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Technomasculinity and Its Influence in Video Game Production

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Abstract

This chapter focuses on expressions of technomasculinity by video game employees and how this affects production. Technomasculinity associates men with advanced computer proficiency, and it is one part of a structure of hegemonic masculinity. Using in-depth interviews of game workers, the chapter argues that male employees express technomasculinity through stories about family dynamics, education, leisure, and work. Families introduce sons to computers at early ages, and game workers reported being obsessed with video games that made them gamers and seek work in the industry. An overall sexual division of labor also informs boys’ socialization into advanced computer skills needed for game production jobs. Workers negotiate aspects of their identity in relation to a heroic masculinity common in popular culture. This affects the overall working conditions of the industry.

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... Several possible and worthwhile questions can be raised about ethics in relation to video games; ranging from the game designers balancing meaningful content with making money (Sicart, 2013) to war-themed games glorifying advanced weaponry (Mantello, 2017), player aggression (Bennerstedt, Ivarsson, & Linderoth, 2012) as well as marginalisation in both the game industry (Johnson, 2018) and online game culture (Taylor, 2016). However, here, we discuss an ethical perspective on researching a digital phenomenon, online multiplayer video games, through digital data collection employing ethnographic methods. ...
... Additionally, the language used in the data is at times misogynistic and homophobic; a language use that is in conflict with societal and educational values, as well as our personal values. We noted that technomasculinity (Johnson, 2018) was the hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 2005) within online gaming, which can explain why players feel justified expressing such language and maintaining a power structure where they are on top . One can question if an academic paper is the correct forum for explicitly presenting this kind of language use. ...
... We decided to prioritise participant integrity, since gamertags or usernames have a similar function in CS:GO as in other online games and contexts (Sveningsson, 2003). Further, when analysing offensive language, we noted that technomasculinity (Johnson, 2018) is the hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 2005) within online gaming, which can explain why some players feel justified using certain language and maintaining a power structure where they are 'on top'. As this is true for the online game community as a whole, stressing this behaviour solely among the participants would be unjust, irresponsible and unproductive for the larger discussion of the issue. ...
Chapter
Employing ethnographic methods online offers additional understanding of how online contexts are connected to education (Rusk, 2019; Ståhl & Kaihovirta, 2019; Ståhl & Rusk, 2020). As society evolves, new challenges arise for ethnography to claim its position as a methodology for understanding human sociality. For example, the definition of fieldwork might become blurred when the researcher has constant access to the field from their computer, and accessing a participant's perspective is made more complex when there is no, or limited, face-to-face interaction with participants (Beaulieu, 2004; Shumar & Madison, 2013). This chapter discusses some of the challenges experienced during the process of employing ethnographic methods with students playing the online multiplayer video game Counter Strike: Global Offensive (CS:GO, Valve Corporation & Hidden Path Entertainment, 2012) within an educational context. The challenges included maintaining participant integrity in terms of gaining informed consent from players that became co-observed, defining privacy online during the analysis and in dissemination and portraying participants accurately despite stakeholder interests. These challenges are discussed in relation to maintaining research ethics in situ together with participants and with the research context in mind. The intention is not to portray our approach as best practice, but rather to highlight and discuss the challenges faced.
... Women's participation in the game industry is possibly hindered by the expectancy of passionate gamer identities in recruitment (Johnson, 2013) together with masculine perceptions of ideal game developers (Johnson, 2018) and stereotyped positioning of women in traditionally feminine, clerical roles (Styhre, Remneland-Wikhamn, Szcezepanska & Ljungberg, 2018). ...
... Hardcore gamer identity is further masculinized and privileged by emphasizing the technological prowess of true gamers. Male gamers are usually assumed to engage with nerd masculinities by expressing specialized knowledge (DiSalvo, 2016) and reporting personal passion and even obsession with games and computers (from assembling to learning the technical details and making purchase decisions; Johnson, 2018). While this type of nerd identity can also be ascribed as a negative gamer trait associated with excessive playing and social ineptitude (e.g., Shaw, 2011;Stone, 2019;Thornham, 2008), it also comprises positive attributes such as perseverance, competition, and intelligence (Stone, 2019). ...
... Typically, passion for computers and technical issues has been reported by men (Johnson, 2018), and in the gamer discourse, it has been linked with nerd masculinity (DiSalvo, 2016). As shown by the quotation from Mia, espousing one's passion for game technology and computing are also significant resources for women's construction of the gamer identity. ...
