right from
the start of a PHR study can be challenging, especially in academic-led studies (Groot and Abma 2018). Therefore, the principles of PHR as
‘participatory’, ‘inclusive’ and ‘collectively owned’ (ICPHR 2013a) were from the very first moment of the study at stake.
We (BG amongst others) were involved in the second stage of the project as facilitators of a group of older persons in one of the two neighbourhoods.
Our starting point was assembling a team of older citizens from the area as co-researchers, facilitating their research process by organizing a meeting
twice a month over the course of a year in which we coached them in their role. The group of co-researchers generated 40 stories from older, mostly
more vulnerable neighbours. The group creatively analysed the stories together and organized a validation session with the neighbours and multiple
other stakeholders from the neighbourhood to inspire collective action. The group shared their findings in several meetings in the neighbourhood with a
broad audience. During the period of working in partnership with the group, a few ethical principles of PHR such as ‘mutual respect’, ‘inclusion’ and
‘democratic participation’ were crucial to winning back the feeling of ‘collectively owned’ by the older co-researchers. This resulted in the
announcement of the group that they wanted to continue in a partnership in the neighbourhood together with other stakeholders, with success. The
project is continuing at the moment of writing.
A Change-Oriented Group: Driven by Action
Back to the start... Surprisingly, we gathered a group of co-researchers in a short period of time. All were living in the neighbourhood and were
motivated to start inquiring into the age-friendliness of their district. Compared to our previous experiences with vulnerable older people, we were
happy to find it was relatively easy to engage the co-researchers. From a historical point of view, it is understandable that baby boomers, with a lived
history of creating change and more democratic structures, are eager to participate in such local action-oriented initiatives. Compared to other older
generations, this group is the best-educated and has a history of effecting change (Haber 2009). They were raised in a period of great social and cultural
changes, such as women’s rights, the sexual revolution, flower power, the lifting of religious and socio-political barriers and putting environmental
issues on the agenda (Fortuyn 1998). Mr. Daring can be seen as an example of this action-oriented generation.
In the introductory conversations with the group of co-researchers, the passion for change and collective action (Melucci 1996) was immediately clear.
One co-researcher, for example, worked in the neighbourhood 30years prior and had started feminist groups to empower women. She was glad that
she could remain active in her neighbourhood after retirement. Another co-researcher noted that he was part of the student protests to claim a voice in
the university in the 1960s. This energy and activism was still present for him at the age of 78.
Reflecting on the recruitment of co-researchers , we were not able to engage the most vulnerable older citizens directly in the design stage of the
process, but chose to engage them via the older co-researchers who interviewed them. We felt that the more vital older people were intrinsically
motivated, emphatic and able to get the viewpoints of older people in more vulnerable positions. Both perspectives were used as input for
conversations with local policymakers.
Participation as ‘Business
The drive of the group to make a difference resulted in a meeting with city council members responsible for elderly policy. The meeting took place
before the group had any findings. The group was eager to hear from an official that their contribution to Age Friendly Amsterdam was meaningful to
people with power to make changes. Otherwise they might stop the process. The co-researchers told the city council member that they were investing
their spare time in this initiative, wanting to hear from him if their effort would be taken seriously.
The moment after I (BG), as a facilitator, had arranged the meeting with the city council member, some stakeholders expressed wanting to benefit from
the occasion. They wanted to be involved in the meeting , organizing a big event around it, including picture-taking and giving presents to the official.
The group of co-researchers was surprised and stunned by this reaction. It looked to them like all stakeholders wanted profit from ‘their’ work and
‘their’ meeting. The group of co-researchers had initiated the meeting and therefore insisted that they were in charge of both content and process. The
co-researchers expressed their concern and unease, deciding that they did not want the meeting to be open to other stakeholders. I remember a reaction
of a co-researcher to my question if a stakeholder could take a picture of the group of elderly people together with an important official for the publicity
of their organization: ‘Well, okay, but I do not want to be used by the city council member and his neo-liberal party for election reasons’. I took this as
a warning to stay alert.
The meeting with the official had a very positive effect on the atmosphere in the group of co-researchers. They felt inspired and felt more ownership of
the project than before. Yet, I (BG) was also in contact with the range of stakeholders who had not been invited to the meeting. The photograph taken at
the meeting was sent out by someone to all stakeholders without the consent of the co-researchers. The message attached to the photograph stated:
‘Attached we are sending a picture of the meeting. You can use this for marketing and sa les purposes’. This was precisely the result which the co-
researcher quoted above had feared. The participation of the older people had become ‘business’.
