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The Green State in Transition: Reply to Bailey, Barry and Craig
New Political Economy
Abstract
The contributions comprising this special section are part of a more general wave of research that is revisiting and/or re-envisaging the environmental state. They do so from the perspective of critical political economy. This article provides an assessment of their respective contributions while also reflecting on how those seeking to understand the greening (or de-greening) of the state from this critical political economy perspective might extend their critical theory to ‘critical problem-solving’ in ways that are attentive to the politics of transition. To this end, I play Bailey off against Barry and Craig to illustrate how critical problem-solving might be approached.
... This builds upon Antal et al. (2020) who argue that there needs to be a greater focus on 'unsustainable trends' , which threaten to offset progress in other sectors, how these trends emerge, and how they could be reversed. A focus on sectors in which states delay fossil phase-out is also key as political economists have raised empirical (Hickel & Kallis, 2020) and theoretical concerns (Eckersley, 2020(Eckersley, , 2021Paterson, 2016) about the limits to ecological modernization led by capitalist states. The transport sector is particularly important here, as even in those few countries that have achieved sustained greenhouse gas emission reductions, transport emissions tend to be static or increasing (Lamb et al., 2022). ...
... Recognizing contradictions between state goals and fossil phase-out, we agree with Eckersley (2021) that it is still possible, and even necessary, to identify practical proposals for 'next best' transition steps with high transformative potential. Transcending the Coxian distinction between critical theory and problem-solving, critical problem-solving holds some conflictual social structures as provisionally given, acknowledging that not all can be resolved at once, while developing practical proposals that have the capacity to build political traction for more transformative change in subsequent steps (Eckersley, 2021(Eckersley, , 2020. ...
... The decarbonization strategies identified by means of critical problem-solving can contribute to the articulation of a counter-hegemonic project around which political support for transformative change can be mobilized. The green state then, as Eckersley (2020) argues, is an ongoing condition; 'built, piece by piece, as the result of political struggles' (p. 4). ...
... A divide could be seen between articles containing ideas of a green economic recovery as opposed to the ones prescribing a more conventional economic recovery. Such ideas of 'greening' growth and suggesting synergies thereof is in line with the understanding of the emergence of the environmental-or greening of the state within liberal capitalist states (see e.g., Eckersley, 2020;Hausknost, 2020). These articles differed greatly regarding ideas of transformations and temporality (see Table 4), which would indicate the presence of one more transformative and one more reactive frame within the debate, or an imaginative frame versus a prosaic one (Dryzek, 2013). ...
... The ideas articulated in the synergistic frame would have direct implications on the environmental SDGs. However, these were mentioned as a way not only to ensure a better environment but also to achieve competitive advantage and a stronger economythereby signalling an adoption of the type of 'win-win' and synergistic ideas that are associated with the 2030 Agenda, ecological modernisation and the emergence of the green-or environmental state (Dryzek, 2013;Eckersley, 2020;Hausknost, 2020). Interestingly, in line with Sweden's ambition to become a 'fossil-free welfare state', notions of a carbon-neutral or fossil-free economy were visible in the recovery debate; however, these were more often linked to economic primary imperatives and were secondary to welfare objectives. ...
... and the emergence of the environmental-and green state(Eckersley, 2020;Hausknost, 2020), the outcome-oriented ideas of policy solutions on how such a transition should be carried out were less consistent. For example, ideas about a structural transformation, a planned transition and a transition of production were all brought up in connection with a green transition. ...
Policy coherence is crucial in the 2030 Agenda's transformative ambitions and heralded as of paramount importance to ensure the successful implementation of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals and climate policy targets. Despite political efforts to achieve policy coherence, apparent trade‐offs and goal conflicts have emerged – even in a proclaimed ‘front‐runner’ country like Sweden. This paper examines the role of ideas in proposing and legitimising policy options and achieving policy coherence in the light of the Swedish recovery debate in 2020 following the COVID‐19 pandemic. Ideas of a green economic recovery put forward in the public debate are examined through thematic text and frame analysis. We show that ideas of a green transition, boosted by economic recovery spending, draw on a synergistic frame in combining social, environmental, and economic policy options, carrying a potential for coherency. However, the absence of a discussion on power, as in who stands to gain what under which circumstances, coupled with an inherent understanding of a temporal hierarchy of policy priorities does not only impact the ability to design coherent policies but may have considerable impacts on the prospects of achieving sustainability transformations.
... При цьому, відповідно до концепції державних імперативів, екологічна держава містить в собі значний потенціал для еволюціонування, що супроводжуватиметься ускладненням завдань, які вона має вирішувати: усунення забруднення та захистити довкілля → сприяння сталому розвитку → трансформування суспільної практики з метою дотримання екологічних обмежень [20, с. 77]. Щоправда песимістично налаштовані дослідники вважають, що «екологічна держава не обов'язково передбачає всебічну «екоцентричну» орієнтацію, яка ставить за головну політичну мету захист природних систем та екологічних цінностей заради них самих» [21]. ...
... However, since nation-states and capitalism are co-constituted, the fiscal and ideological imperatives of the capitalist system often limit states' capacity to promote post-growth transitions that prioritize ecological sustainability (Barry and Eckersley 2005;Hausknost and Hammond 2020;Mao 2018). As such, environmental states impose varied discursive strategies to construct forms of "eco-rationality" that establish hegemonic definitions of entitlement, obligation, authority, and justice regarding human-nature interactions (Craig 2020;Duit et al. 2016;Eckersley 2020;Hatzisavvidou 2020;). Ecological rationality is also crucial to the legitimization of ecosystem valuations and institutional practices because the framing of environmental concerns and the implementation of environmental policies play a vital part in the "political and discursive struggles over the contested meanings, purposes, and functions of social institutions" (Duit et al. 2016;Machin 2020). ...