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This article examines how women construct their gameplay identities in relation to the hegemonic “gamer” discourse. The article is based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with women who occupy central roles in the Finnish gaming industry. We deploy Judith Butler’s theorization of performative identity construction to examine how the women negotiate their identity in relation to the hegemonic gamer discourse, focusing on how they both embrace and resist the hegemonic, masculine constructions of gameplay. The study shows the dynamics surrounding the gamer identity. While women submit to the hegemonic gamer discourse, reproducing the masculine gamer notions to gain recognition as a viable member of the gameplay community, the study also identifies how subversive opportunities arise as the women deploy new, alternative versions of gamer identity. The hegemonic discourse is subverted through the identity position of tech-savvy, which departs from the masculine connotations.
... In the case of late-stage capitalism, the resource being produced is monetizable units of cultural production. The videogame production industry is firmly ensconced in systems of capitalism: precarity in production labour that forces workers to work themselves well past exhaustion or face replacement (Bulut, 2014(Bulut, , 2015Kerr & Kelleher, 2015;Williams, 2013Williams, , 2018Westar & Legault, 2017), outsourcing to third-world asset firms (Hyman, 2008), and the use of passion for videogames as an industry recruitment and retention tool and as a gate keeping mechanism for employee progress (Bulut, 2014(Bulut, , 2015Johnson, 2018;Deuze, Martin, & Allen, 2007;Kerr & Kelleher, 2015;Kuchlich, 2005;Sotaama, 2007;Parker, Witson, & Simon, 2017). The work hours during production cycles are grueling (Johnston, 2013b;Dyer-Witheford & De Peuter, 2006;Bulut, 2014Bulut, , 2015Llerena, Burger-Helmchen, & Cohendet, 2009), the work environments reinforce negative binaries such as hyper-masculinity and anti-feminism (Johnston, 2013a;Fisher & Harvey, 2013;Hacker, 1979Hacker, , 1981Salter & Blodgette, 2012) and bodies are readily axiomatized as sources of capital (Jenson & de Castell, 2018;Gallagher, Jong, & Sinervo, 2017;DiSalvo et al, 2007), meaning that, as social and cultural issues reach a threshold of recognizability in society at large, the bodies in question in that movement become more easily subjectivizable and exploitable. ...
... Gender moderation is another aspect of production culture that contributes to the precarity of videogame production and perpetuation of negative tropes. Prescott and Bogg (2011) find that gender segregation is still happening in triple-A production spaces, and that women who do enter the industry must renegotiate their gender identity in order to fit in better with male coworkers (Johnson, 2013a(Johnson, , 2018. Johnson (2018) outlines how, if they do not do the work of renegotiating, they run the risk of being accused of being "fake gamers" (Taylor, Jenson, & de Castell, 2009;D'Anastasio, 2018) and have their passion called into question. ...
... Prescott and Bogg (2011) find that gender segregation is still happening in triple-A production spaces, and that women who do enter the industry must renegotiate their gender identity in order to fit in better with male coworkers (Johnson, 2013a(Johnson, , 2018. Johnson (2018) outlines how, if they do not do the work of renegotiating, they run the risk of being accused of being "fake gamers" (Taylor, Jenson, & de Castell, 2009;D'Anastasio, 2018) and have their passion called into question. This further demonstrates an unwillingness on the part of male production workers to accept alternate forms of passion to their own, alternate forms of bodies, and what those bodies are capable of. ...
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Diverse representations of bodies in videogames has become a point of contention among developers and consumers alike, which has lead scholars to question why videogame production is breaking with trends of recognizable, anthropocentric characters in favor of “diverse” bodies. This paper contends that the overarching reason for this is that the capitalist socius (Deluze and Guattari, 1986) has become more readily equipped to be able to monetize and streamline diversity away from being an act of subversion and into an easily manipulatable source of revenue. In examining how the capitalist socius overlays onto the videogame production process, a few things become apparent. Because videogame production operates within the capitalist socius, their goals are the similar: to become autopoietic (able to reach a point of homeostasis in which the entity is able to reproduce and maintain its structural integrity) and to turn any and all resources into sources of capital generation. The expectation of bodies working in these regimes is to be as non-threatening and as pliable to new modes of subjectivation and capital generation as possible, but that means that bodies must undergo certain political transformations to adhere to these needs of the capitalist socius and videogame production process. As with any hegemonic structure, there are pockets of resistance that look to buck the current trends of subjectivation and capital generation. The form of resistance this paper examines is personal-games and affective experiences, but as with most things pertaining to the capitalist socius, personal-games are dangerously close to being swept up, monetized, and crunched down.
