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ScienceDirect
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159
2352-1465 2018 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.
This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of the Association for European Transport.
10.1016/j.trpro.2018.09.052
www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia
10.1016/j.trpro.2018.09.052 2352-1465
© 2018 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.
This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of the Association for European Transport.
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect
Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2016) 000–000
www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia
2214-241X© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
45th European Transport Conference 2017, 2017
Sustainability and Gender: a mixed-method analysis of urban
women’s mode choice with particular consideration of e-carsharing
Ines Kawgan-Kagana,, Mareike Poppb
aInstitute of Land and Sea Transport, Technical University Berlin, Germany
bDeTe - Demography and Technology, University of Applied Sciences Coburg, University of Bamberg, Germany
Abstract
Women in urban areas have specific requirements for their daily mobility. Car sharing service are mostly used by men as shown
in studies from different countries. This study aims for understanding specific reasons and requirements of respective trips in
women’s every day live to help dismantle hurdles, which hinder women to use carsharing services. An innovative
methodological approach connects directly to the current discussion of daily mobility and socio spatial theory. In this study, five
cases of women living in Berlin within the business area of free-floating carsharing providers with and without battery electric
vehicles will be analysed. All of them hold a drivers’ licence and fit in the profile of early adopters of E-carsharing. For seven
days, their trips were tracked with gps tracking devices, while they were asked to note the circumstances of the respective trips.
After this period, they reported in semi-structured interviews what was important to them to make their mode decision. In
addition, the respondents were asked about their possible experiences with sharing services and expectations to shift their
mobility away from a privately-owned vehicle to sustainable e-mobility. Objective GPS-tracks are connected to subjective
interpretation of every-day mobility of the respondents. All trips are visualized, and colour coded according to mode choice and
specifically purposes and influencing factors of the respective trips. Different maps with groups of similar trips show that women
have their preferred mode for respective trips and can be explained with gender typical social roles. Especially, expectations of
and experiences with carsharing with and without battery electric vehicles are shaped by factors because of gender typical tasks.
Women’s preferences even in modern urban areas can be explained with their gender typical tasks due to their social roles. It
becomes apparent, that there are gender-based hurdles in carsharing services with and without electric vehicles, which
categorially exclude many women.
© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
Keywords: sustainable urban mobility, gender, mode choice, e-carsharing,
Corresponding author:
E-mail address: ines.kawgan-kagan@tu-berlin.de
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect
Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2016) 000–000
www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia
2214-241X© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
45th European Transport Conference 2017, 2017
Sustainability and Gender: a mixed-method analysis of urban
women’s mode choice with particular consideration of e-carsharing
Ines Kawgan-Kagana,, Mareike Poppb
aInstitute of Land and Sea Transport, Technical University Berlin, Germany
bDeTe - Demography and Technology, University of Applied Sciences Coburg, University of Bamberg, Germany
Abstract
Women in urban areas have specific requirements for their daily mobility. Car sharing service are mostly used by men as shown
in studies from different countries. This study aims for understanding specific reasons and requirements of respective trips in
women’s every day live to help dismantle hurdles, which hinder women to use carsharing services. An innovative
methodological approach connects directly to the current discussion of daily mobility and socio spatial theory. In this study, five
cases of women living in Berlin within the business area of free-floating carsharing providers with and without battery electric
vehicles will be analysed. All of them hold a drivers’ licence and fit in the profile of early adopters of E-carsharing. For seven
days, their trips were tracked with gps tracking devices, while they were asked to note the circumstances of the respective trips.
After this period, they reported in semi-structured interviews what was important to them to make their mode decision. In
addition, the respondents were asked about their possible experiences with sharing services and expectations to shift their
mobility away from a privately-owned vehicle to sustainable e-mobility. Objective GPS-tracks are connected to subjective
interpretation of every-day mobility of the respondents. All trips are visualized, and colour coded according to mode choice and
specifically purposes and influencing factors of the respective trips. Different maps with groups of similar trips show that women
have their preferred mode for respective trips and can be explained with gender typical social roles. Especially, expectations of
and experiences with carsharing with and without battery electric vehicles are shaped by factors because of gender typical tasks.
Women’s preferences even in modern urban areas can be explained with their gender typical tasks due to their social roles. It
becomes apparent, that there are gender-based hurdles in carsharing services with and without electric vehicles, which
categorially exclude many women.
© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
Keywords: sustainable urban mobility, gender, mode choice, e-carsharing,
Corresponding author:
E-mail address: ines.kawgan-kagan@tu-berlin.de
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect
Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2018) 000–000
www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia
2214-241X© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
45th European Transport Conference 2017, ETC 2017
Estimating and visualizing perceived accessibility
to transportation and urban facilities
Pierluigi Coppolaa,, Fulvio Silvestria
aUniversity of Rome “Tor Vergata”, Rome, Italy
Abstract
In this paper we present some estimated functions of residential location utility, perceived by individuals, varying with the
distance from selected transportation and urban facilities, such as metro and train stations, highway and road junctions, as well as
hospitals, green spaces and leisure centres. By summing up such functions we get a measure of the overall convenience of
residing in different zones of a given study area, that we call “perceived accessibility”. The functions, estimated by means of SP-
surveys, have been implemented into an accessibility Interactive Visualisation Tool (i.e. InViTo) and applied to case study of
Rome (Italy). The application allows to validating the use of interactive visualization tools to measure accessibility and its
potential usability to produce easy-to-read accessibility maps of urban scenarios of urban development.
© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
Keywords: geo-visualisation, dynamic accessibility maps, Planning Support Systems (PSS), SP-surveys.
1. Introduction
While a substantial body of literature there exists on the theoretical definitions and measures of accessibility
(Geurs and Van Wee, 2004), the extent to which such measures are applied into practice to assess project
alternatives is less frequent (Hull et al., 2012). Recent studies affirm that one of the main barriers to the usability of
accessibility measure is, among others, the lack of mapping tool for accessibility representation (Papa et al., 2017),
whereas visualisation tools are commonly recognized as the most effective methodology to facilitate knowledge
sharing, particularly in those processes involving public stakeholders with different expertise (Brömmelstroet et al.,
2014).
Corresponding author:
E-mail address: coppola@ing.uniroma2.it
2 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
1. Introduction
The mobility behaviour of individuals is shaped by various factors such as infrastructure and socio -demographic
background (Hunecke, 2015; Hunecke, Haustein, Grischkat, & Böhler, 2007). Considering a psychological
approach, experiences and established preferences play a huge role in mode choice (Schlag & Schade, 2007). Free
floating car sharing services are mostly used by men as observable in different countries (Kawgan -Kagan, 2015).
However, what if there are gender inherent hurdles to overcome for the use innovative sustainable mobility solution?
Therefore, it is needed to have a closer look at women when talking about needs of and demands for sustainable
urban mobility. Using averages of populations leads to categorical exclusion of people who do not show the
identified characteristics and neither addresses their needs.
Free floating carsharing services with battery electric vehicles (BEVs) are a promising solution for urban mobility
issues such as noise and air pollution, or space scarcity. It is important to find factors that hinder especially women
to use these services in order to penetrate the market beyond the group of early adopters (Rogers, 2003). Because of
this issue, we are raising the question of gender inherent obstacles for using carsharing with and without BEVs.
1.1. Gender and sustainable Mobility
Gender issues in mobility research has been discussed for decades (Hanson & Hanson, 1980; Konrad, 2016; Law,
1999). It has been long known that there are significant differences between women and men: Although, it is
common for women in western societies to work, they are mostly responsible for household and childcare tasks in
addition (Dribe & Stanfors, 2009; Schneebaum & Mader, 2013). Due to this double load, there are significant
differences in the distribution of part- and fulltime work and, therefore, of financial resources (Gender Datenreport
Berlin, 2012). This sociodemographic background including the responsibilities for accompanying and supply trips
lead to different traffic patterns – to a gender mobility gap: Men travel longer distances with less destinations per
day. Women, on the contrary, have more complex trip chains with more destination with a smaller mobility radius
(Bauhardt, 1999; Hanson & Hanson, 1980; Knoll, Szalai, Steininger, & Urbanek, 2009). In addition, there are
differences in mode choice as well: Women use cars less often than men (Stiewe & Krause, 2012) and specifically in
Berlin more females go by bike or use public transportation (SrV 2008, 2008). Besides differences in gender related
tasks and access to resources, there are differing attitudes regarding several aspects of mobility that play a key role
for mode choice (Hinkeldein, Schoenduwe, Graff, & Hoffmann, 2015). Urban women are more environmentally
concerned although the while women prefer going by car if there are children below the age of 12 years. In addition,
they are less technological and innovation affine (Kawgan-Kagan, 2018).
These findings show clearly that parenthood and the resulting tasks have a key influence on factors that determine
mode choice. Innovative concepts of sustainable urban mobility such as carsharing with and without battery electric
vehicles reveal another part of the gender mobility gap: Besides being well-educated and full-time employed, most
of the current users are male (Burkhardt & Millard-Ball, 2006; Costain, Ardron, & Habib, 2012; Kawgan-Kagan,
2015; Ruhrort, Steiner, Graff, Hinkeldein, & Hoffmann, 2014; Shaheen, Chan, & Micheaux, 2015; Wang, Martin, &
Shaheen, 2012). There is a small share of women using the services and Koglin (2017) found missing child seats as a
common issue for families with smaller children. An analysis of female early adopters of carsharing with and
without battery electric vehicles showed an average age of 33 years, with an academic degree, full-time employment.
Three conclusions can be drawn from the study: First, there was no evidence that carsharing was used with children
and, therefore, this variable needs further investigation. Second, there was a bigger income gap between male and
female early adopters, indicating that the costs of carsharing compared to car ownership play a bigger role for
women than for men. Third, there was a significant difference in mode choice: Women used bikes more often and
combined it with carsharing. Because more women than men use public transportation (PT), the combination of
carsharing with bike riding or PT calls for further analysis.