Payments for ecosystem services (PES) schemes have become a widely used policy instrument for states to incentivize desirable environmental behaviors to meet conservation and preservation goals. However, many studies have shown that market-based regulatory mechanisms may change human-environment relationships, generating the commodification of natural resources and environmental inequalities. Our case study of an extensive grassland PES scheme in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China demonstrates that implementation is highly contingent upon existing state structures, political ideologies, national economic imperatives, and the ability of PES designers to account for the complexity of human-environment interactions. The state's conflicting mandates to provide environmental protection and facilitate economic growth have undermined conservation and worsened environmental inequality in the region. Our chapter contributes a more nuanced understanding of how normative functions of state-led ecosystem valuation and environmental interventions in an illiberal context may lead to the overutilization of natural resources that exacerbates stratification and injustice in top-down, centralized environmental governance models.
... Anknüpfend an diese Beobachtungen und die Theorien eines Umweltstaates (Duit et al. 2016;Eckersley 2020), hat sich ein Forschungsstrang entwickelt, der Parallelen und Vergleiche zwischen dem Wohlfahrtsstaat und dem Umweltstaat diskutiert (Gough 2016;Meadowcroft 2005) und Typologien sogenannter Umwelt-Wohlfahrtsregime entwickelt , die auch mit den Varianten kapitalistischer Systeme zusammenhängen (Cahen-Fourot 2020) und in denen Synergien von klassischen Sozialausgaben und Klimaschutzbemühungen beobachtet werden können (Kaklauskaitė und Navickė 2021 (Hardt et al. 2021), Eindämmung der Gewinnerzielung (‚rent extraction') (Stratford 2020), sinkende Arbeitsproduktivität bzw. geringeres Arbeitsvolumen (Cieplinski et al. 2021;Kemp-Benedict 2018) und eine Eindämmung der ‚Job-und Wachstumstretmühle' (Wiese und Mayrhofer 2020). ...
... Municipios en cuarentena total por tipología, período marzo-septiembre 2020 La literatura acerca de gobernanza multinivel (Marks, 1996), nos permite reconocer la interacción entre el nivel local, regional, nacional e internacional y cómo las prioridades o decisiones políticas se configuran a través de una lógica vertical u horizontal (Eckersley, 2018). De esta manera, la decisión del gobierno de Chile de establecer la cuarentena sin ninguna compensación financiera a los municipios permite ejemplificar un marco institucional que refleja el monopolio del Estado central y la creciente disociación entre la dimensión territorial de la crisis sanitaria y social y las decisiones del Estado central (Eckerley, 2018). ...
This paper analyses the effect of the political decision to implement lockdowns on municipal revenues, with emphasis on the heterogeneous impact of this measure at the territorial and socio- economic level. The method used to determine the effect of the policy on the rate of income growth was panel data analysis with two-way fixed effects. The results indicate that all municipalities were affected by the pandemic, particularly, the impact of the policy at the territorial level was greater in metropolitan municipalities and large municipalities, while at the socio-economic level, municipalities with higher poverty rate had lower income growth. Based on these results, public policy recommendations are associated with the financial management of emergencies and changes in local institutions and intergovernmental relations.
... Hausknost and Hammond (2020: 2) suggest this can be understood as a logical next step in the evolution of the state, extending the functional logic of the welfare state from the mitigation of social externalities to the mitigation of environmental externalities. However, most commentators suggest that current conceptions of the environmental state go far beyond the discussion of enhanced industrial policy so far discussed (see Eckersley, 2020). In approaches to innovation that are more expansive than traditional new, but less expansive than theories of the environmental state, lie theories which consider socio-ecological understandings of innovation (see Coenen and Morgan, 2020). ...
This article critically analyses the opportunities for Australia to revitalise its strategically important manufacturing sector in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. It considers Australia’s industry policy options on the basis of both advances in the theory of industrial policy and recent policy proposals in the Australian context. It draws on recent work from The Australia Institute’s Centre for Future Work examining the prospects for Australian manufacturing renewal in a post-COVID-19 economy, together with other recent work in political economy, economic geography and labour process theory critically evaluating the Fourth Industrial Revolution (i4.0) and its implications for the Australian economy. The aim of the article is to contribute to and further develop the debate about the future of government intervention in manufacturing and industry policy in Australia. Crucially, the argument links the future development of Australian manufacturing with a focus on renewable energy.
JEL Codes: L50; L52; L78; O10; O13: O25; O44; P18; Q42
... While economic growth and well-being are still seen as intertwined, the efforts to disjoin them must go hand in hand with a clear understanding of the effects on individuals' well-being. In this context, the path toward the development of a greener state (Eckersley, 2018) that will involve approaches such as degrowth (Fairbrother, 2012;Büchs and Koch, 2019) and decoupling (Coscieme et al., 2019) will have to proceed in ways that sustain levels of well-being in the transition period toward new greener social practices (Büchs and Koch, 2017). More research is indeed needed on the effects of these governments' environmental actions on the well-being of individuals. ...
Since March 2019, students around the world have taken to the streets to express their anger at the lack of effective actions against the threat of climate change, essentially accusing governments, and adults in general of “fiddling while Rome burns.” This paper puts forward the hypothesis that the ecological state moderates the positive association found in the literature between greenhouse gas emissions and mental well-being, taken as evidence of fiddling on climate change issues. This hypothesis is examined in the context of the countries and regions of the European Union using a hierarchical three-level analysis on the third wave (2011–2012) of the European Quality of Life Survey for a sample of EU citizens. The ecological state is operationalized using a climate change performance index. NO2 emissions data at the regional level are used as a measure of GHG emissions for regions of the European Union. The findings seem to support the hypothesis that individuals across ecological states keep “fiddling” on climate change issues as a trade-off between environmental and economic considerations. However, the mental well-being of the well-off is being eroded in moderate ecological states compared to good ecological states, which is a call for government to stop “fiddling” and act on climate change issues.