As the facilitator, I (BG) was very angry because I also felt that the stakeholder organizations could take advantage of the group and I was afraid it
would affect the optimistic and productive working atmosphere. I stopped the process and asked to call back the photograph, explaining my action by
referring to the basic principles of PHR, particularly the principle of ‘ownership’ (ICPHR 2013a). This would mean obtaining the permission of all
partners regarding the dissemination of information on the project.
Lessons Learned
In the Netherlands, as in many European welfare states, participation is said to be a basic principle of public policy . Participation has been largely
instrumentalized in the Dutch setting, while at the same time there is a growing interest in PHR. PHR initiatives have to deal with a highly politicized
context. Politicians and others are eager to join in and learn from PHR projects. On the other hand, they are not used to working in partnership with
people in more vulnerable situations. Another aspect is that PHR with older people is different now than 10years ago, because the Baby Boom
Generation is eager to work together in a participatory way in order to create social change. These political circumstances call for advanced stages of
Developmental Action Logics (Torbert 2003, 2004; Torbert and Taylor 2008) from PHR facilitators. Developmental Action Logics help to interpret
surroundings, reflect, learn and react in complex, chaotic settings and to move through these categories as abilities grow (Rooke and Torbert 1998).
In the case of the Taste Buddies, the older people became co-creators, and they developed shared ownership over the course of the research project.
The residents who, like Mrs. Caring, had initially been cautious about expressing their experiences later considered it their responsibility to stand up for
the other residents. This was new for a group of women from their generation who grew up as being seen but not heard, as ‘grey-flannel conformists’,
accepting the institutional civic life and conventional culture (Howe and Strauss 2007). The sociality of the process was for them as important—or
maybe even more important—than the political drive to change life within the institution, and finding ‘a voice’ and developing ‘an agenda’ were major
achievements. This process towards mutually transforming power demonstrates that identities and relationships shifted and that the participants
developed trust, openness and mutual understanding about common values. The Taste Buddies were therefore not only successful in terms of the
concrete action they brought about but also in terms of bringing about a change in their own perceptions of self and how they were seen and
approached in their immediate environment. The facilitator’s focus was on fostering dialogue, action and empowerment, which included redefining the
role of older people and developing a new, shared vision.
The case of the Age-Friendly City group shows that the younger generation of older people, like Mr. Daring, are perhaps more politically aware and
eager to raise their voice and claim ownership. The current neo-liberal political climate promotes entrepreneurship and consumer action. This climate
heightens the competition between organizations to work together with older people in service provision. As a PHR group who volunteered in their
neighbourhood, the Age-Friendly City group wanted to take the credit for their success. Yet, as the old Dutch proverb says, success has many fathers.
Participation and PHR is a serious ‘business’ in times of reform and the Dutch ‘participation society’. Focusing on empowerment was not necessary in
a project with people mostly from the Baby Boom Generation; rather, the facilitator emphasized personal and organizational transformation in a highly
politicized context. Yet, to reach out to older people in a more vulnerable position and to include their experiences as well, the more vital elders
actively approached these neighbours through interviews and thereby gave them a voice in the neighbourhood. Participation requires sometimes other
modes of working to adjust to the needs and aspirations of various generations and personal biographies.
If we examine the required skill sets and abilities of a PHR facilitator from the Developmental Action Logics (Torbert 2003, 2004, 2013) perspective,
we see that in both initiatives the facilitator shares transformational power with the group of older people. In facilitating the dialogue with other
stakeholders in the Taste Buddies case, being a diplomat was enough (Baur and Abma 2012). The diplomat role of a facilitator promotes social
cohesion in the group and ensures that attention is paid to the interests and needs of others. In the Age-Friendly City initiative , the power of politics
and the goal of social transformation required more. Taking on the role of expert by bringing in knowledge of the principles underlying PHR was a
start. It encouraged a collective learning process on the part of the stakeholders. To promote real change and effectively handle the kind of conflicts
encountered here, a PHR facilitator needs to address the instinctive resistance of some stakeholders to change. In the case of the Age-Friendly City ,
this meant the resistance of stakeholders to sharing power. This role is called stra tegist. A facilitator who acts as a strategist is adept at helping groups
to create a shared vision that encourages both personal and organizational transformations. In the eye of a strategist, change is an iterative process that
requires close attention. The strategist masters second-order change regarding actions and agreements as well as the interplay of personal relationships,
organizational relations and national and international developments (Rooke and Torbert 2005).
These were important lessons for us, but above all we have sensed how important it is for older people, from all generations, to have a meaningful role
in determining important aspects of their lives and to connect with others.
Acknowledgements
We thank all co-researchers and other stakeholders who participated in the initiatives. We would also like to thank our co-facilitators and colleagues
Vivianne Baur, Elena Bendien and Maaike Muntinga.