Therefore, this study aims for closing the gap and understand the impact of childcare task, financial aspects,
attitudes, and mode combination on the acceptance of carsharing with and without battery electric vehicles as a part
of sustainable urban mobility. It investigates hurdles that are linked to gender and mobility, especially carsharing
with BEVs.
Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159 147
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect
Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2016) 000–000
www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia
2214-241X© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
45th European Transport Conference 2017, 2017
Sustainability and Gender: a mixed-method analysis of urban
women’s mode choice with particular consideration of e-carsharing
Ines Kawgan-Kagana,, Mareike Poppb
aInstitute of Land and Sea Transport, Technical University Berlin, Germany
bDeTe - Demography and Technology, University of Applied Sciences Coburg, University of Bamberg, Germany
Abstract
Women in urban areas have specific requirements for their daily mobility. Car sharing service are mostly used by men as shown
in studies from different countries. This study aims for understanding specific reasons and requirements of respective trips in
women’s every day live to help dismantle hurdles, which hinder women to use carsharing services. An innovative
methodological approach connects directly to the current discussion of daily mobility and socio spatial theory. In this study, five
cases of women living in Berlin within the business area of free-floating carsharing providers with and without battery electric
vehicles will be analysed. All of them hold a drivers’ licence and fit in the profile of early adopters of E-carsharing. For seven
days, their trips were tracked with gps tracking devices, while they were asked to note the circumstances of the respective trips.
After this period, they reported in semi-structured interviews what was important to them to make their mode decision. In
addition, the respondents were asked about their possible experiences with sharing services and expectations to shift their
mobility away from a privately-owned vehicle to sustainable e-mobility. Objective GPS-tracks are connected to subjective
interpretation of every-day mobility of the respondents. All trips are visualized, and colour coded according to mode choice and
specifically purposes and influencing factors of the respective trips. Different maps with groups of similar trips show that women
have their preferred mode for respective trips and can be explained with gender typical social roles. Especially, expectations of
and experiences with carsharing with and without battery electric vehicles are shaped by factors because of gender typical tasks.
Women’s preferences even in modern urban areas can be explained with their gender typical tasks due to their social roles. It
becomes apparent, that there are gender-based hurdles in carsharing services with and without electric vehicles, which
categorially exclude many women.
© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
Keywords: sustainable urban mobility, gender, mode choice, e-carsharing,
Corresponding author:
E-mail address: ines.kawgan-kagan@tu-berlin.de
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect
Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2016) 000–000
www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia
2214-241X© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
45th European Transport Conference 2017, 2017
Sustainability and Gender: a mixed-method analysis of urban
women’s mode choice with particular consideration of e-carsharing
Ines Kawgan-Kagana,, Mareike Poppb
aInstitute of Land and Sea Transport, Technical University Berlin, Germany
bDeTe - Demography and Technology, University of Applied Sciences Coburg, University of Bamberg, Germany
Abstract
Women in urban areas have specific requirements for their daily mobility. Car sharing service are mostly used by men as shown
in studies from different countries. This study aims for understanding specific reasons and requirements of respective trips in
women’s every day live to help dismantle hurdles, which hinder women to use carsharing services. An innovative
methodological approach connects directly to the current discussion of daily mobility and socio spatial theory. In this study, five
cases of women living in Berlin within the business area of free-floating carsharing providers with and without battery electric
vehicles will be analysed. All of them hold a drivers’ licence and fit in the profile of early adopters of E-carsharing. For seven
days, their trips were tracked with gps tracking devices, while they were asked to note the circumstances of the respective trips.
After this period, they reported in semi-structured interviews what was important to them to make their mode decision. In
addition, the respondents were asked about their possible experiences with sharing services and expectations to shift their
mobility away from a privately-owned vehicle to sustainable e-mobility. Objective GPS-tracks are connected to subjective
interpretation of every-day mobility of the respondents. All trips are visualized, and colour coded according to mode choice and
specifically purposes and influencing factors of the respective trips. Different maps with groups of similar trips show that women
have their preferred mode for respective trips and can be explained with gender typical social roles. Especially, expectations of
and experiences with carsharing with and without battery electric vehicles are shaped by factors because of gender typical tasks.
Women’s preferences even in modern urban areas can be explained with their gender typical tasks due to their social roles. It
becomes apparent, that there are gender-based hurdles in carsharing services with and without electric vehicles, which
categorially exclude many women.
© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
Keywords: sustainable urban mobility, gender, mode choice, e-carsharing,
Corresponding author:
E-mail address: ines.kawgan-kagan@tu-berlin.de
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect
Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2018) 000–000
www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia
2214-241X© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
45th European Transport Conference 2017, ETC 2017
Estimating and visualizing perceived accessibility
to transportation and urban facilities
Pierluigi Coppolaa,, Fulvio Silvestria
aUniversity of Rome “Tor Vergata”, Rome, Italy
Abstract
In this paper we present some estimated functions of residential location utility, perceived by individuals, varying with the
distance from selected transportation and urban facilities, such as metro and train stations, highway and road junctions, as well as
hospitals, green spaces and leisure centres. By summing up such functions we get a measure of the overall convenience of
residing in different zones of a given study area, that we call “perceived accessibility”. The functions, estimated by means of SP-
surveys, have been implemented into an accessibility Interactive Visualisation Tool (i.e. InViTo) and applied to case study of
Rome (Italy). The application allows to validating the use of interactive visualization tools to measure accessibility and its
potential usability to produce easy-to-read accessibility maps of urban scenarios of urban development.
© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Association for European Transport.
Keywords: geo-visualisation, dynamic accessibility maps, Planning Support Systems (PSS), SP-surveys.
1. Introduction
While a substantial body of literature there exists on the theoretical definitions and measures of accessibility
(Geurs and Van Wee, 2004), the extent to which such measures are applied into practice to assess project
alternatives is less frequent (Hull et al., 2012). Recent studies affirm that one of the main barriers to the usability of
accessibility measure is, among others, the lack of mapping tool for accessibility representation (Papa et al., 2017),
whereas visualisation tools are commonly recognized as the most effective methodology to facilitate knowledge
sharing, particularly in those processes involving public stakeholders with different expertise (Brömmelstroet et al.,
2014).
Corresponding author:
E-mail address: coppola@ing.uniroma2.it
2 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
1. Introduction
The mobility behaviour of individuals is shaped by various factors such as infrastructure and socio -demographic
background (Hunecke, 2015; Hunecke, Haustein, Grischkat, & Böhler, 2007). Considering a psychological
approach, experiences and established preferences play a huge role in mode choice (Schlag & Schade, 2007). Free
floating car sharing services are mostly used by men as observable in different countries (Kawgan -Kagan, 2015).
However, what if there are gender inherent hurdles to overcome for the use innovative sustainable mobility solution?
Therefore, it is needed to have a closer look at women when talking about needs of and demands for sustainable
urban mobility. Using averages of populations leads to categorical exclusion of people who do not show the
identified characteristics and neither addresses their needs.
Free floating carsharing services with battery electric vehicles (BEVs) are a promising solution for urban mobility
issues such as noise and air pollution, or space scarcity. It is important to find factors that hinder especially women
to use these services in order to penetrate the market beyond the group of early adopters (Rogers, 2003). Because of
this issue, we are raising the question of gender inherent obstacles for using carsharing with and without BEVs.
1.1. Gender and sustainable Mobility
Gender issues in mobility research has been discussed for decades (Hanson & Hanson, 1980; Konrad, 2016; Law,
1999). It has been long known that there are significant differences between women and men: Although, it is
common for women in western societies to work, they are mostly responsible for household and childcare tasks in
addition (Dribe & Stanfors, 2009; Schneebaum & Mader, 2013). Due to this double load, there are significant
differences in the distribution of part- and fulltime work and, therefore, of financial resources (Gender Datenreport
Berlin, 2012). This sociodemographic background including the responsibilities for accompanying and supply trips
lead to different traffic patterns – to a gender mobility gap: Men travel longer distances with less destinations per
day. Women, on the contrary, have more complex trip chains with more destination with a smaller mobility radius
(Bauhardt, 1999; Hanson & Hanson, 1980; Knoll, Szalai, Steininger, & Urbanek, 2009). In addition, there are
differences in mode choice as well: Women use cars less often than men (Stiewe & Krause, 2012) and specifically in
Berlin more females go by bike or use public transportation (SrV 2008, 2008). Besides differences in gender related
tasks and access to resources, there are differing attitudes regarding several aspects of mobility that play a key role
for mode choice (Hinkeldein, Schoenduwe, Graff, & Hoffmann, 2015). Urban women are more environmentally
concerned although the while women prefer going by car if there are children below the age of 12 years. In addition,
they are less technological and innovation affine (Kawgan-Kagan, 2018).
These findings show clearly that parenthood and the resulting tasks have a key influence on factors that determine
mode choice. Innovative concepts of sustainable urban mobility such as carsharing with and without battery electric
vehicles reveal another part of the gender mobility gap: Besides being well-educated and full-time employed, most
of the current users are male (Burkhardt & Millard-Ball, 2006; Costain, Ardron, & Habib, 2012; Kawgan-Kagan,
2015; Ruhrort, Steiner, Graff, Hinkeldein, & Hoffmann, 2014; Shaheen, Chan, & Micheaux, 2015; Wang, Martin, &
Shaheen, 2012). There is a small share of women using the services and Koglin (2017) found missing child seats as a
common issue for families with smaller children. An analysis of female early adopters of carsharing with and
without battery electric vehicles showed an average age of 33 years, with an academic degree, full-time employment.
Three conclusions can be drawn from the study: First, there was no evidence that carsharing was used with children
and, therefore, this variable needs further investigation. Second, there was a bigger income gap between male and
female early adopters, indicating that the costs of carsharing compared to car ownership play a bigger role for
women than for men. Third, there was a significant difference in mode choice: Women used bikes more often and
combined it with carsharing. Because more women than men use public transportation (PT), the combination of
carsharing with bike riding or PT calls for further analysis.