... Other classifications focus on a particular aspect of States' environmental actions, for instance the environmental response in the area of climate change . Koch and Fritz (2014) looked at the correspondence between types of welfare States and environmental States, as some scholars theorised whether social democratic welfare States are in a better position to develop into ecological States (Dryzek et al., 2012;Eckersley, 2018;Gough et al., 2008;Meadowcroft, 2006). Koch and Fritz (2014) built their classification of thirty industrialised countries by contrasting macro-structural welfare and ecological indicators. ...
The ecological State puts environmental considerations at the centre of its actions. To explores its role in the association between air pollution and mental wellbeing, this work employs a hierarchical three-level analysis on the third wave (2011-2012) of the European Quality of Life Survey (N citizens = 25007, N regions = 216, N countries = 20). It uses an established classification of Environmental Governance Regimes, subjective and objective indicators of air pollution, and the WHO-5 index of mental wellbeing. The findings show that the perception of major air pollution problems and worse mental wellbeing go hand in hand only in partial and established environmental States.
Following work on the green state, the environmental state has become a prominent analytical concept in recent decades commonly applied to understand the expanded role the state has taken in decarbonizing the national economy. This article demonstrates that there is yet further empirical value to be gleaned from this subject acknowledging that the environmental state’s recently more expanded role in securing the green transition is not without historical precedent. Specifically, we propose an additional function for the environmental state of ‘market creation’ – accepting the process by which environmental states operate ex post facto ownership positions in already-existing energy markets for fossil fuel commodities – but also identifying it can use its power and agency in an ex ante fashion to create entirely new markets for renewable energy. In historicizing the environmental state, we show that whilst ex ante actions to create markets for renewable energy are not necessarily new, it has yet to be identified conceptually, and through a case study of the United Kingdom (UK) and the creation of a new national market for renewable energy we seek to demonstrate the conceptual value of a proposed new function of market creation for the environmental state. Beginning in the 1989 Electricity Act, market creation by the UK environmental state has proceeded through various reforms such as the introduction of Renewable Obligation Certificates (RoC) in 2002 to Contracts for Difference (CfD) in 2013, continuing in efforts in the 2020s to create markets this time for low carbon hydrogen.
Structural transformation is widely recognised as a fundamental driver of sustained economic growth. However, the existing literature on this process remains fragmented and inconclusive, preventing a clear understanding of its underlying dynamics. This knowledge gap is further compounded by the urgent need to address the climate crisis while managing the transition to a net-zero energy future. The stakes have never been higher: without a clear understanding of how structural transformation interacts with broader economic and environmental shifts, policymakers risk pursuing strategies that fail to address the interconnected challenges of economic development and sustainability. This paper makes three key contributions. First, it examines the role of structural transformation and the energy transition in driving economic growth within the OECD from 2000 to 2022. Second, it proposes strategies for harnessing high-performing sectors to promote growth without compromising sustainability. Third, it highlights the critical importance of addressing endogeneity to improve growth predictability and policy formulation. The empirical strategy employs second-generation time-series methods in combination with dynamic econometric analysis. At the aggregate level, the findings show that both the industrial and service sectors make positive, statistically significant contributions to economic growth, while the agricultural sector has a negative impact. Furthermore, the analysis emphasizes the vital role of renewable energy in driving economic growth during the energy transition. However, when examining sector-specific data, the results are more mixed. This highlights the urgent need for policies that effectively integrate the energy transition with economic development, ensuring that growth in key sectors is not only sustainable but also aligned with environmental goals.
This book examines how, and under what conditions, states – in collaboration with non-state actors – can govern a societal transformation toward large-scale decarbonization in line with the goals of the Paris Agreement. It advances an innovative analytical framework on how the state governs through collaborative climate governance to foster cooperation, deliberation, and consensus between state and non-state actors. The book focuses on Sweden, which aims to become a fossil-free state. The chapters analyze Sweden's progress toward net-zero emissions, its role in international climate governance, and how the COVID-19 pandemic affected climate networks. Providing valuable policy insights for other countries endeavoring to decarbonize, this book is a useful reference for graduate students and researchers in climate governance, political science, and international relations. It is one of a series of publications associated with the Earth System Governance Project. For more publications, see www.cambridge.org/earth-system-governance. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
The degrowth project proposes a fundamental reorganisation of contemporary society. The existing literature focuses on explaining why degrowth is needed to tackle the multiple socioecological crises of our time and what needs to change in contemporary society. Recently, there have been explicit calls to moving on to thinking about the question of how a degrowth transition could be achieved. In this task, we identify the ‘end’ of the vision, that is, the cornerstones of a degrowth society, and focus on the suggested changes leading there. Therefore, we conceptualise a degrowth society as a regime that can be studied with the help of institutional theory and the change leading to a degrowth regime as a degrowth transition. To understand the constituents of such a regime, we conducted a systematic mapping of the degrowth literature by focusing on specific change proposals from 2000 to 2020. We analysed these change proposals in the framework of institutional theory and identified three overarching themes forming the backbone of a degrowth society: reduction, reorganisation and localisation. These themes represent the cultural–cognitive dimension of institutionalisation processes and entail varying degrees of normative and regulative dimensions. According to the degrowth change proposals in the literature, reduction is to be achieved mainly through top-down regulation, while reorganisation and localisation require a bottom-up approach to mobilising collective agency and changes in the normative orientation of society. Our analysis regarding the founding pillars of the institutional order of a degrowth society unveils essential signposts that could be considered when formulating policies and narratives compatible with a degrowth transition.
How small/medium-sized (SM) commercial ports act politically matters for local ecological transformation facing increasing climate and socio-environmental failures and dilemmas. In this spirit, we compared the environmental public action of two SM ports in southwestern France – La Rochelle and Bayonne – facing two sets of dilemmas: (i) how to tackle problems emerging from past choices; (ii) how to resolve issues arising from ‘choosing the future today’. Whereas global scientific assessments highlight regulatory, accompanying and collective approaches as high confidence ones towards ecological transformation, more technologically resourced scenarios (without economic behavioural change governance) are available to SM ports. Furthermore, although political processes of territorialisation, democratisation and ecologisation have reconfigured environmental authority for both public actors and SM ports in France, there is nothing inevitable about how different categories of public (and private) actor may work together. Our results reflect these tensions. Both SM ports have engaged to institutionalise regulatory, accompanying and collective environmental public action, and portray new approaches as indicative of their acknowledged responsibility. Nevertheless, important contradictions muddy the ecologisation trajectories their key actors claim to be taking. Overall, the study highlights that transformed governance alone does not guarantee that actors have fully embarked upon a newly transformative trajectory.