... Considering this discussion and the cultural context documented in various works in the field of game studies (Chandler, 2019;Massanari, 2017;Salter, 2018;Salter & Blodgett, 2017), the performance of masculinity in video games is closely related to nerd masculinity -and this is intimately related to technological mastery in the game environment. In its conception, video game culture was guided by the promotion of a militarized masculinity, through the varied practices of game design and narratives centered around war scenarios (Johnson, 2018). ...
... A major factor in this is the conventional understanding of the player's identity as being associated with a specific demographic -male, 9 Although recently both the AAA video game industry and independent producers have been exploring multicultural and inclusive themes, besides challenging constructions around concepts of masculinity and femininity, these games represent only a small portion of the total industry output. Besides this consideration, this movement can also be seen as a precorporation strategy (Fisher, 2009), in which the industry appropriates ideological content, not to endorse it, but to use it for its commercial potential.. white, cisgender, heterosexual, and middle class (Gray, 2014;Johnson, 2018;Murray, 2018;Robinson, 2007;Salter & Blodgett, 2017) -whose representation has been a key part of the power structures shaped in video game culture for decades (Braithwaite, 2016). With the rise of digital technology -and the culture related to it -starting in the 1980s, and especially in the context of US culture, being a nerd also came to mean having an aptitude and intelligence in areas that deal with technological knowledge. ...
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Based on an ethnographic study conducted between 2016 and 2020, this article discusses the performance of toxic masculinity within social spaces related to the card game Magic: The Gathering. It suggests a relationship between the observed behaviors and the reinforcement of conservative values within the Magic community during the game experience, to further understand the social dynamics of gamer culture. Such observation stems from the assumption that the community of players formed during the game results from the articulation of two particular sociotechnical contexts: nerd culture and the mechanics inscribed in the design and experience of the game itself.
... Considerando esta discussão e o contexto cultural documentado em vários trabalhos do campo dos game studies (Chandler, 2019;Massanari, 2017;Salter, 2018;Salter & Blodgett, 2017), a performance da masculinidade nos videogames tem relação estreita com a masculinidade nerd -e esta se relaciona intimamente com o domínio tecnológico no ambiente do jogo. Em sua concepção, a cultura dos videogames foi orientada pela promoção de uma masculinidade militarizada, por meio de variadas práticas de design de jogos e narrativas centradas em cenários de guerra (Johnson, 2018). ...
... Além disso, a própria estrutura do mercado dos videogames inviabiliza e torna arriscado o desenvolvimento de jogos inclusivos que proponham uma reordenação das percepções de feminilidade e da mulher 10 . Um fator preponderante para isso é o entendimento convencional da identidade de jogador como sendo associada a uma demografia específica -homem, branco, cisgênero, heterossexual e de classe média (Gray, 2014;Johnson, 2018;Murray, 2018;Robinson, 2007;Salter & Blodgett, 2017) -, cuja representação é parte fundamental das estruturas de poder moldadas na cultura dos videogames por décadas (Braithwaite, 2016). Com a ascensão da tecnologia digital -e da cultura relacionada a ela -a partir dos anos 1980, sobretudo no contexto da cultura norte-americana, ser nerd também passou a significar aptidão e inteligência em ramos que negociam com o conhecimento tecnológico. ...
Article
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A partir de um esforço etnográfico empreendido entre os anos de 2016 e 2020, este artigo problematiza a encenação de uma masculinidade tóxica dentro de espaços de convívio relacionados ao card game Magic: The Gathering. O objetivo é sugerir uma relação entre os comportamentos observados e o reforço de valores conservadores na comunidade formada a partir da experiência deste jogo, avançando na compreensão das dinâmicas sociais da cultura gamer. Essa observação parte do pressuposto de que a comunidade de jogadores formada a partir da experiência desse jogo é o resultado da articulação de dois contextos sociotécnicos particulares: a cultura nerd e as mecânicas inscritas no design e na experiência do jogo em si.
... Current gender norms limit the association between "tech savvy, digital play, and femininity," (Harvey, 2015, p.137) where acquiring competence can be limited by discourses of gaming or technology being portrayed as a masculine form of expertize; or technomasculinity. As the hegemonic gender structure in game contexts, traits aligning with technomasculinity are promoted, while conflicting traits that connotates with, for example, femininity and queerness are not (Johnson, 2018). ...