Therefore, this study aims for closing the gap and understand the impact of childcare task, financial aspects,
attitudes, and mode combination on the acceptance of carsharing with and without battery electric vehicles as a part
of sustainable urban mobility. It investigates hurdles that are linked to gender and mobility, especially carsharing
with BEVs.
148 Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 3
1.2. A need for an innovative approach of mobility data collection
This study aims for understanding specific reasons and requirements of respective trips in women’s every day live
to help dismantle hurdles, which hinder women to use carsharing services. The problem with quantitative data
collection in mobility is that the currently used tools do not provide sufficient data to answer gender related
questions. Neither origin-destination (OD) labels, nor a distinct one-purpose label lead to a satisfying possibility of
an adequate analysis. These definitions can be found in data collection tools, such as the MID in Germany (infas et
al. 2010), in which respondents had to decide between options like work trip or leisure activity. For the data
collection of the SrV - Mobilität in Städten (Ahrens, 2009, 2014), a trip is defined as a way with one purpose with
(different) modes of transport. This way of labelling is not sufficient when it comes to represent women’s’ mobility
(Martens & Pauls, 2011). Knoll et al. (2009) suggested to add the tr ips label of accompanying children.
Nevertheless, respondents were forced to decide for one purpose. A simple example to demonstrate the issue with
this approach is a trip to the grocery store with or even because of a child as seen. The respondent, now, has to
decide on the reason of this trip: Is it a trip to run errands or to accompany a child? This problem occurred only when
trips were made with children, which is, as seen in the previous section, mostly done by women. In addition, a
separate trip to day-care in the morning can lead to a bias of a homework distance. These general issue calls for a
gender aligned data collection that includes factors affecting the trips, subjective interpretation of daily mobility and
the trips themselves.
Ahrend et all. define mobility as the anticipated potential physical movement of people (Ahrend, Daubitz,
Schwedes, Böhme, & Herget, 2013). This established space of possibilities derives from various aspects such as
spatial, physical, social as well as virtual factors and can be influenced by new experiences, adjustment of live like
moving to another city. Löw’s sociological space-theoretical concept of space comprises two analytically
distinguishable processes: Spacing and synthesis (Löw, 2001, 2008). Spacing means the positioning of social goods
and persons to an ensemble of them. Synthesis means the connection of ensembles of goods and persons connected
through processes of perception, imagination, and memory. This theoretical concept of space can be adopted the
concept of mobility beyond the mere physical movement and includes its duality of objective relocating and their
subjective interpretation.
To grasp daily mobility and see the objective movements of women and link them to the respective infrastructure,
gps tracking and quantitative analysis is the first choice. To understand personal meanings of modes of transport and
routes and shed light on subjective interpretation of every-day mobility of woman, a qualitative approach is needed,
though. Therefore, we use a combination of a data-driven approach to qualitative semi-structured interviews in a
parallel design. This multiple-method-approach was established by Popp (2017a, 2017b) and digitally records out-
door-mobility, maps it, and puts it in a relation to the every-day’s activities of urban women.
2. Combining qualitative and gps-based data
This section presents the details of the research design. At first, we present the cases we selected and then lead
through the data collection process and the different steps of the analysis.
2.1. A Case Study
For our study, we interviewed women from Berlin, Germany. The place of residency is a crucial and objective
factor of mode choice not only because the area where women usually move daily is important (Schlag, Schade, &
Risser, 2007), but also because the business area in which carsharing services covers mostly dense urban areas.
Therefore, we decided to select cases of women living within the business area of at least one carsharing provider in
Berlin. The selected area is characterised by a high density, a good coverage of public transportation, and heavy
traffic during most of the day.
Theoretical sampling based on previous findings about early adopters and potential users suggest a sample of five
cases of women from Berlin with similar socio-demographic characteristics as seen in section 1.2 (Kawgan-Kagan,
2015). In accordance with these findings, the following key cases were selected, while only women were considered
that hold a driver’s licence:
4 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
1) Ronja (36) lives in their townhouse in a dense area with a good coverage of PT including tram, bus, city
train, and subway. She holds an academic degree, is self-employed, but currently in parental leave. She got
her third child in January 2017. The other two children are 7 and 5 years old. She usually uses the bike, but
now she mostly walks because her youngest child cannot yet sit on a child bike seat. Recently, the family
bought a car.
2) Jennifer (23), student, lives in a rented apartment with her partner in the northern centre near a train station.
Her preferred mode of transport is PT, but she used to go by bike in her neighbourhood before it was stolen.
She is a member of several carsharing providers and has used it in different situations.
3) Melanie (35), lives near a large station with connection to busses, city trains, subways, and long-distance
trains. She is married and works fulltime as an accountant at a company in the centre of Berlin. She uses the
public transportation for most of her trips. At the weekend nevertheless, she drives by car. She has been
holding a driver’s licence since she was 18 and always had a car.
4) Sophia (39), a single woman who lives with a flatmate in a dense and touristic area with good access to
public transportation. She works fulltime as a social media manager in the centre of Berlin. She once owned
a car that she won in a competition, which she sold shortly after, though.
5) Lina (50) lives a in a less dense urban area with her 12 years old daughter in a rented house. Nevertheless, in
this area, she has good access to tram, bus, and subway. She uses her car for almost all her trips, but she goes
by bike in the near surroundings, occasionally.
The following Table 1 give an overview over the variances of characteristics of the five cases :
Table 1. Characteristics of selected cases.
Case Characteristic
Ronja
Jennifer
Melanie
Sophia
Lina
Age
36
26
35
39
50
Partnership status
married
partner
married
single
single
Number (age) of
children in HH
3
(1/2, 5, 7)
-
2 (1,3)
-
1 (12)
Number of persons in
HH
5
2
4
2
2
Work status
self-employed
student, part-time
fulltime employed
fulltime employed
fulltime
employed
Cars in the household
-
-
2, company car
-
1
Bikes in the
household
5
-
-
-
2
Most frequently used
mode of transport
on foot
PT
car
PT
car
CS member
yes
yes
-
-
-
Subscription PT
-
Student ticket
annual
annual
-
Experiences with
BEVs
-
yes
-
-
yes
2.2. GPS tracking and qualitative Interviews
As a first step, we asked all respondents to carry a Garmin eTrax 10 tracking device for seven days so that a
whole week was covered. In addition, respondents were asked to take notes on the trips they made including
respective purposes, circumstances, and modes they used. A short questionnaire was handed out covering socio-
Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159 149
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 3
1.2. A need for an innovative approach of mobility data collection
This study aims for understanding specific reasons and requirements of respective trips in women’s every day live
to help dismantle hurdles, which hinder women to use carsharing services. The problem with quantitative data
collection in mobility is that the currently used tools do not provide sufficient data to answer gender related
questions. Neither origin-destination (OD) labels, nor a distinct one-purpose label lead to a satisfying possibility of
an adequate analysis. These definitions can be found in data collection tools, such as the MID in Germany (infas et
al. 2010), in which respondents had to decide between options like work trip or leisure activity. For the data
collection of the SrV - Mobilität in Städten (Ahrens, 2009, 2014), a trip is defined as a way with one purpose with
(different) modes of transport. This way of labelling is not sufficient when it comes to represent women’s’ mobility
(Martens & Pauls, 2011). Knoll et al. (2009) suggested to add the tr ips label of accompanying children.
Nevertheless, respondents were forced to decide for one purpose. A simple example to demonstrate the issue with
this approach is a trip to the grocery store with or even because of a child as seen. The respondent, now, has to
decide on the reason of this trip: Is it a trip to run errands or to accompany a child? This problem occurred only when
trips were made with children, which is, as seen in the previous section, mostly done by women. In addition, a
separate trip to day-care in the morning can lead to a bias of a homework distance. These general issue calls for a
gender aligned data collection that includes factors affecting the trips, subjective interpretation of daily mobility and
the trips themselves.
Ahrend et all. define mobility as the anticipated potential physical movement of people (Ahrend, Daubitz,
Schwedes, Böhme, & Herget, 2013). This established space of possibilities derives from various aspects such as
spatial, physical, social as well as virtual factors and can be influenced by new experiences, adjustment of live like
moving to another city. Löw’s sociological space-theoretical concept of space comprises two analytically
distinguishable processes: Spacing and synthesis (Löw, 2001, 2008). Spacing means the positioning of social goods
and persons to an ensemble of them. Synthesis means the connection of ensembles of goods and persons connected
through processes of perception, imagination, and memory. This theoretical concept of space can be adopted the
concept of mobility beyond the mere physical movement and includes its duality of objective relocating and their
subjective interpretation.
To grasp daily mobility and see the objective movements of women and link them to the respective infrastructure,
gps tracking and quantitative analysis is the first choice. To understand personal meanings of modes of transport and
routes and shed light on subjective interpretation of every-day mobility of woman, a qualitative approach is needed,
though. Therefore, we use a combination of a data-driven approach to qualitative semi-structured interviews in a
parallel design. This multiple-method-approach was established by Popp (2017a, 2017b) and digitally records out-
door-mobility, maps it, and puts it in a relation to the every-day’s activities of urban women.
2. Combining qualitative and gps-based data
This section presents the details of the research design. At first, we present the cases we selected and then lead
through the data collection process and the different steps of the analysis.
2.1. A Case Study
For our study, we interviewed women from Berlin, Germany. The place of residency is a crucial and objective
factor of mode choice not only because the area where women usually move daily is important (Schlag, Schade, &
Risser, 2007), but also because the business area in which carsharing services covers mostly dense urban areas.
Therefore, we decided to select cases of women living within the business area of at least one carsharing provider in
Berlin. The selected area is characterised by a high density, a good coverage of public transportation, and heavy
traffic during most of the day.