The environmental impacts of monetary policy received academic attention after the 2008 financial crisis and the ‘market neutral’ quantitative easing policies that followed. This article examines the Bank of England’s Corporate Covid Financing Facility (CCFF) and the Asset Purchasing Facility (APF) between June 2020 and June 2021 to assess whether the Bank’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic was aligned with the transition to sustainability. The data indicates that the Bank of England’s monetary allocation schemes again served as a panacea for businesses with ecologically intensive business models and a Treasury committed to restoring the pre-existing growth model. Indeed, the Bank’s QE schemes now represents an element of the crisis management governance that repeatedly ‘locks in’ the ecologically-calamitous economic trajectory at potential critical junctures. The Bank’s shielding of its technocratic and depoliticised status has thus far inhibited any leadership role in tackling the climate crisis, despite its growing power as an actor of economic governance at times of crisis and purported enthusiasm to ‘build back better’.
Despite recent calls for more critical views of capitalism in sustainability transitions research, a starting point for transitions researchers is lacking. Recognizing the potential of the varieties of capitalism (VoC) approach to bring capitalism deeper into transitions research, this paper constitutes a review of VoC in the sustainability transitions literature, returning to its theoretical foundations in coordination and strategic interactions and their relations to innovation and socio-technical system transformation. The review finds the most common application of VoC to be in the energy dimension of transition, nevertheless revealing a shallow engagement with the approach that reinforces the need for conceptual development for sustainability transitions purposes. Potential areas for development relate to the enrichment of core VoC concepts – coordination, strategic interaction and comparative institutional advantage – and to competing growth and sustainability objectives of existing (and beyond) capitalist systems. There is a further need to expand the scope of VoC application beyond ideal-form national archetypes to infiltrate across scales and levels, as well as to go beyond the traditional range of sectors to shed light on understudied actors, roles and power relations for transitions. Despite typical delegation to political economy, VoC is highly interdisciplinary, applicable to common frameworks used in transition studies and amenable to social scientists interested in power and agency in transitions. As a strategy for moving VoC forward in transitions research, it is recommended to place it at the core of studies taking institutions, stakeholder interactions and sector coordination in their contextual situations seriously.
Ilmastonmuutos on laajuudessaan ja ennustamattomuudessaan aikamme suurimpia uhkia sekä ihmisen että planeetan terveydelle. Se on myös haaste hyvinvointivaltion poliittiselle järjestelmälle, sillä perinteisesti ihmisten hyvinvoinnin ja terveyden on nähty olevan yhteydessä talouskasvuun. Talouskasvu puolestaan tuottaa yhä enemmän sosiaalisia ja ekologisia ongelmia, jotka vaativat poliittista huomiota. Tässä katsauksessa pohditaan sitä, miten niin sanotun ekohyvinvointivaltion ja terveyden edistämisen päämäärät voitaisiin sovittaa yhteen sekä millaisia tähän saakka käsittelemättömiä haasteita tässä saattaa olla. Mitä tapahtuu esimerkiksi terveyden ja terveyspalvelujen oikeudenmukaisuudelle ja tasa-arvolle, mikäli pyritään pois talouskasvusta? Entä miten ekologinen ja sosiaalinen kestävyys saadaan kokonaisvaltaiseksi osaksi terveyden edistämistä ja terveyspolitiikkaa?
Commentators across the political spectrum have interpreted the social, political and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic and invariably suggested that, along with climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic requires an interventionist policy response from government. In this paper, we interpret definitions of green growth as ‘mission-oriented approaches’ to the ‘twin crises’ of the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change, examining the changing role of the state in confronting environmental issues in an era of climate and health pandemic. Both events have had, and will continue to have, important implications for work and employment. Thus, we evaluate the impact of COVID-19 on climate change, asking: to what extent have mission-oriented policy responses to COVID-19 impacted climate change action? We then broadly examine the impact of COVID-19 on labour globally and more closely, the possible impacts of a range of policy response options for Australia, assessing their position on a theoretical spectrum of ‘ecological modernisation’ that points to further policy development that can push responses beyond capitalism.
This paper addresses a research (specifically conceptual) gap in socio-technical transitions literature on transport decarbonization: namely, a lack of attention to the state as a defining and constitutive element of any system-wide transition processes.
Adopting an explicitly interdisciplinary approach, it develops a conceptual framework that places the state and relations between it and key transportation actors as critical for understanding the dynamics of low-carbon public transport transformations. In so doing, it articulates two political economic dimensions that offer a more relational view of the nature and role of the state in transitions. These are firstly, an historical understanding of state approaches to transition interventions and regulation, and secondly the multiple sites and forms of power through which the state mediates transition relations. In light of the framework, it introduces the UK bus transition as a case study, and offers some preliminary insights on the role and function of the state in transportation transitions. On the one hand, a policy prioritization on ‘greening the car’ within the context of protecting ‘business as usual’ significantly limits bus-based transportation transition prospects. On the other hand, sub-national processes around devolution that embody logics of greater public control of bus networks are found to have transformative potential and questioning existing power relations. The paper concludes by identifying the importance of an interdisciplinary and problem-solving oriented transition research analysis.