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... (SPOMGPS,5) This was a problem throughout the research, particularly when it came to looking at the health and well-being of prison staff. While this may have been a result of having the GPS as a partner and by involving them in aspects of co-creation -even though this involved personnel from all ranks -it illustrates how the balancing of hierarchies, co-collaboration and the establishment of trustful relationships is a reoccurring issue in participatory research (see Groot & Abama, 2018) and is something that is difficult, but necessary to address. Despite our distribution of information sheets, consent forms and privacy notices, and constant reassurance from the team about the confidentiality of the research and our moral and legal obligations as researchers (when we referred to codes of conduct, GDPR and data protection, and ethics committees), this doubt and suspicion pervaded aspects of the research, and it was never clear whether it was ever truly overcome. ...
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... However, so far, only a small number of scholars have shared their in-depth ethical reflections on the complexities of daily participatory research practice (Lenette et al., 2019). Lately, participatory researchers have shared their everyday ethical issues in studies with older adults (Bendien et al., 2022Brannelly and Barnes, 2022;Buffel, 2018;Groot and Abma, 2018;Hand et al., 2019). We embrace this culture of sharing ethical issues in PAR studies because we can learn from challenging situations in the past. ...
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... However, so far, only a small number of scholars have shared their in-depth ethical reflections on the complexities of daily participatory research practice (Lenette et al., 2019). Lately, participatory researchers have shared their everyday ethical issues in studies with older adults (Bendien et al., 2022Brannelly and Barnes, 2022;Buffel, 2018;Groot and Abma, 2018;Hand et al., 2019). We embrace this culture of sharing ethical issues in PAR studies because we can learn from challenging situations in the past. ...
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... The principles of PAR, while clear and attractive on paper, are not always easy to apply in practice (Jacobs, 2006). The older co-researchers, for instance, could belong to a generation that was brought up in times when authoritative power and fixed gender roles were still in place (Groot & Abma, 2019). Most of the female members of our PAR team belonged to the Silent Generation who were used to a one-breadwinner family model. ...
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... Another aspect is that nobody in FoR had ever heard of participatory research. This meant that we needed to facilitate an on-going learning process, during which our project partners -FoR volunteers-could learn to understand and accept the principles of participatory research and start acting in accordance with them (Groot & Abma, 2018). This is in line with the aims of PAR: enhancing personal and mutual understanding of the people involved, which is the basis for collective action and local impact. ...
... As is seen in setting C, for instance, personal contact was reported to be of particular importance during the process, linked to the social-cultural background of residents by respondents. Furthermore, when looking at different generations of older people, for example, Groot and Abma [71] found that people born between 1940 and 1955 were driven by creating social change during their participation project. During the process, ownership was an important aspect to them. ...
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... To explore ethical issues in citizen science and patient and public involvement (PPI) and to develop a specific framework for ethics in citizen science, we conducted seven case studies over 6 years (2015-2021) in the Netherlands. These case studies were grounded in participatory action research [7] and related to different groups of citizens: people who receive community care [24]; older people [25,26]; children and parents in poverty [27]; people without a job who are dependent on social benefits [28]; families in a vulnerable situation [29]; people with experience of psychiatric crisis [30,31]; and young adults with a respiratory disease [32]. The iterative multiple case study approach enabled us to work with members of the public and people with different backgrounds, diverse research questions and aims, and various settings. ...
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Background Citizen science and models for public participation in health research share normative ideals of participation, inclusion, and public and patient engagement. Academic researchers collaborate in research with members of the public involved in an issue, maximizing all involved assets, competencies, and knowledge. In citizen science new ethical issues arise, such as who decides, who participates, who is excluded, what it means to share power equally, or whose knowledge counts. This article aims to present an ethics framework that offers a lens of understanding and heuristic guidelines to deal with ethical issues in citizen science. Methods We conducted seven case studies between 2015 and 2021 to attune and validate the ethics framework for the context of citizen science. The cases related to studies with older adults, people with a psychiatric vulnerability, people dependent on community care, people who are unemployed or living in poverty or both, and young adults with respiratory disease. Results Ethics in citizen science reaches beyond the ethical issues in traditional biomedical and health research. It entails more than following procedures about informed consent and privacy and submitting a proposal to a Medical Research Ethics Committee. Ethics in citizen science relates to everyday ethical issues during the study, including relational and moral complexities concerning collaboration, sharing power, and democratic decision-making. Dealing with these issues requires ethics work of researchers. This entails seeing ethically salient issues and reflecting on everyday ethical issues. Ethics work consists of seven features: framing work, role work, emotion work, identity work, reason work, relationship work, and performance work. All are relevant for researchers in citizen science. Conclusions Ethical issues in citizen science often relate to power differentials, partnership, and collaboration between academics and non-academics. The ethics framework prepares researchers for the work needed in citizen science to act responsibly and offers a heuristic guide to reflect on ethics. Reflection on ethics is a pathway towards ethical citizen science, especially if researchers collaboratively reflect in partnership with non-academics who are subject to the moral issue.