Theoretical sampling based on previous findings about early adopters and potential users suggest a sample of five
cases of women from Berlin with similar socio-demographic characteristics as seen in section 1.2 (Kawgan-Kagan,
2015). In accordance with these findings, the following key cases were selected, while only women were considered
that hold a driver’s licence:
4 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
1) Ronja (36) lives in their townhouse in a dense area with a good coverage of PT including tram, bus, city
train, and subway. She holds an academic degree, is self-employed, but currently in parental leave. She got
her third child in January 2017. The other two children are 7 and 5 years old. She usually uses the bike, but
now she mostly walks because her youngest child cannot yet sit on a child bike seat. Recently, the family
bought a car.
2) Jennifer (23), student, lives in a rented apartment with her partner in the northern centre near a train station.
Her preferred mode of transport is PT, but she used to go by bike in her neighbourhood before it was stolen.
She is a member of several carsharing providers and has used it in different situations.
3) Melanie (35), lives near a large station with connection to busses, city trains, subways, and long-distance
trains. She is married and works fulltime as an accountant at a company in the centre of Berlin. She uses the
public transportation for most of her trips. At the weekend nevertheless, she drives by car. She has been
holding a driver’s licence since she was 18 and always had a car.
4) Sophia (39), a single woman who lives with a flatmate in a dense and touristic area with good access to
public transportation. She works fulltime as a social media manager in the centre of Berlin. She once owned
a car that she won in a competition, which she sold shortly after, though.
5) Lina (50) lives a in a less dense urban area with her 12 years old daughter in a rented house. Nevertheless, in
this area, she has good access to tram, bus, and subway. She uses her car for almost all her trips, but she goes
by bike in the near surroundings, occasionally.
The following Table 1 give an overview over the variances of characteristics of the five cases :
Table 1. Characteristics of selected cases.
Case Characteristic
Ronja
Jennifer
Melanie
Sophia
Lina
Age
36
26
35
39
50
Partnership status
married
partner
married
single
single
Number (age) of
children in HH
3
(1/2, 5, 7)
-
2 (1,3)
-
1 (12)
Number of persons in
HH
5
2
4
2
2
Work status
self-employed
student, part-time
fulltime employed
fulltime employed
fulltime
employed
Cars in the household
-
-
2, company car
-
1
Bikes in the
household
5
-
-
-
2
Most frequently used
mode of transport
on foot
PT
car
PT
car
CS member
yes
yes
-
-
-
Subscription PT
-
Student ticket
annual
annual
-
Experiences with
BEVs
-
yes
-
-
yes
2.2. GPS tracking and qualitative Interviews
As a first step, we asked all respondents to carry a Garmin eTrax 10 tracking device for seven days so that a
whole week was covered. In addition, respondents were asked to take notes on the trips they made including
respective purposes, circumstances, and modes they used. A short questionnaire was handed out covering socio-
150 Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 5
demographic and -ecological factors such as age, work status, household income and transport related variables such
as cars and bikes in the household and preferred mode of transport.
After the tracking period, the gps data was transferred to Garmin BaseCamp, which is a tool for visualizing gps
data. The trips were preliminarily corrected, and lines were smoothened. The prepared trips were presented to the
respondents during the next step of the data collection – semi-structured, narrative interviews. This second part of
the data conduction took between 45 minutes to one and a half hours. The respondents were asked to connect the
trips to their purposes, circumstances, and requirements of the specific situations. Additionally, questions were asked
about their attitude towards cars in general and, more specifically, owning and abolishing their car and their
experiences with and expectations of carsharing and battery electric vehicles. This way, it was possible to understand
potential hurdles for the use of carsharing and electric vehicles.
After all the information from the interviews was connected to the trips, we used MAXQDA for structuring and
summarizing the semi-structured interviews according to Mayring’s Qualitative-Content-Analyse (Mayring, 2010).
In a next step, we analysed how different mode are perceived and, finally, evaluated the potential of use of
carsharing services and battery electric vehicles instead of a privately-owned car.
For the quantitative descriptive analysis of the trips, we used SPSS and generated maps that connect trips to their
meanings with QGIS. The collected information is brought together, and trips were colour-coded with respective line
styles providing more information. We used descriptive statistics to be able to understand different requirements of
trips. Figure 1 gives an overview over the method.
Fig. 1 Overview over mixed-method approach combining several sources of information
3. Mobility patterns of urban women
At first, we present insights about the trips our respondents went on and discuss their mobility strategies to deal
with uncertain situations.
3.1. Daily Mobility
The following section provides insights into the mobility patterns of our respondents by giving the results of the
analysis of trips and trip chains. The respondents were tracked over seven days using BaseCamp. The covered areas
differ greatly between the cases: Ronja only stayed in her borough. In two cases, work locations are far away from
homes. There was only one trip that lead outside of Berlin on a Sunday.
As we defined a trip as a physical movement from one place to another without any change of the settings (mode,
accompanying persons, goods that need to be transported and health status), we tracked 292 trips in total with an
average distance of 2.3 kilometres, an average duration of 10:41 Minutes and 9.2 kilometres per hour on average.
6 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
Figures 2 and 3 show two examples of gender aligned data visualization where each line presents a different
setting. Figure 2 gives the transition from city train to a bus station connecting on foot using different colours for
different modes of transport. Figure 3 shows Melanie picking up her two children from day-care and two dashed
lines are added from this point on next to the original line. She still needs a stroller for her youngest son, which is
represented by the dashed line left to the original line. She then goes with the children to shop groceries, which leads
to an additional line on the left standing for the bought groceries. The legend contains the colour of a line the mode
of transport used on the respective trip. The line style provides additional information about accompanying people,
transported goods and possible health issues.
Fig. 2 Gender aligned trips visualisation: Sophia (Colour-coded gender aligned trip visualisation with addition information of circumstances)
The large number of trips on foot is because we also counted the connecting trips walking to and from one mode
of transport to another (walking from bus station to subway station) and to destinations (walking home from a bus
station). Table 2 provides descriptive statistics of trips according to modes of transport. Out of the 292 trips, almost
60% of the trips we taken on foot with 82.9 kilometres all together. We differentiated the trips between whether they
were connecting a different mode of transport to another or to a destination (con) and non-connecting trips (non-
con). Interestingly, they show similar values, although connecting trips were 90 meters shorter on average and lasted
with eight and a half minutes one and a half minute less than non-connecting trips.
The second most used mode was the city train with 39 trips, of which the average distance covered was the
longest with 7.2 kilometres and an average speed of 27.4 kilometres per hour. Only the trips with tram were nearly
as fast with 26.2 kilometres per hour. One needs to keep in mind that there are only three trips by tram in our sample
each covering only one station. This leads to a higher average speed of 26.2 km/h than the Berlin wide average of
19.0 km/h (BVG, 2016). The generated speed of subways is with 23.7 km/h more than 7 km/h slower than the
official average, which could be explained with data collection issues: We used the last gps point connecting
stations. Waiting time underground could lead to the decreased average speed in our sample.
Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159 151
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 5
demographic and -ecological factors such as age, work status, household income and transport related variables such
as cars and bikes in the household and preferred mode of transport.
After the tracking period, the gps data was transferred to Garmin BaseCamp, which is a tool for visualizing gps
data. The trips were preliminarily corrected, and lines were smoothened. The prepared trips were presented to the
respondents during the next step of the data collection – semi-structured, narrative interviews. This second part of
the data conduction took between 45 minutes to one and a half hours. The respondents were asked to connect the
trips to their purposes, circumstances, and requirements of the specific situations. Additionally, questions were asked
about their attitude towards cars in general and, more specifically, owning and abolishing their car and their
experiences with and expectations of carsharing and battery electric vehicles. This way, it was possible to understand
potential hurdles for the use of carsharing and electric vehicles.
After all the information from the interviews was connected to the trips, we used MAXQDA for structuring and
summarizing the semi-structured interviews according to Mayring’s Qualitative-Content-Analyse (Mayring, 2010).
In a next step, we analysed how different mode are perceived and, finally, evaluated the potential of use of
carsharing services and battery electric vehicles instead of a privately-owned car.
For the quantitative descriptive analysis of the trips, we used SPSS and generated maps that connect trips to their
meanings with QGIS. The collected information is brought together, and trips were colour-coded with respective line
styles providing more information. We used descriptive statistics to be able to understand different requirements of
trips. Figure 1 gives an overview over the method.
Fig. 1 Overview over mixed-method approach combining several sources of information
3. Mobility patterns of urban women
At first, we present insights about the trips our respondents went on and discuss their mobility strategies to deal
with uncertain situations.
3.1. Daily Mobility
The following section provides insights into the mobility patterns of our respondents by giving the results of the
analysis of trips and trip chains. The respondents were tracked over seven days using BaseCamp. The covered areas
differ greatly between the cases: Ronja only stayed in her borough. In two cases, work locations are far away from
homes. There was only one trip that lead outside of Berlin on a Sunday.
As we defined a trip as a physical movement from one place to another without any change of the settings (mode,
accompanying persons, goods that need to be transported and health status), we tracked 292 trips in total with an
average distance of 2.3 kilometres, an average duration of 10:41 Minutes and 9.2 kilometres per hour on average.
6 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
Figures 2 and 3 show two examples of gender aligned data visualization where each line presents a different
setting. Figure 2 gives the transition from city train to a bus station connecting on foot using different colours for
different modes of transport. Figure 3 shows Melanie picking up her two children from day-care and two dashed
lines are added from this point on next to the original line. She still needs a stroller for her youngest son, which is
represented by the dashed line left to the original line. She then goes with the children to shop groceries, which leads
to an additional line on the left standing for the bought groceries. The legend contains the colour of a line the mode
of transport used on the respective trip. The line style provides additional information about accompanying people,
transported goods and possible health issues.