The primary aim of ancient Chinese environmental governance was to efficiently manage the country’s limited natural resources; this was also reflected in the context of the hydraulic society. From the 1950s to 1960s, the utilisation of Chinese natural resources, especially for food security, dominated the development of the environmental governance agenda. As China has become urbanised and industrialised since the late 1970s, its environmental governance agenda shifted from rural centrism to urban centrism in the 1980s, and from resource management to pollution control in the 1990s, and then to carbon control in the 2000s. Thus, the establishment and evolution of the environmental protection agency attracted most attention while addressing contemporary Chinese environmental governance. However, in March 2018, the Chinese government reshaped its environmental protection agency by broadening the Ministries of Natural Resources and Ecological Environment to include pollution control and resource management. Consequently, the traditional environmental governance agenda of managing natural resources is re-emerging. This study examines why and how the environmental governance agenda of resource management has evolved in China; it then applies the theory of eco-state restructuring to describe the waves of China’s environmental governance agenda. The study contributes to the theoretical work on China’s evolving environmental governance agenda and descriptive work on the re-emerging dimensions of resource management for Chinese environmental governance.
In recent years, the role of the state in sustainability transitions has received increasing attention. Germany is often perceived as a forerunner in climate and environmental politics. Building on critical theories of the state, this paper explores the role of the German state in two key fields of society-nature relationships: energy (electricity) and transportation. Whereas Germany's energy transition (Energiewende) is widely praised internationally, its mobility transition (Verkehrswende) is a more difficult endeavour, as the German car industry is at the core of the national model of capitalism, specialising in the premium market segment. Against this background, Germany's status as an environmental leader is questioned as there is a strong state-capital nexus, which admittedly leaves space for green politics in case of intense social struggles. If, in addition, technological alternatives are developed embracing the potential to renew the country's 'accumulation strategy', the window of opportunity for green politics widens. In contrast to the Energiewende, which was at least partially accompanied by a decentralisation of power generation and the questioning of existing power relations, there is little indication that the German state will push for a mobility turnaround that goes beyond a limited greening of the automobile.
This article examines the limits and potential of the state in orchestrating sustainability transitions from the standpoint of critical theory on the green state. Two interrelated questions are posed. First, to what extent are democratic capitalist states necessarily compromised in their functional capacity to orchestrate ecological sustainability? Second, in light of this analysis, how can a theory of the green state that claims to be critical and transformative, rather than merely problem-solving, provide practical guidance to state and societal change agents in approaching the political challenges of ecological transition? A critical method for approaching these challenges is outlined, encompassing conjunctural analysis followed by situated, critical problem solving, which is geared to identifying the ‘next best transition steps’ with the greatest long-term transformational potential. The method is briefly illustrated in relation to the critical conjuncture presented by the coronavirus pandemic.
This study focuses on the role of the South African state in environmental governance, with particular reference to transformations in political authority and processes of capital accumulation. Our approach underscores the importance of analyzing state environmental efforts both empirically and normatively, in order to understand the underlying drivers of state policies that perpetuate or ameliorate environmental degradation. The tension between economic and ecological values lies at the heart of South Africa's approach to mitigation. We evaluate South Africa's performance on climate change mitigation policies and programs and show that while, empirically, South Africa may appear to be a partial or emerging green state, its performance is weak when assessed against normative frameworks. WIREs Clim Change 2017, 8:e473. doi: 10.1002/wcc.473
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• Policy and Governance > National Climate Change Policy
‘Bringing the state back in’ to research on comparative, inter-, and trans-national environmental politics and policy will contribute to better understanding of the limits and prospects of contemporary approaches to environmental politics and the overall evolution of contemporary states once environmental issues become central. The rationale for the state as an analytical perspective in environmental policy and politics is explained, and an empirically oriented concept of the environmental state is introduced, along with a tentative sketch of its evolution in historical perspective. A research agenda on the environmental state is mapped out, centring around variation and convergence in environmental states across space and time; the political/economic dynamics of contemporary environmental states; and inter-linkages among environmental problems, the constitution of political communities, and the functioning of the public power. In conclusion, the ways in which the contributions to this volume address that research agenda are introduced.
The environmental nation state is not a formal category but a substantive one. The current set of national environmental state institutions originated in the late 1960s/1970s but has since changed in character. Many scholars note that since the new millennium, the environmental nation state in OECD countries is losing power and authority and is thus in decline, in line with wider concerns about the positions of states versus markets under conditions of (neo-liberal) globalisation. Assessing the decline of environmental nation state authority, three conclusions are drawn. States do not lose power in all sectors vis-à-vis markets. Hence, environmental nation state decline does not follow a general tendency. Second, the decline of environmental nation state powers cannot be equated with less effective or lower levels of environmental protection, as other environmental authorities have stepped in, and the jury is still out on their environmental effectiveness. Third, declining powers of environmental nation state institutions increasingly become a self-fulfilling prophecy of environmental policymakers, but non-state environmental authorities cannot take over all environmental state functions.
Ruling ideologies typically erect binaries between acceptable and non-acceptable discourses that work to marginalize dissenting voices. Critical political projects are then forced to choose between ‘purity’, which typically reinforces marginality, and ‘realism’, with its ever-present danger of co-optation. This article contends that a third option exists. The premise of ‘subversive rearticulation’ is that a single, apparently innocuous, articulation can begin the process of undermining an exclusionary binary from within. This single articulation—to a ‘pivot term’—does not in itself threaten an ideological edifice. But it can underpin a signifying chain that ultimately circumvents the binary prohibitions that reproduce dominant social orders. To demonstrate the operation of subversive rearticulation I pursue an emerging stream of radical Green political theory, as well as the example of the Chinese market reforms under Deng Xiaoping. The central contribution of the article is the proposed ‘rearticulatory arcs’, chains of signifiers that appear not to directly challenge the governing binaries, thus guarding against immediate marginalization, while subverting the binaries themselves. In the unique way that they ‘bend the space’ of ideological discourse, these arcs ‘deconstruct’ the choice between radicalism and reformism. I conclude that subversive rearticulation presents realistic possibilities for political movements, but requires careful planning and strategic discipline.