... As previously discussed, technomasculinity shapes not only player culture (N. Taylor & Voorhees, 2018;Sveningsson, 2012;Witkowski, 2018) but also the game industry (Johnson, 2018). The ideal esports player appears to be male, white, heterosexual and competitive (Witkowski, 2013), traits that align with the ideals visible in technomasculinity. ...
Article
The growing esports scene brings a level of professionalism to gaming. Games that, previously, used to be a spare time activity have now become professional and educational contexts, as exemplified in this study. In these contexts, player identities in online games are actively, and contextually, (co)constructed in and through the in-game interaction with both the game itself, as well as with co-players. In this ethno-case study (a qualitative case study informed by ethnographic methods), a player centred approach offered a participant’s perspective on local player identity (co)construction in the multiplayer first person shooter (FPS) Counter-Strike: Global Offensive (henceforth, “CS:GO”). This paper sought to answer two research questions: What tools for (co)constructing player identity in CS:GO did participants employ? and: What player identities are (co)constructed using these tools? The data was collected in collaboration with a vocational school with an esports programme in Finland in 2017-2018. Seven students (aged 17-18, all white and identifying as male) playing CS:GO took part in the study by sharing screen recordings of their in-game matches (ten matches and almost six hours in total) and by taking part in interviews (seven in total). The participants were part of two teams and the in-game data was analyzed from two students’ perspectives, one from each team. Based on the participants’ in-game discussions and interviews, relevant situations in relation to identity (co)construction were transcribed and analyzed inductively. The participants employed the following tools for identity (co)construction in CS:GO; choice of weapon, weapon skill, weapon customization, stats/rank and language use. These tools were employed to (co)construct identities connected to player customization, competence and team discourse. Although there are individual variances, the identities (co)constructed orient towards a perceived competent player identity shaped by technomasculine norms in online game culture, where traits that connote femininity and queerness are seen as signs of incompetence.
... According to Johnson, the technomasculinity of Silicon Valley can be defined as "an expression of masculinity that is oriented toward the mastery of technology and skilled use of technological tools and systems" 2018, n.p.). Johnson (2018) further suggests that this type of masculinity is often associated with individuals who are highly competent with computers but typically lacking in social or physical skills. Scholars have increasingly illustrated the ways that technomasculinity situates women and 5 DIGITAL DIVIDES other non-masculine presenting folks as inferior. ...
... Here, the neoliberal values of contemporary university administration seem to be winning out over postsecondary education's historical commitments to cultivating growth and positive social change: the value of esports is precisely in its capacity to improve the university's brand in a crowded postsecondary marketplace. In this arrangement, universities have little interest in changing the status quo of the "esports pipeline," however unsustainable it might be in the long-term (Partin, 2019)-and as we know, this pipeline, like others in adjacent games industries (Johnson, 2018), intensifies rather than ameliorates the longstanding disenfranchisement of women and other gender minorities from gamingrelated industries and opportunities. ...
Article
Collegiate esports in the U.S. and Canada have grown tremendously over the past decade, through intensive investments by both universities and esports publishers. Although post-secondary institutions are believed to offer more hospitable conditions for gender-inclusive esports than professional scenes, the institutionalization of collegiate esports might be transforming these conditions. Drawing from 21 interviews with leaders of both esports clubs and varsity programs in North America, this article describes a two-tiered system of collegiate esports in which opportunities for cultivating greater gender diversity are found primarily among esports clubs, student-run and often precarious. Well-funded varsity programs, by contrast, remain overwhelmingly male-dominated, a disparity held in place by efforts within these programs to recruit—rather than develop—highly skilled players.
... The all-male group of respondents was not a choice made by the researchers, but supposedly a result of the predominantly male online game culture resulting in few female students in the eSports programme, which in extension affect the locally situated in-game military identities constructed. Previous analysis of the material stressed that the norm of technomasculinity (Johnson, 2018) forms how and what identities are constructed within CS:GO (Ståhl & Rusk, n.d.). Therefore, discussing in-game soldier identities in relation to technomasculinity could be fruitful and provides a perspective of game players who desire an identity that is more realistic than those of fantastical related games such as Overwatch for an example. ...