Fig. 2 Gender aligned trips visualisation: Sophia (Colour-coded gender aligned trip visualisation with addition information of circumstances)
The large number of trips on foot is because we also counted the connecting trips walking to and from one mode
of transport to another (walking from bus station to subway station) and to destinations (walking home from a bus
station). Table 2 provides descriptive statistics of trips according to modes of transport. Out of the 292 trips, almost
60% of the trips we taken on foot with 82.9 kilometres all together. We differentiated the trips between whether they
were connecting a different mode of transport to another or to a destination (con) and non-connecting trips (non-
con). Interestingly, they show similar values, although connecting trips were 90 meters shorter on average and lasted
with eight and a half minutes one and a half minute less than non-connecting trips.
The second most used mode was the city train with 39 trips, of which the average distance covered was the
longest with 7.2 kilometres and an average speed of 27.4 kilometres per hour. Only the trips with tram were nearly
as fast with 26.2 kilometres per hour. One needs to keep in mind that there are only three trips by tram in our sample
each covering only one station. This leads to a higher average speed of 26.2 km/h than the Berlin wide average of
19.0 km/h (BVG, 2016). The generated speed of subways is with 23.7 km/h more than 7 km/h slower than the
official average, which could be explained with data collection issues: We used the last gps point connecting
stations. Waiting time underground could lead to the decreased average speed in our sample.
152 Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 7
Fig. 3 Gender aligned trips visualisation: Melanie (Colour-coded gender aligned trip visualisation with addition information of circumstances )
Table 2 give an overview over the variances of characteristics of the five cases: only Melanie showed a
multimodal mobility during the week using PT on weekdays and the car on the weekend. Lina, Ronja and Jennifer
stated to use different modes in other situations that were not be covered during the tracking period. There was no
intermodal trip with different modes of transport connecting either PT and bike or Car for one trip purpose.
Table 2. Descriptive statistics of trips according to modes of transport.
Mode of transport
Distance
Duration
Speed
N
Total
Average
Total
Average
Walking
82.9
0.5
26:19:53
00:19:14
Connecting (*)
46.8
0.45
14:55:16
00:08:36
Non-connecting
36.1
0.54
11:24:37
00:10:13
City train
280.1
7.2
09:58:25
00:15:20
Car
162.1
6.5
07:03:57
00:16:57
Subway
98.4
3.6
04:46:42
00:10:37
Bus
45.7
1.7
03:45:25
00:08:21
CS member
yes
yes
-
-
Subscription PT
-
Student ticket
annual
annual
Experiences with BEVs
-
yes
-
-
(*) Trips were connecting a different mode of transport to another or to a destination.
As presented in section 1.2, women statistically show more trip chaining because of additional household and
childcare tasks. During the tracked week, we found only 8 trips with only one purpose by Sophia and Jennifer, both
8 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
women without children and Lina, whose daughter is 12 years old and her trips with one purpose were without her.
The rest of the trips were part of trip chains. On average, a trip chain had 4,3 purposes like grocery shopping, going
to work or meeting a friend.
The 62 trips with children were either on foot or taken by car. There was not a single trip by PT. This can be
explained, on the one hand, with the short distances to day-care and elementary schools, which do not require to take
PT or going by car. For longer trips, on the other hand, mothers stated that it is much more convenient for them to
take the children by car than going by PT. We will analyse the effect of children on our respondents’ mode choice in
more detail in the next section. In addition, we found more repeated trips for women with children as they stated
their need for a structured day and routines because of their double load.
3.2. Mobility Routines and Strategies to cope with Uncertainty
For all the respondents, mobility is a part of their lives that they do not think about most of the time. Routines
were established for mode choice and routing as well.
Sophia knows the Berlin city train and subway network by hard. When she needs to go somewhere, she connects
her location and destination by using city train and subway lines. Nevertheless, she uses online services to find the
best – for her the fastest – connection. Jennifer does not know the schedule of the bus next to her home and Melanie
the schedule of the city train next to her home. Both say that the frequency is that high that they would not have to
wait for long in case they miss a bus or a city train. The public transport with lower frequencies leads to Jennifer
remembering the schedule: The subway comes every 20 minutes and missing a train would mean a great loss of time
to her. Melanie, in contrast, checks the bus schedule next to her home. For her it does not make sense to remember it,
because she does not use it as often.
Besides routinized daily trips, there were several incidents that were rather unusual and lead to an evaluation in
the respective situation: On Sunday afternoon, Jennifer took a friend to the emergency room. The friend had a health
issue that affected her ability to walk. Nevertheless, the friend did not want to call an ambulance and, instead,
wanted to go by public transportation. The respondent stated that carsharing could have been an alternative for this
trip, but there was no vehicle in an acceptable range of 500 meters. This range was stated several times by the
respondent.
All the respondents were asked about their mode choice when they have to go to unknown places or under
unusual conditions. Even for mostly irregular trips, our respondents had a routine to deal with the new situation: At
some point, Melanie’s car broke down when she wanted to go on a longer trip with the children and her husband.
They had to take it to a repair shop and waited there to get it fixed. She said it would not be a problem; she would
have easily looked up the best connection with her app, if they would not have been able to continue their trips after
some hours at repair shop.
During the interviews, it became clear that uncertainty because of a safety issue was a big topic for our
respondents: When Sophia, Jennifer and Melanie have to go somewhere by themselves late at night, they feel unsafe.
Jennifer talked about a specific case where a homeless person in her neighbourhood tends to get aggressive. For all
of the three respondents, the strategy is to choose their route according to the presence of other people. This might be
walking on a main street or streets with bars and restaurants. To feel safer, they accept longer trips.
For Lina, being late at night somewhere feeling unsafe it is not an issue because she always goes by car, which
gives her a safe feeling. This safe feeling is not only shaping her mode choice, but also her routing: She plans her
destinations according to her favourite mode of transport. Because she always wants to go by car, she selects her
destinations according to the possibility of reaching it by car. In return, she stated that she would not go on the trip, if
it was not possible to take the car.
Ronja’s current parental leave has a significant impact on her mode choice. She does not take the bike, as she
would normally do because of her youngest son. He is not old enough to sit in a child bike seat. Therefore, she walks
almost all the time, which means that she chooses her mode according to her current situation.
We found strategies to handle uncommon situations reached from app use to find a fastest connection with PT,
over friends or partner as a backup, paying a fee to get goods delivered up to planning destinations and routes
according to restraining circumstances.
Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159 153
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 7
Fig. 3 Gender aligned trips visualisation: Melanie (Colour-coded gender aligned trip visualisation with addition information of circumstances )
Table 2 give an overview over the variances of characteristics of the five cases: only Melanie showed a
multimodal mobility during the week using PT on weekdays and the car on the weekend. Lina, Ronja and Jennifer
stated to use different modes in other situations that were not be covered during the tracking period. There was no
intermodal trip with different modes of transport connecting either PT and bike or Car for one trip purpose.
Table 2. Descriptive statistics of trips according to modes of transport.
Mode of transport
Distance
Duration
Speed
N
Total
Average
Total
Average
Walking
82.9
0.5
26:19:53
00:19:14
Connecting (*)
46.8
0.45
14:55:16
00:08:36
Non-connecting
36.1
0.54
11:24:37
00:10:13
City train
280.1
7.2
09:58:25
00:15:20
Car
162.1
6.5
07:03:57
00:16:57
Subway
98.4
3.6
04:46:42
00:10:37
Bus
45.7
1.7
03:45:25
00:08:21
CS member
yes
yes
-
-
Subscription PT
-
Student ticket
annual
annual
Experiences with BEVs
-
yes
-
-
(*) Trips were connecting a different mode of transport to another or to a destination.
As presented in section 1.2, women statistically show more trip chaining because of additional household and
childcare tasks. During the tracked week, we found only 8 trips with only one purpose by Sophia and Jennifer, both
8 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
women without children and Lina, whose daughter is 12 years old and her trips with one purpose were without her.
The rest of the trips were part of trip chains. On average, a trip chain had 4,3 purposes like grocery shopping, going
to work or meeting a friend.
The 62 trips with children were either on foot or taken by car. There was not a single trip by PT. This can be
explained, on the one hand, with the short distances to day-care and elementary schools, which do not require to take
PT or going by car. For longer trips, on the other hand, mothers stated that it is much more convenient for them to
take the children by car than going by PT. We will analyse the effect of children on our respondents’ mode choice in
more detail in the next section. In addition, we found more repeated trips for women with children as they stated
their need for a structured day and routines because of their double load.
3.2. Mobility Routines and Strategies to cope with Uncertainty
For all the respondents, mobility is a part of their lives that they do not think about most of the time. Routines
were established for mode choice and routing as well.
Sophia knows the Berlin city train and subway network by hard. When she needs to go somewhere, she connects
her location and destination by using city train and subway lines. Nevertheless, she uses online services to find the
best – for her the fastest – connection. Jennifer does not know the schedule of the bus next to her home and Melanie
the schedule of the city train next to her home. Both say that the frequency is that high that they would not have to
wait for long in case they miss a bus or a city train. The public transport with lower frequencies leads to Jennifer
remembering the schedule: The subway comes every 20 minutes and missing a train would mean a great loss of time
to her. Melanie, in contrast, checks the bus schedule next to her home. For her it does not make sense to remember it,
because she does not use it as often.
Besides routinized daily trips, there were several incidents that were rather unusual and lead to an evaluation in
the respective situation: On Sunday afternoon, Jennifer took a friend to the emergency room. The friend had a health
issue that affected her ability to walk. Nevertheless, the friend did not want to call an ambulance and, instead,
wanted to go by public transportation. The respondent stated that carsharing could have been an alternative for this
trip, but there was no vehicle in an acceptable range of 500 meters. This range was stated several times by the
respondent.
All the respondents were asked about their mode choice when they have to go to unknown places or under
unusual conditions. Even for mostly irregular trips, our respondents had a routine to deal with the new situation: At
some point, Melanie’s car broke down when she wanted to go on a longer trip with the children and her husband.
They had to take it to a repair shop and waited there to get it fixed. She said it would not be a problem; she would
have easily looked up the best connection with her app, if they would not have been able to continue their trips after
some hours at repair shop.