Over the course of the twentieth century the welfare state emerged as one of the most conspicuous features of the modern polity. Together with a market mediated economy with concentrated private ownership of the principal productive assets, and political systems with multi-party elections and fairly extensive individual rights, the welfare state helps define the basic character of contemporary developed societies. The implications of human induced climate change now pose significant challenges for each of these institutional pillars – raising profound questions about current economic practices, processes of political decision-making and welfare arrangements. In this chapter we focus on linkages between climate change and the welfare state. Since welfare states are almost uniquely a feature of developed societies, we ignore all international aspects of climate change, unless these impinge directly or indirectly on the welfare states of the West. Unlike most other chapters in this Handbook, there is no systematic academic research, literature or scholarly network on this particular topic, so we must gather material and build our arguments from what is available (but see Gough et al. 2008). In the absence of reliable comparative data, we have mainly used research findings on the UK. The argument will proceed in three steps: first, a brief characterization of contemporary welfare states; second, a discussion of the challenges to the welfare state from climate change; and third, rethinking the welfare state in light of the decarbonisation imperative.
Climate change is surely one of the most encompassing and egregious threats in Europe today, so it is appropriate that we consider its implications for social policy in Europe. It is true that climate change is a separate agenda, the preserve of a distinct academic and epistemic community, scholarly discourse, policy community, institutional structures and modes of governance; but the linkages between these two issues – climate change and its policy corollaries, and the ‘traditional’ domain of social policies – seem to us so strong and salient that they should be aired in a social policy journal.
Suggestions for transforming ecological sustainability into operative social choice mechanisms can be viewed through the bifocal lens of limits on, and opportunities for, the ecological state. Using lines of reasoning brought in from the comparative study of environmental policy, this article tries to stake out how far the ecological state can go in pursuing objectives of sustainable development without intruding on values and objectives fundamental to democracy. The article discusses social choice mechanisms in terms of the ecological state's authority, management capacities, effectiveness, and legitimacy, drawing up the image of the ecological state as a 'green fist in a velvet glove' with the ultimate objective of integrating 'ecological' evaluations into the public mind so that they become as 'natural' as those 'economic' criteria presently applied. Concluding that such 'ecological' consciousness involves a great leap in ecological information processing and dissemination within and throughout societies, the article invokes the sustainability and success of democratic social welfare states which base authoritative command on enlightened debate and deliberation as evidence that such a leap can be successfully made through processes of informed consensus.
Sweden is seen as a forerunner in environmental and ecological policy. This book is about policies and strategies for ecologically rational governance, and uses the Swedish case study to ask whether or not it is possible to move from a traditional environmental policy to a broad, integrated pursuit of sustainable development, as illustrated through the ‘Sustainable Sweden’ programme. It begins by looking at the spatial dimensions of ecological governance, and goes on to consider the integration and effectiveness of sustainable development policies. The book analyses the tension between democracy and sustainable development, which has a broader relevance beyond the Swedish model, to other nation states as well as the European Union as a whole. It offers the latest word in advanced implementation of sustainable development.
Like much of the globe, the African continent is in the midst of navigating numerous, interwoven environmental challenges. From climate-related risks such as crop failure and famine to longer-term concerns about sustainable urbanization, environmental justice, and biodiversity conservation, African states are charged with addressing a complex range of issues. As this book demonstrates, they are doing so with innovations such as community-based conservation programs and transnational parks, rural development schemes and environmental education initiatives, carbon taxes and pricing for ecosystem services, and significant investments into hydropower, solar, and wind energy. It deploys a theoretical framework for analysing green states in Africa inspired by Michel Foucault and postcolonial theory, which focuses attention on the governance and contestation of land and territory, populations and biopolitics, economies and international relations. Although much of the literature on “green states” has focused on highly developed areas in Europe and North America, this book reveals how central African environmental politics are to the transformation of African states, challenges current understandings of green politics, and explores the ramifications for the rest of the global south.
Social movements take shape in relation to the kind of state they face, while, over time, states are transformed by the movements they both incorporate and resist. Social movements are central to democracy and democratization. This book examines the interaction between states and environmentalism, emblematic of contemporary social movements. The analysis covers the entire sweep of the modern environmental era that begins in the 1970s, emphasizing the comparative history of four countries: the US, UK, Germany, and Norway, each of which captures a particular kind of interest representation. Interest groups, parties, mass mobilizations, protest businesses, and oppositional public spheres vary in their weight and significance across the four countries. The book explains why the US was an environmental pioneer around 1970, why it was then eclipsed by Norway, why Germany now shows the way, and why the UK has been a laggard throughout. Ecological modernization and the growing salience of environmental risks mean that environmental conservation can now emerge as a basic priority of government, growing out of entrenched economic and legitimation imperatives. The end in view is a green state, on a par with earlier transformations that produced first the liberal capitalist state and then the welfare state. Any such transformation can be envisaged only to the extent environmentalism maintains its focus as a critical social movement that confronts as well as engages the state. © J. S. Dryzek, D. Downes, H. K. Hernes, C. Hunold, and D. Schlosberg 2003. All rights reserved.
This Handbook-one of a new series-sets out to describe the current state of the art in International Political Theory, and to advance this discourse into new areas. A key feature of the Handbook is the way in which its contributors engage with "real politics": although the importance of developing so-called ideal theory is acknowledged in several chapters, the main emphasis of the book is on an engagement with empirical data and real-world politics. Conventional distinctions such as that between "critical theory" and "problem-solving theory" are challenged-the underlying contention is that, ultimately, all theory is problem-solving, and an emphasis on norms and normative theory cannot be understood as separate from so-called positive International Relations Theory. The contributors have approached the themes of the Handbook from different angles in relation to a wide range of different topics in ways that showcase the diversity of perspectives and traditions that make up the field of International Political Theory. The Handbook consists of fifty chapters organized into nine sections, covering History, Traditions and Perspectives, International Justice, Violence and Conflict, Humanitarianism and Human Rights, Democracy, Accountability and Global Governance, Ethics and International Public Policy, New Directions in International Political Theory, and, finally, a section which puts in question the relationship between International Political Theory and Real Politics.