Conference Paper
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EXTENDED ABSTRACT Although identity construction in video games has been researched since Turkles (1995) study on multiple identities in MUDs, the field can be considered fragmented (Ecenbarger, 2014). Games with customizable avatars and narratives, such as RPGs and MMORPGS, have been studied extensively in relation to identity (eg. Gee, 2003; Hayes, 2007; Yee, 2014). The multitude of options for customization in MMORPGs results in certain players might even encourage players to roleplay as their characters (Tronstad, 2008). Previous research on identity construction within FPS is however limited (with the exceptions of Kiourti, 2018; Rambusch et al, 2007 and Ståhl & Rusk, n.d.) and one possible reason might be the low level of customization options available to the player. However, as multiplayer FPS such as Counter Strike: Global Offensive (CS:GO) offers perspectives as interaction with both the game itself as well as other players while part of a competitive gaming scene, the identities constructed in-game should be further explored through research. CS:GO (Valve Corporation & Hidden Path Entertainment, 2012) can be seen as a war game as it is simulating battle strategies based upon the definition by Fine (1983), yet with limited historicity as the game is loosely connected to actual warfare. Its predecessor, Counter-Strike (Valve Corporation, 2000), was one of the first video games to offer the player a war-themed video games, not with a god-like vision, but from the perspective of a soldier (Mantello, 2017). War-themed video games are a platform where entertainment and the military meet: resulting in so called militainment (Stahl, 2010). War-themed video games have an impact on military technology, training platforms and recruitment practice. With the advancement of interactive digital platforms, collaboration between the game industry and the military has been beneficial for both sectors. Although they are simulating warfare, war-themed video games can not reflect all horrors of war and remain firmly regarded as entertainment by real world veterans (Lomberg and Mull, 2012), resulting in conflicting messages to the authenticity of the war-themed gameplay (Andersen & Kurti, 2009). Furthermore, war-themed video games do not only mirror political agendas, but are part of a discourse that glorifies advanced weaponry (Mantello, 2017). Stahl (2003; 2010) describes the player of war-themed games taking on a virtual citizen-soldier identity since “the invitation to cross over and try on a soldier identity” is a crucial aspect of war-themed games (Stahl, 2010, p.92). Within his analysis of militainment, Stahl (2003) triangulates broader trends in the screen logic of war by focusing on training, battle and recruitment. In this work in progress, we employ a player centred research approach on constructing in-game military identities in an online competitive setting. The overarching aim of the study is to explore player construction of in-game military identities as they play CS:GO. The categories for triangulation provided by Stahl (2003; 2010); training, battle and recruitment, will function as an initial framework for the analysis. The study aims to answer the following research questions: RQ1: How do the respondents construct in-game military identities? RQ2: How is the educational context connected to the identities constructed? The ethnographic data used in this study was collected in collaboration with a vocational school with an esports programme in Finland in 2017-2018. Seven of their students (aged 17-18, all male) playing CS:GO took part in the study by sharing screen recordings of their games (see figure 1) and by taking part in interviews. The students that volunteered to be part of the study all played CS:GO and the choice to focus on that specific game was therefore made by the participants and not the researchers. The students were part of two teams and the in-game data will be analyzed from both teams’ perspectives. The data consists of almost nine hours of screen recordings from both teams (amounting to ten games) and of group interviews with both teams (amounting to seven interviews). The preliminary results indicate that the respondents do construct in-game soldier identities in relation to recruitment and training, yet the competitive nature of the game might emphasize game play over a realistic experience of warfare. The all-male group of respondents was not a choice made by the researchers, but supposedly a result of the predominantly male online game culture resulting in few female students in the eSports programme, which in extension affect the locally situated in-game military identities constructed. Previous analysis of the material stressed that the norm of technomasculinity (Johnson, 2018) forms how and what identities are constructed within CS:GO (Ståhl & Rusk, n.d.). Therefore, discussing in-game soldier identities in relation to technomasculinity could be fruitful and provides a perspective of game players who desire an identity that is more realistic than those of fantastical related games such as Overwatch for an example.
... In the case of late-stage capitalism and videogame production, the resource being produced is monetizable units of cultural production. The videogame production industry is firmly ensconced in systems of capitalism: precarity in production labor that forces workers to work themselves well past exhaustion or face replacement (Bulut, 2014 andKerr and Kelleher, 2015;Williams, 2013 andWestar and Legault, 2017), outsourcing to third-world asset firms (Hyman, 2008), and the use of passion for videogames as an industry recruitment and retention tool and as a gate keeping mechanism for employee progress (Bulut, 2014 andJohnson, 2019;Deuze, Martin, and Allen, 2007;Kerr and Kelleher, 2015;Kuchlich, 2005;Sotaama, 2007;Parker, Witson, and Simon, 2017). The work hours during production cycles are grueling (Johnston, 2013b;Dyer-Witheford and De Peuter, 2006;Bulut, 2014 andLlerena, Burger-Helmchen, Cohendet, 2009); the work environments reinforce negative binaries such as hyper-masculinity and anti-feminism (Johnston, 2013a;Fisher and Harvey, 2013;Hacker, 1979 and1981;Salter and Blodgette, 2012), and human bodies are readily axiomatized as sources of capital (Jenson and de Castell, 2018;Gallagher et al, 2017;DiSalvo et al, 2007). ...