During the interviews, it became clear that uncertainty because of a safety issue was a big topic for our
respondents: When Sophia, Jennifer and Melanie have to go somewhere by themselves late at night, they feel unsafe.
Jennifer talked about a specific case where a homeless person in her neighbourhood tends to get aggressive. For all
of the three respondents, the strategy is to choose their route according to the presence of other people. This might be
walking on a main street or streets with bars and restaurants. To feel safer, they accept longer trips.
For Lina, being late at night somewhere feeling unsafe it is not an issue because she always goes by car, which
gives her a safe feeling. This safe feeling is not only shaping her mode choice, but also her routing: She plans her
destinations according to her favourite mode of transport. Because she always wants to go by car, she selects her
destinations according to the possibility of reaching it by car. In return, she stated that she would not go on the trip, if
it was not possible to take the car.
Ronja’s current parental leave has a significant impact on her mode choice. She does not take the bike, as she
would normally do because of her youngest son. He is not old enough to sit in a child bike seat. Therefore, she walks
almost all the time, which means that she chooses her mode according to her current situation.
We found strategies to handle uncommon situations reached from app use to find a fastest connection with PT,
over friends or partner as a backup, paying a fee to get goods delivered up to planning destinations and routes
according to restraining circumstances.
154 Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 9
4. Perception of urban mobility
This section contains insights about the perception of modes of transport that were used and experiences with
carsharing services and battery electric vehicles from the narrative parts of the qualitative interviews.
4.1. Crucial Criteria for Modes of Transport
At this point, we summarize the aspects for each mode of transport respectively: On foot, bike, bus, city train,
subway, tram, and car.
On foot is mostly perceived as a positive mode: If the environment fulfils certain requirements, it helps to slows
down live. It gives time to observe things and experience the city. Sophia loves to go for a walk along streets with
bars and restaurants to see people. For most of the respondents, safety - especially in the evenings - is the most
commonly named criteria for their mode choice, which has various aspects: physical safety threatened by other cars
or bikes or by people that could harm them or safety to keep the children away from people with contagious
diseases.
Safety plays a significant role when the respondents were talking about PT. Although all agreed on PT being
almost optimal in Berlin, the perception of safety and other aspects differ greatly between our respondents. Melanie
remembers an incident where a young woman was pushed down the stairs in a subway station in the centre of Berlin.
Ever since, she does not feel safe in the evenings in subway stations. She rather goes by city train every work day
and calls it almost perfect except for some issues with other people that either smell heavily in summer or push their
backpacks into your face. Sophia does not differentiate between city train and subways. They are both a green way
of moving through the city. Busses and trams are rather accepted and safety issues were not as prominent because of
the presence of a person driving. For Ronja, PT is not an option anymore. She experienced situations of a bomb
scare and sees PT in general as a possible prime target of terror attacks. Although, she is aware of the scarcity of
parking slots in the city, she goes by car or taxi in case she has to go somewhere further into the centre. Especially
with her children, this is a big threat to her.
Although, some women remembered situations where PT fell out, it is perceived as a very reliable option. The
dependency on the schedule is not seen as problematic because our respondents use apps and online services to
check the times beforehand. This helps to anticipate the situation in the first place and be prepared to waiting times.
Biking seems a feasible and healthy option to go to nearby places. Although the respondents like the flexibility of
being able to spontaneously go to places, there is another safety issue that comes along with sharing the public space
with cars and other cyclists. For further trips, there is a problem that leads to arriving sweaty at work.
Although the parking situation is problematic in Berlin, Melanie and Lina always find a parking spot in front of
their houses. This increases the feeling of constant access compared to having to park further away. For Lina her car
even is essential for her activities: Without her car, she would not go outside as often. It connects her to her
environment. Emotionally, she is attached to her car. It gives her an additional space of personal privacy outside of
her home. A car provides a space that can be shaped according to the respondents’ personal needs: Music or
different things that can be placed and kept for when you need them.
Each person has different priorities due to their specific situations and experiences (Law, 1999). According to
these priorities, the have their preferences for one or more modes of transport.
4.2. Car ownership of urban women
To understand to potential of a possible shift from private car ownership towards a shared electric mobility, it is
necessary to understand the reasons that lead or might lead to the decision to buy and own a car in the near future.
In some cases, car purchase was closely linked to the acquisition of a driving licence: For respondents that grew
up in a rural area, it was totally normal do get a driver’s licence as soon as they were old enough. The combination
with a car equalled access to greater freedom of movement. This is a common effect due to the poor coverage with
public transportation schemes in rural areas (Herget, 2013; Hunecke, 2015). Respondents either got their cars from
their parents or were allowed to use theirs.
10 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
Lina lived in the former GDR and due to the limitation of being able to acquire a driver’s licence and a car, after
the German reunification in 1990, she got both because she was finally allowed to. Ever since then, she had her own
car. Lina called it a calming feeling when she thinks of having constant access to a car and even gave the car a name.
It gives her independence and the possibility to be mobile. As stated in the previous sections, without a car, she
would probably not go to a lot of places.
Sophia, as the only one in our study, who got her licence after moving to Berlin in 2009. She was not able to
afford it before because she lived in a poor and rural place. She was used to everyone going by car and thought that
when you live in a big city, you must have a driver’s licence. After moving to Berlin, she realized that she does not
need a car here because of the good public transport system. Jennifer and Ronja, when they moved to Berlin, decided
not to get a car because they found they do not need it. Jennifer started to use carsharing. She enjoys going by car
and found it interesting to drive new models. Ronja just recently bought a car because of two reasons: On the way
from vacation, there was a bomb threat on a ferry, which they had to take back home. This incident gave her a
feeling of helplessness and loss of control to protect the children. The other reason is that she got her third child and
they thought that now it is not possible anymore without their own car.
In addition, we asked the women without a car under which conditions they think they would buy one. Both do
not have children yet, but said, that as soon as they have a child they would definitely need a car. They observed that
all their friends got a car when they became parents, so they assume you must have one: When you have a child, you
need a car.
As one of the main reasons why they think they need a car when you have a child, was that you need to take too
much with you for the children. This would not be possible with PT because you must have an eye on the children
and all bags. Using a stroller is another issue: Some stations are not accessible with a stroller, so they would have to
carry it up and down the stairs. In addition, they are afraid, that there would not be enough space in a train or bus.
The women who have children called this an actual problem that they already experienced. In addition, all of them
mentioned that it is a measure of caution to have a car available when needed in case of an emergency with the
children. Going by PT with a sick child is not an option. Melanie stated that she was grateful to have it [the car]
sitting downstairs waiting for me.
Sophia told us that she once won a car in a competition. It was just standing downstairs and she never actually
needed it. It was just expensive, and she rather went by PT anyway. For her it was exhausting to drive in Berlin due
to the heavy traffic. She knows, though, that she would be able to handle the traffic once she practices for a bit. So
far, she did not have a reason to practice. But as soon as she has a child, she assumes this is something that she must
do. In addition, she mentioned that she would need a car as well, in case she has to take care of her parents once they
need help.
To sum it up, we found two crucial factors of car ownership for women from urban areas: Routine (I always had a
car) and responsibilities for others (children and/or parents in need). Latter includes aspects of safety, capacity, and
watching them. Routine is a key factor that is hard to overcome to change mobility habits (Ahrend et al., 2013;
Hunecke, 2015). Nevertheless, previous studies show that there are breaks in life cycles that give the potential to
change their habits: Relocation to rural areas of either home or work or becoming parents (Scheiner & Holz-Rau,
2015). This is in line with future scenarios women from our sample described they would buy a car.
5. The potential of carsharing and battery electric vehicles
This section covers the potential of changing to a sustainable urban mobility. It presents the experiences of the
respondents with carsharing with and without BEVs and the expectations of changing to a s ustainable urban
mobility.
5.1. Experiences of Carsharing and BEVs
Not all our respondents have hands-on experiences with carsharing as seen in Table 1. The range of experiences
with carsharing or electric vehicles ranges from knowing that they existed to a frequent use in the past. This part
presents the experiences they had in respective use cases.
Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159 155
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 9
4. Perception of urban mobility
This section contains insights about the perception of modes of transport that were used and experiences with
carsharing services and battery electric vehicles from the narrative parts of the qualitative interviews.
4.1. Crucial Criteria for Modes of Transport
At this point, we summarize the aspects for each mode of transport respectively: On foot, bike, bus, city train,
subway, tram, and car.
On foot is mostly perceived as a positive mode: If the environment fulfils certain requirements, it helps to slows
down live. It gives time to observe things and experience the city. Sophia loves to go for a walk along streets with
bars and restaurants to see people. For most of the respondents, safety - especially in the evenings - is the most
commonly named criteria for their mode choice, which has various aspects: physical safety threatened by other cars
or bikes or by people that could harm them or safety to keep the children away from people with contagious
diseases.
Safety plays a significant role when the respondents were talking about PT. Although all agreed on PT being
almost optimal in Berlin, the perception of safety and other aspects differ greatly between our respondents. Melanie
remembers an incident where a young woman was pushed down the stairs in a subway station in the centre of Berlin.
Ever since, she does not feel safe in the evenings in subway stations. She rather goes by city train every work day
and calls it almost perfect except for some issues with other people that either smell heavily in summer or push their
backpacks into your face. Sophia does not differentiate between city train and subways. They are both a green way
of moving through the city. Busses and trams are rather accepted and safety issues were not as prominent because of
the presence of a person driving. For Ronja, PT is not an option anymore. She experienced situations of a bomb
scare and sees PT in general as a possible prime target of terror attacks. Although, she is aware of the scarcity of
parking slots in the city, she goes by car or taxi in case she has to go somewhere further into the centre. Especially
with her children, this is a big threat to her.
Although, some women remembered situations where PT fell out, it is perceived as a very reliable option. The
dependency on the schedule is not seen as problematic because our respondents use apps and online services to
check the times beforehand. This helps to anticipate the situation in the first place and be prepared to waiting times.