What would constitute a definitively "green" state? In this important new book, Robyn Eckersley explores what it might take to create a green democratic state as an alternative to the classical liberal democratic state, the indiscriminate growth-dependent welfare state, and the neoliberal market-focused state—seeking, she writes, "to navigate between undisciplined political imagination and pessimistic resignation to the status quo." In recent years, most environmental scholars and environmentalists have characterized the sovereign state as ineffectual and have criticized nations for perpetuating ecological destruction. Going consciously against the grain of much current thinking, this book argues that the state is still the preeminent political institution for addressing environmental problems. States remain the gatekeepers of the global order, and greening the state is a necessary step, Eckersley argues, toward greening domestic and international policy and law.
The Green State seeks to connect the moral and practical concerns of the environmental movement with contemporary theories about the state, democracy, and justice. Eckersley's proposed "critical political ecology" expands the boundaries of the moral community to include the natural environment in which the human community is embedded. This is the first book to make the vision of a "good" green state explicit, to explore the obstacles to its achievement, and to suggest practical constitutional and multilateral arrangements that could help transform the liberal democratic state into a postliberal green democratic state. Rethinking the state in light of the principles of ecological democracy ultimately casts it in a new role: that of an ecological steward and facilitator of transboundary democracy rather than a selfish actor jealously protecting its territory.
Many recent studies on environmental governance focus on either the micro-level (the local and the individual) or the macro-level (the global) while neglecting governance at the nation-state level. State environmental governance is often perceived as inadequate, insufficient, or constrained by considerations of economic growth. And yet the impact of state environmental governance dwarfs that of the market or international organizations. This book of comparative studies documents the continuing relevance of the state in environmental politics and policy. The book also demonstrates the analytical power of the comparative approach to the study of environmental politics and policy, offering cross-national comparisons of environmental governance in both developed and developing countries. Some chapters are based on qualitative studies from a small number of countries; others offer statistical analyses of quantitative data from many more countries over a longer time period. Topics discussed include alternative approaches to estimating comparative environmental performance; citizens’ shifting perceptions of their environmental responsibilities; U.S. and German wind policies; fisheries management in several African countries; and forestry conservation in Bolivia, Guatemala, and Peru. The studies illuminate such key issues as the effect of different political systems on the evolution of environmental policy regimes; why some countries seem to perform better than others in environmental matters; and the sociopolitical context of resource management. © 2014 Massachusetts Institute of Technology. All rights reserved.
Despite nearly two decades of international climate negotiations and near universal participation by states in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) 1992, there has been no concerted or effective collective state response to the threat of global warming. This article provides a critical overview of research on comparative state responses to the challenge of climate change. It begins by considering some of the methodological challenges involved in assessing relative performance, focusing on the politics of measuring and judging, and then presents key data that enable comparison between the twenty states that are collectively responsible for some 85% of total global emissions. Furthermore, the article provides a critical stocktaking of the existing literature on comparative state climate performance and concludes with some broad insights on what makes a climate leader or a climate laggard.
A framework is presented for thinking about state intervention in developed capitalist economies in two domains: social policy and environmental policy (and, within that, climate-change policy). Five drivers of welfare state development are identified, the ‘five Is’ of Industrialisation: Interests, Institutions, Ideas/Ideologies, and International Influences. Research applying this framework to the postwar development of welfare states in the OECD is summarised, distinguishing two periods: up to 1980, and from 1980 to 2008. How far this framework can contribute to understanding the rise and differential patterns of environmental governance and intervention across advanced capitalist states since 1970 is explored, before briefly comparing and contrasting the determinants of welfare states and environmental states, identifying common drivers in both domains and regime-specific drivers in each. The same framework is then applied to developments since 2008 and into the near future, sketching two potential configurations and speculating on the conditions for closer, more integrated ‘eco-welfare states’.
Thus far, there has been a reluctance to instigate a dialogue and engage with the tensions between two literatures with significant insights for each other. The first is the literature on the fiscal sustainability of welfare states, which is invariably predicated upon future growth primarily to manage demographic changes. The second is the post-growth literature, which has enjoyed a renaissance in recent years due to an environmental critique of economic growth. Both literatures contain implications for the analysis of welfare state sustainability. The primary contribution of this paper will be to explore the intractability of the tensions between these discourses and the difficulty of mapping out a progressive policy direction in the twenty-first century which meets both our environmental and social sensibilities. It is claimed that in the post-industrial world the fiscal sustainability of welfare capitalism is dependent upon public expenditure financed indirectly an environmentally unsustainable growth dynamic, but that ironically any conflagration of public welfare programmes is likely to be counter-productive as the welfare state is able to promote de-carbonisation strategies and notions of the public good as well as promoting monetarily and ecologically efficient public welfare services.
The primary task for the environmental state is to address problems related to the market’s externalisation of environmental costs. It has four main resources at its disposal: regulation, redistribution, organisation, and knowledge generation. The way these four resources are deployed make up a state’s environmental governance arrangements. Using data on environmental regulation, taxes, public administrations, and knowledge production from 28 countries, and a hierarchical cluster analysis, four different types of environmental states are identified: established, emerging, partial, and weak. This is followed by some suggestions for further research on the environmental state in a comparative perspective.
Seas and oceans are confronted with a plethora of environmental problems, caused by land-based activities (agriculture, industries, and ports) and by maritime activities (such as shipping, fishing, oil and gas drilling, tourism, and navigational dredging). Environmental problems at sea challenge the efficacy of state sovereignty. Who is responsible, accountable, and regulates environmental and spatial problems at the level of regional seas, and what is the role of states in these processes of governance? In the regional seas and on the high seas, the environmental state is challenged by two developments: states become players at different levels, and states are confronted with the activities of big market players where they have no or little jurisdiction. The
different forms of the environmental state in Europe’s regional seas and in the Arctic Ocean are examined.