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This article addresses gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (GLBT) representation in video games from a cultural production perspective. It addresses how members of the video game industry account for the relative lack of GLBT representation in this medium. Previous studies have shown that certain stakeholders actively invest in GLBT representation in media. Factors in the inclusion of GLBT content include (a) the presence of motivated producers in the industry, those that are personally, politically, or commercially interested in GLBT content; (b) how the audience for a text or medium is constructed; (c) what the public backlash from both the GLBT community and conservative groups will be, as well as industry-based reprisals in the form of censorship or ratings; (d) the structure of the industry and how it is funded; and (e) how homosexuality, bisexuality, or transgender identities can be represented in the medium.
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Commercial video game studios erect boundaries through the organization of work that tends to discourage the production of a diverse range of games. This article adds to the scholarship on the production of video games by examining gender and other boundaries in the way work is organized at a U.S. commercial studio. Video games are a result of social conditions in a distinct organizational culture. Changing these conditions to allow for gender and other types of diverse organizational structures can impact the role of video games for the broader culture. The organization of work was analyzed through teamwork and the physical layout of the office space in relation to external customer relations and internal departmental organization. Additionally, the article examines how gender is engaged within these organizational dynamics. These factors contribute to an environment that enables game employees with a certain disposition to affectively invest in boundary maintenance.
Article
This study examines how individual differences in the consumption of computer games intersect with gender and how games and gender mutually constitute each other.The study focused on adult women with particular attention to differences in level of play, as well as genre preferences.Three levels of game consumption were identified. For power gamers, technology and gender are most highly integrated.These women enjoy multiple pleasures from the gaming experience, including mastery of game-based skills and competition. Moderate gamers play games in order to cope with their real lives.These women reported taking pleasure in controlling the gaming environment, or alternately that games provide a needed distraction from the pressures of their daily lives. Finally, the non-gamers who participated in the study expressed strong criticisms about game-playing and gaming culture. For these women, games are a
Article
Critical discussions of technology have looked at technology and the exercise of power but have failed to look at the power relations of gender. A focus on technology as gendered illuminates technology as a site where social practices are embedded and express and extend the construction of two asymmetrical genders. Feminists point out that technology is based on the dominant masculine value system of Western culture, that women have been active creators and innovators throughout history, that technology has a profound impact on women's labor, and that technology is instrumental in the construction of public and private spheres.
Article
While much literature on girls and video games offers games for girls as presenting an empowerment through the possibility f or girls of active engagement and the possibility of honing skills to win, this paper argues that things are not so simple. Based on a study of children between the ages of 8 and 11 playing video games in after school clubs in Sydney, Australia, the paper argues that most video games are one site for the production of contemporary masculinity. On this basis it is argued that girls playing games have to negotiate complex performances which demand qualities traditionally ascribed to masculinity alongside those ascribed to femininity. This produces difficulties for girls in competing to win while at the same time displaying sensitivity, caring, and co-operation. This is discussed by analysing what happens when some girls play.
Conference Paper
In contemporary Western society, technological professions are gendered, and this differential attribution of meaning has implications for the composition of the professions and the experiences of men and women in them. In this paper, I briefly review a comparative framework which challenges conventional wisdom about the configurations of gender and technology. I consider examples which benefit from examination in this framework, and use them to point out avenues for change in current contexts. An examination of women's traditional activities as being “technological” opens the door to inviting women to think of themselves as contributors to technological life, since they already are in more traditional areas
Machinery of Dominance: Men, Women and Technical Know-How
  • Cynthia Cockburn
  • C Cockburn
Crunched by Passion: Women Game Developers and Workplace Challenges
  • Mia Consalvo
  • M Consalvo
Digital Play: The Interaction of Technology, Culture and Marketing
  • Stephen Kline
  • Nick Dyer-Witheford
  • Graig De Peuter
  • S Kline
Interviewing for Qualitative Inquiry
  • Ruthellen Josselson
  • R Josselson