Biking seems a feasible and healthy option to go to nearby places. Although the respondents like the flexibility of
being able to spontaneously go to places, there is another safety issue that comes along with sharing the public space
with cars and other cyclists. For further trips, there is a problem that leads to arriving sweaty at work.
Although the parking situation is problematic in Berlin, Melanie and Lina always find a parking spot in front of
their houses. This increases the feeling of constant access compared to having to park further away. For Lina her car
even is essential for her activities: Without her car, she would not go outside as often. It connects her to her
environment. Emotionally, she is attached to her car. It gives her an additional space of personal privacy outside of
her home. A car provides a space that can be shaped according to the respondents’ personal needs: Music or
different things that can be placed and kept for when you need them.
Each person has different priorities due to their specific situations and experiences (Law, 1999). According to
these priorities, the have their preferences for one or more modes of transport.
4.2. Car ownership of urban women
To understand to potential of a possible shift from private car ownership towards a shared electric mobility, it is
necessary to understand the reasons that lead or might lead to the decision to buy and own a car in the near future.
In some cases, car purchase was closely linked to the acquisition of a driving licence: For respondents that grew
up in a rural area, it was totally normal do get a driver’s licence as soon as they were old enough. The combination
with a car equalled access to greater freedom of movement. This is a common effect due to the poor coverage with
public transportation schemes in rural areas (Herget, 2013; Hunecke, 2015). Respondents either got their cars from
their parents or were allowed to use theirs.
10 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
Lina lived in the former GDR and due to the limitation of being able to acquire a driver’s licence and a car, after
the German reunification in 1990, she got both because she was finally allowed to. Ever since then, she had her own
car. Lina called it a calming feeling when she thinks of having constant access to a car and even gave the car a name.
It gives her independence and the possibility to be mobile. As stated in the previous sections, without a car, she
would probably not go to a lot of places.
Sophia, as the only one in our study, who got her licence after moving to Berlin in 2009. She was not able to
afford it before because she lived in a poor and rural place. She was used to everyone going by car and thought that
when you live in a big city, you must have a driver’s licence. After moving to Berlin, she realized that she does not
need a car here because of the good public transport system. Jennifer and Ronja, when they moved to Berlin, decided
not to get a car because they found they do not need it. Jennifer started to use carsharing. She enjoys going by car
and found it interesting to drive new models. Ronja just recently bought a car because of two reasons: On the way
from vacation, there was a bomb threat on a ferry, which they had to take back home. This incident gave her a
feeling of helplessness and loss of control to protect the children. The other reason is that she got her third child and
they thought that now it is not possible anymore without their own car.
In addition, we asked the women without a car under which conditions they think they would buy one. Both do
not have children yet, but said, that as soon as they have a child they would definitely need a car. They observed that
all their friends got a car when they became parents, so they assume you must have one: When you have a child, you
need a car.
As one of the main reasons why they think they need a car when you have a child, was that you need to take too
much with you for the children. This would not be possible with PT because you must have an eye on the children
and all bags. Using a stroller is another issue: Some stations are not accessible with a stroller, so they would have to
carry it up and down the stairs. In addition, they are afraid, that there would not be enough space in a train or bus.
The women who have children called this an actual problem that they already experienced. In addition, all of them
mentioned that it is a measure of caution to have a car available when needed in case of an emergency with the
children. Going by PT with a sick child is not an option. Melanie stated that she was grateful to have it [the car]
sitting downstairs waiting for me.
Sophia told us that she once won a car in a competition. It was just standing downstairs and she never actually
needed it. It was just expensive, and she rather went by PT anyway. For her it was exhausting to drive in Berlin due
to the heavy traffic. She knows, though, that she would be able to handle the traffic once she practices for a bit. So
far, she did not have a reason to practice. But as soon as she has a child, she assumes this is something that she must
do. In addition, she mentioned that she would need a car as well, in case she has to take care of her parents once they
need help.
To sum it up, we found two crucial factors of car ownership for women from urban areas: Routine (I always had a
car) and responsibilities for others (children and/or parents in need). Latter includes aspects of safety, capacity, and
watching them. Routine is a key factor that is hard to overcome to change mobility habits (Ahrend et al., 2013;
Hunecke, 2015). Nevertheless, previous studies show that there are breaks in life cycles that give the potential to
change their habits: Relocation to rural areas of either home or work or becoming parents (Scheiner & Holz-Rau,
2015). This is in line with future scenarios women from our sample described they would buy a car.
5. The potential of carsharing and battery electric vehicles
This section covers the potential of changing to a sustainable urban mobility. It presents the experiences of the
respondents with carsharing with and without BEVs and the expectations of changing to a s ustainable urban
mobility.
5.1. Experiences of Carsharing and BEVs
Not all our respondents have hands-on experiences with carsharing as seen in Table 1. The range of experiences
with carsharing or electric vehicles ranges from knowing that they existed to a frequent use in the past. This part
presents the experiences they had in respective use cases.
156 Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 11
Jennifer used carsharing twice a week because she worked the night shift near the airport Tegel. This way, she
saved 30 minutes for each trip. She appreciated the convenience and that she did not have to rely on the PT night
schedule with a low frequency. She felt protected from cold weather and other people.
Ronja used round trip carsharing almost every weekend before they bought their car a year ago: Because they had
to take two kid’s seats with them, her husband went to get the vehicle and picked up the rest of the family from
home. This way, the problem with a long distance to the next available car was solved without the children having to
walk far and the parents having to carry the respective child seats. She said it was a convenient way to go to trips
with the whole family. The only problem she found besides the distance was that they had to plan when they wanted
to be back. For the service they used, it was necessary to reserve ahead and give a period of use. This way, other
customers had the chance to reserve the car for the time after their trip. This resulted in stressful situations because it
was not easy to stick to their plans with the children.
Carsharing was used to take purchases home when public transportation was not an option. Jennifer used
carsharing to get cat litter home from a store that was further away than walking distance. Usually, she got several
packages at once, so she did not have to go as often. She found it convenient not having to carry the heavy packages
or take them into public transport. Recently, she gets the heavy packages delivered, so she does not use carsharing
for this reason anymore. She appreciates that there are different car models that fit the respective needs of the trip.
Car2go had only two-seated smarts, which she found too small in general.
Lina loves driving cars. BEVs for her mean a promising and sustainable type of driving. It is her dream to get a
Tesla because they have the best-looking models with the greatest range, but due to their high price, she thinks it is
rather unrealistic. Technical innovation is a thrilling topic for her and she had no fear to handle the electric car when
she took her first test drive. She was not sure whether the car was on, because it did not make a sound.
Jennifer experienced a BEV when she used carsharing. For her, it was a negative experience: The step-by-step
introduction that leads customers through the check-in process at the beginning of a trip was not adapted to the
electric car and was, therefore, a bit confusing to her. She did not like all the technical toys in the car. She just
needed a car to go from A to B and was not interested in testing innovative technologies. In addition, she was unsure
about the range of BEVs: She once even did not use the available vehicle because it only had 20 percent battery left
and she thought this would not be enough for the planned trip. She prefers to take a vehicle with an internal
combustion engine rather than an electric car.
5.2. Carsharing with BEVs as an alternative of sustainable Mobility?
To understand the potential to shift to carsharing services with or without BEVs, we asked the respondents under
which conditions they can think of getting rid of their own car and use mobility services instead. Melanie and Lina
said, that it was no option for them the switch to carsharing. For Melanie, the children and her husband are the main
reason. If she has to go somewhere by herself, she uses PT. But if she goes on a trip with the kids and her husband,
then she takes the car. This applies for regular trips on the weekend but also for other trips like going to the
paediatrician. We asked her to consider doing this with a shared vehicle and she said that she cannot imagine how to
get with the children to the vehicle. She would have to take two child seats with her besides taking care of the
children themselves on the way there. In addition, when she would want to go back home, she would have to find a
new car to take or pay for the car waiting for her. Although, she does not consider that she could save money without
having to pay for her car’s insurance and tax, this seem to be inappropriate. For her it is important as well that she
can leave things in her car and does not have to clean up after using a carsharing. Especially with children, this
seems to be inconceivable to her.
For Lina, using carsharing with or without BEVs would take a save feeling away from her, which is very
important for her mobility. Because her car is essential for her social live, she cannot imagine relying on a car
availability that cannot be controlled by her. Although, her trips are not as spontaneous, for her, planning her trips
seems to be no option. Her car is part of the family and offers her a kind freedom, that leads to a strong emotional
connection. This connection cannot be compared to using different cars that are shared with strangers.
Sophia and Jennifer – both without children – were asked about the possibility of not getting a car in the first
place for the scenarios they descripted in the previous section. Both said that with children the possibility to take
carsharing seems limited, although for both, it presents a promising option of sustainable urban mobil ity. For
12 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
Jennifer, though, the possibility of having different models is positive; Sophia prefers the same car model, so she
gets routine with the vehicle. Although, Sophia stated that she would probably have to go grocery shopping more
often with children, using carsharing to bring heavy groceries or furniture home for example seems to lose
importance because of more and more options of getting those delivered.
Ronja, who recently bought a car after she used to use carsharing services on a regular base, was asked again
about the reasons specifically in contrast to what changed: For her, it is easier to keep things in the car, which is
directly linked to taking care of the children and entertaining them while they drive for instance with a DVD player
attached to the front seats or other games that stay in the car.
The distance to a vehicle is another issue: Jennifer accepts 500 meters to the next available car. Melanie gave us a
distance from her home to the end of her street, which is about 500 meters as well. For her, this would be the furthest
she would go only if the children are having a good day. As we saw in section 3.1, 500 meters is the average
distance that was covered on foot. Ronja pointed out, that she cannot carry her baby in the baby seat further then to
the gate of her apartment building. Distance and children and respective child seats are mutually reinforcing issues.
Especially, walking with more than one child plus seat seems impossible.
Battery electric vehicles are seen positively by the respondents except for Jennifer as seen in the previous section.