Can democracy secure environmental sustainability? This article proposes a basic, yet substantial organising principle – the ‘dilemma of green democracy’ – which maps out the possibility of realising green decision outcomes under democratic constraints. The dilemma posits that there is no logical or unconditional relationship between democratic decisions and environmental sustainability. More specifically, three plausible conditions for collective environmental decision making – robustness to pluralism, consensus preservation and green outcomes – are mutually inconsistent, meaning that they cannot be satisfied simultaneously. To construct a logically possible environmental-democratic institution, we must avoid the dilemma by relaxing at least one of the conditions. This article explores a number of escape routes from the dilemma, and discusses each proposal by drawing on democratic theory and empirical examples in environmental politics. It concludes that as long as the dilemma of green democracy is resolved, democracy can, at least in principle, secure environmental sustainability.
This analysis of the emergence since 2008 of the green economy agenda and the related idea of ‘green growth’ focusses upon the articulation of these discourses within key international economic and environmental institutions and evaluates whether this implies the beginning of an institutional transformation towards an ecologically sustainable world economy. The green economy may have the capacity to help animate a transition away from current socially and ecologically unsustainable patterns of economic growth only if notions of green growth can be discursively separated from green economy, strong articulations of green economy become dominant, and alternative measures of progress to gross domestic product are widely adopted. The concept of ‘rearticulation’, found in post-structural discourse theory, is proposed to guide this transition. This offers a framework to reconstruct notions of prosperity, progress, and security whilst avoiding direct and disempowering discursive conflict with currently hegemonic pro-growth discourses.
'Peter Victor clearly presents the arguments as to why already relatively rich countries may have to manage low or no growth in their economies if they wish to address rather than continue contributing to global environmental problems. His modelling suggests that managing without growth need not be the economic disaster that is so often assumed. This is a lucid book that provides an excellent introduction to this important but neglected area.'
Is more economic growth the solution? Will it deliver prosperity and well-being for a global population projected to reach nine billion? In this explosive book, Tim Jackson a top sustainability adviser to the UK government makes a compelling case against continued economic growth in developed nations. No one denies that development is essential for poorer nations. But in the advanced economies there is mounting evidence that ever-increasing consumption adds little to human happiness and may even impede it. More urgently, it is now clear that the ecosystems that sustain our economies are collapsing under the impacts of rising consumption. Unless we can radically lower the environmental impact of economic activity and there is no evidence to suggest that we can we will have to devise a path to prosperity that does not rely on continued growth. Economic heresy? Or an opportunity to improve the sources of well-being, creativity and lasting prosperity that lie outside the realm of the market? Tim Jackson provides a credible vision of how human society can flourish within the ecological limits of a finite planet. Fulfilling this vision is simply the most urgent task of our times. This book is a substantially revised and updated version of Jackson's controversial study for the Sustainable Development Commission, an advisory body to the UK Government. The study rapidly became the most downloaded report in the Commission's nine year history when it was launched earlier this year. In 2017, PWG was published in a second, substantially revised and re-written edition that updates the arguments and considerably expands upon them. https://www.cusp.ac.uk/pwg/
This article discusses the future(s) of Western welfare states in the face of two systemic challenges: the economic crisis and the pressures of climate change. It uses a punctuated equilibrium framework of institutional change to argue for path dependency in welfare reform alongside crisis-driven switching points. The second part argues that the economic crisis of 2008 was endogenous to the preceding era of financialised capitalism, and that it will generate a long-term fiscal crisis, notably in Britain. The third part contends that climate change, and the necessary mitigation measures taken to deal with it, will impose severe demands on traditional social policies. It also threatens further growth in rich countries which undermines the resources available for welfare systems. Thus, economic crisis makes future growth uncertain; climate change makes it undesirable. The conclusion is a new political economy analysis must be developed to promote a radical second stage of de-commodification of economies and welfare systems.
Despite the frequency with which it is deployed, ‘crisis’ remains one of the most illusive, under‐developed and under‐theorized of concepts. In this article I return to the etymology of the term, suggesting that we conceive of crisis as a moment in which a decisive intervention is made and not merely as an accumulation of contradictions. This has important implications for our understanding of ‘global environmental crisis’ and the prospects for its resolution. I identify a mismatch between the level at which environmental contradictions arise and are sustained (that of the global political economy) and that at which environmental contradictions become articulated politically (that of the national state). This suggests the need to consider the mechanisms by which political responsibility for environmental degradation is displaced to the national level, and the nature of the responses made by governing institutions at this level. These, I argue, tend to be characterized by symptom amelioration as opposed to ‘crisis resolution’. In the second half of the article I consider the ecological pathologies of the liberal—democratic state form, examining the repertoire of responsibility‐displacement strategies deployed by contemporary states, and the state's logic of risk assessment. I suggest that the representational logic of the liberal‐democratic state form is the principle obstacle that stands in the way of globally decisive intervention in response to global environmental degradation.
Confronting climate change is now understood as a problem of ‘decarbonising' the global economy: ending our dependence on carbon-based fossil fuels. This book explores whether such a transformation is underway, how it might be accelerated, and the complex politics of this process. Given the dominance of global capitalism and free-market ideologies, decarbonisation is dependent on creating carbon markets and engaging powerful actors in the world of business and finance. Climate Capitalism assesses the huge political dilemmas this poses, and the need to challenge the entrenched power of many corporations, the culture of energy use, and global inequalities in energy consumption. Climate Capitalism is essential reading for anyone wanting to better understand the challenge we face. It will also inform a range of student courses in environmental studies, development studies, international relations, and business programmes.
Green political theory generally emphasizes universal values and associated projects at the expense of particular contexts. However, these contexts affect the plausibility and attractiveness of theoretical projects. In light of the current spectrum of green political thinking from anarchist to statist poles, this paper shows that sometimes statist strategies make sense, sometimes more confrontational action is required, and sometimes a mix is appropriate. The kind of context highlighted is state structure as it faces civil society. Comparative historical analysis of four countries (the United States, Norway, Germany, and the United Kingdom) is brought to bear. Copyright (c) 2002 Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
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