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Introduction Power relations permeate research partnerships and compromise the ability of participatory research approaches to bring about transformational and sustainable change. This study aimed to explore how participatory health researchers engaged in co-production research perceive and experience ‘power’, and how it is discussed and addressed within the context of research partnerships. Methods Five online workshops were carried out with participatory health researchers working in different global contexts. Transcripts of the workshops were analysed thematically against the ‘Social Ecology of Power’ framework and mapped at the micro (individual), meso (interpersonal) or macro (structural) level. Results A total of 59 participants, with participatory experience in 24 different countries, attended the workshops. At the micro level, key findings included the rarity of explicit discussions on the meaning and impact of power, the use of reflexivity for examining assumptions and power differentials, and the perceived importance of strengthening co-researcher capacity to shift power. At the meso level, participants emphasised the need to manage co-researcher expectations, create spaces for trusted dialogue, and consider the potential risks faced by empowered community partners. Participants were divided over whether gatekeeper engagement aided the research process or acted to exclude marginalised groups from participating. At the macro level, colonial and ‘traditional’ research legacies were acknowledged to have generated and maintained power inequities within research partnerships. Conclusions The ‘Social Ecology of Power’ framework is a useful tool for engaging with power inequities that cut across the social ecology, highlighting how they can operate at the micro, meso and macro level. This study reiterates that power is pervasive, and that while many researchers are intentional about engaging with power, actions and available tools must be used more systematically to identify and address power imbalances in participatory research partnerships, in order to contribute to improved equity and social justice outcomes.
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This chapter discusses the challenges participatory researchers experience in developing and maintaining partnerships, working together collaboratively and negotiating power relations. This is one of the most important, yet also complex and difficult, aspects of participatory research. In this chapter introduction we offer an overview of some of the issues raised in the literature on this topic and how these relate to the four cases in the second part of the chapter.
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As of 2015 a major reform in LTC is taking place in the Netherlands. An important objective of the reform is to reign in expenditure growth to safeguard the fiscal sustainability of LTC. Other objectives are to improve the quality of LTC by making it more client-tailored. The reform consists of four interrelated pillars: a normative reorientation, a shift from residential to non-residential care, decentralization of non-residential care and expenditure cuts. The article gives a brief overview of these pillars and their underlying assumptions. Furthermore, attention is paid to the political decision-making process and the politics of implementation and evaluation. Perceptions of the effects of the reform so far widely differ: positive views alternate with critical views. Though the reform is radical in various aspects, LTC care will remain a largely publicly funded provision. A statutory health insurance scheme will remain in place to cover residential care. The role of municipalities in publicly funded non-residential care is significantly upgraded. The final section contains a few policy lessons.
Article
Aan handelingsonderzoek of actieonderzoek kan men, vergelijkbaar met de adjectieven 'kwantitatief' en 'kwalitatief', het adjectief 'participatief' toekennen. Net zoals andere stromingen van sociaal-wetenschappelijk onderzoek zich baseren op een theoretische invalshoek, zoals de fenomenologische, hermeneutische of een vorm van constructionistische benadering, kan men van handelingsonderzoek zeggen dat deze zich met name fundeert in een kritische benadering. De reden daarvoor is dat handelingsonderzoek vanaf de start gericht is op het bewerkstelligen van concrete verandering van gecontextualiseerd handelen, dat wil zeggen op transformatie van handelingscontexten. Handelingsonderzoek richt zich op verruiming van zelfgestuurd handelen en op controle over de handelingscontexten om dat mogelijk te maken. De nieuwe kennis die in handelingsonderzoek wordt geproduceerd dient 'action-able' en/of 'operation-able' te zijn. Het zet direct aan tot handelen.
Chapter
Conducting research as part of a PhD study offers students a unique opportunity to explore new methods and methodologies. Although we each based our PhD studies on a more traditional participatory action research (PAR) methodology, we also took the opportunity to experiment with a new data analysis method. Working from a critical social science paradigm (Fay, 1987) that translates into critical and collaborative research practice with an emancipatory intent, our scope of freedom as to how to process data, perform the analyses, then synthesise and report the results, became restricted.
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Appreciative Inquiry Handbook explains in-depth what AI is and how it works, and includes stories of AI interventions and classic articles, sample project plans, interview guidelines, participant worksheets, a list of resources, a glossary of terms, and more.