She associates too much technology in the vehicle that is not necessary for her. In contrast, for Sophia, BEVs seem
to be a better option not only because of their significantly better eco-balance but also because vehicles with an
automatic transmission are much easier to handle. Her main issue with carsharing is the active participation in urban
traffic. Although, she learned how to drive in Berlin in 2009, she is not used to it anymore. She perceives bike rides
as an aggressive group and cannot imagine using carsharing infrequently, because she would need to get used to
driving again every single time.
It turned out, that all our respondents talked about common issues they expect to face if they use carsharing –
especially with children. They all said it is an environmental friendly way of transport but cannot imagine it as a part
of their mobility. Carsharing services either with or without BEVs do not seem to be feasible with children because
of several aspects. For none of the respondents, a financial benefit would balance the deficits of the use of carsharing
with or without BEVs.
6. Discussion and conclusion
This case study showed that women in urban areas have specific requirements for their daily mobility. Using an
innovative mixed-method-approach allowed us to get deeper insights to understanding women’s mobility.
Combining gps data with qualitative interviews provides a holistic data analysis that connects to the latest discourse
of mobility and spatial theories.
Based on five different cases of women living within the business area of carsharing services in Berlin, we
present a gender aligned way of trip visualisation and analysis of women’s mobility-patterns. It allows to grasp the
whole picture of trips and respects usual trip chaining of mothers and the circumstances like accompanying children
or friends, goods that need to be transported and even health of the travellers. This list is based on the information
from our interviews and needs further investigation to be completed.
We found that car use was mainly because of transporting larger goods or being accompanied by children.
Although, the combined gps data and the personal reports of the respondents show that women’s daily mobility with
(younger) children mostly take place in the near surroundings, for longer or unusual trips, women prefer to use their
own car. They try to avoid using PT with children, which is not feasible due to a lack of (private) space for children,
no barrier-free stations and all the equipment that they need to take with them because of the children. The
importance of transporting larger goods is expected to decrease because of more and more possibilities to get
groceries or larger goods delivered. Although expected due to women’s lower incomes compared to men, potential
financial benefits of using carsharing with and without BEVs do not balance the needs women have for their daily
mobility.
A better understanding of typical mobility patterns of urban women, their trip requirements, and resulting
mobility limitations clears the path to design and establish sustainable urban mobility concepts as an alternative to
private car ownership. Not least because of their responsibility for children, especially women are more concerned
about environmental friendly mobility than men (Kawgan-Kagan, 2018). Nevertheless, innovative technologies are
Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159 157
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 11
Jennifer used carsharing twice a week because she worked the night shift near the airport Tegel. This way, she
saved 30 minutes for each trip. She appreciated the convenience and that she did not have to rely on the PT night
schedule with a low frequency. She felt protected from cold weather and other people.
Ronja used round trip carsharing almost every weekend before they bought their car a year ago: Because they had
to take two kid’s seats with them, her husband went to get the vehicle and picked up the rest of the family from
home. This way, the problem with a long distance to the next available car was solved without the children having to
walk far and the parents having to carry the respective child seats. She said it was a convenient way to go to trips
with the whole family. The only problem she found besides the distance was that they had to plan when they wanted
to be back. For the service they used, it was necessary to reserve ahead and give a period of use. This way, other
customers had the chance to reserve the car for the time after their trip. This resulted in stressful situations because it
was not easy to stick to their plans with the children.
Carsharing was used to take purchases home when public transportation was not an option. Jennifer used
carsharing to get cat litter home from a store that was further away than walking distance. Usually, she got several
packages at once, so she did not have to go as often. She found it convenient not having to carry the heavy packages
or take them into public transport. Recently, she gets the heavy packages delivered, so she does not use carsharing
for this reason anymore. She appreciates that there are different car models that fit the respective needs of the trip.
Car2go had only two-seated smarts, which she found too small in general.
Lina loves driving cars. BEVs for her mean a promising and sustainable type of driving. It is her dream to get a
Tesla because they have the best-looking models with the greatest range, but due to their high price, she thinks it is
rather unrealistic. Technical innovation is a thrilling topic for her and she had no fear to handle the electric car when
she took her first test drive. She was not sure whether the car was on, because it did not make a sound.
Jennifer experienced a BEV when she used carsharing. For her, it was a negative experience: The step-by-step
introduction that leads customers through the check-in process at the beginning of a trip was not adapted to the
electric car and was, therefore, a bit confusing to her. She did not like all the technical toys in the car. She just
needed a car to go from A to B and was not interested in testing innovative technologies. In addition, she was unsure
about the range of BEVs: She once even did not use the available vehicle because it only had 20 percent battery left
and she thought this would not be enough for the planned trip. She prefers to take a vehicle with an internal
combustion engine rather than an electric car.
5.2. Carsharing with BEVs as an alternative of sustainable Mobility?
To understand the potential to shift to carsharing services with or without BEVs, we asked the respondents under
which conditions they can think of getting rid of their own car and use mobility services instead. Melanie and Lina
said, that it was no option for them the switch to carsharing. For Melanie, the children and her husband are the main
reason. If she has to go somewhere by herself, she uses PT. But if she goes on a trip with the kids and her husband,
then she takes the car. This applies for regular trips on the weekend but also for other trips like going to the
paediatrician. We asked her to consider doing this with a shared vehicle and she said that she cannot imagine how to
get with the children to the vehicle. She would have to take two child seats with her besides taking care of the
children themselves on the way there. In addition, when she would want to go back home, she would have to find a
new car to take or pay for the car waiting for her. Although, she does not consider that she could save money without
having to pay for her car’s insurance and tax, this seem to be inappropriate. For her it is important as well that she
can leave things in her car and does not have to clean up after using a carsharing. Especially with children, this
seems to be inconceivable to her.
For Lina, using carsharing with or without BEVs would take a save feeling away from her, which is very
important for her mobility. Because her car is essential for her social live, she cannot imagine relying on a car
availability that cannot be controlled by her. Although, her trips are not as spontaneous, for her, planning her trips
seems to be no option. Her car is part of the family and offers her a kind freedom, that leads to a strong emotional
connection. This connection cannot be compared to using different cars that are shared with strangers.
Sophia and Jennifer – both without children – were asked about the possibility of not getting a car in the first
place for the scenarios they descripted in the previous section. Both said that with children the possibility to take
carsharing seems limited, although for both, it presents a promising option of sustainable urban mobil ity. For
12 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
Jennifer, though, the possibility of having different models is positive; Sophia prefers the same car model, so she
gets routine with the vehicle. Although, Sophia stated that she would probably have to go grocery shopping more
often with children, using carsharing to bring heavy groceries or furniture home for example seems to lose
importance because of more and more options of getting those delivered.
Ronja, who recently bought a car after she used to use carsharing services on a regular base, was asked again
about the reasons specifically in contrast to what changed: For her, it is easier to keep things in the car, which is
directly linked to taking care of the children and entertaining them while they drive for instance with a DVD player
attached to the front seats or other games that stay in the car.
The distance to a vehicle is another issue: Jennifer accepts 500 meters to the next available car. Melanie gave us a
distance from her home to the end of her street, which is about 500 meters as well. For her, this would be the furthest
she would go only if the children are having a good day. As we saw in section 3.1, 500 meters is the average
distance that was covered on foot. Ronja pointed out, that she cannot carry her baby in the baby seat further then to
the gate of her apartment building. Distance and children and respective child seats are mutually reinforcing issues.
Especially, walking with more than one child plus seat seems impossible.
Battery electric vehicles are seen positively by the respondents except for Jennifer as seen in the previous section.
She associates too much technology in the vehicle that is not necessary for her. In contrast, for Sophia, BEVs seem
to be a better option not only because of their significantly better eco-balance but also because vehicles with an
automatic transmission are much easier to handle. Her main issue with carsharing is the active participation in urban
traffic. Although, she learned how to drive in Berlin in 2009, she is not used to it anymore. She perceives bike rides
as an aggressive group and cannot imagine using carsharing infrequently, because she would need to get used to
driving again every single time.
It turned out, that all our respondents talked about common issues they expect to face if they use carsharing –
especially with children. They all said it is an environmental friendly way of transport but cannot imagine it as a part
of their mobility. Carsharing services either with or without BEVs do not seem to be feasible with children because
of several aspects. For none of the respondents, a financial benefit would balance the deficits of the use of carsharing
with or without BEVs.
6. Discussion and conclusion
This case study showed that women in urban areas have specific requirements for their daily mobility. Using an
innovative mixed-method-approach allowed us to get deeper insights to understanding women’s mobility.
Combining gps data with qualitative interviews provides a holistic data analysis that connects to the latest discourse
of mobility and spatial theories.
Based on five different cases of women living within the business area of carsharing services in Berlin, we
present a gender aligned way of trip visualisation and analysis of women’s mobility-patterns. It allows to grasp the
whole picture of trips and respects usual trip chaining of mothers and the circumstances like accompanying children
or friends, goods that need to be transported and even health of the travellers. This list is based on the information
from our interviews and needs further investigation to be completed.
We found that car use was mainly because of transporting larger goods or being accompanied by children.
Although, the combined gps data and the personal reports of the respondents show that women’s daily mobility with
(younger) children mostly take place in the near surroundings, for longer or unusual trips, women prefer to use their
own car. They try to avoid using PT with children, which is not feasible due to a lack of (private) space for children,
no barrier-free stations and all the equipment that they need to take with them because of the children. The
importance of transporting larger goods is expected to decrease because of more and more possibilities to get
groceries or larger goods delivered. Although expected due to women’s lower incomes compared to men, potential
financial benefits of using carsharing with and without BEVs do not balance the needs women have for their daily
mobility.
A better understanding of typical mobility patterns of urban women, their trip requirements, and resulting
mobility limitations clears the path to design and establish sustainable urban mobility concepts as an alternative to
private car ownership. Not least because of their responsibility for children, especially women are more concerned
about environmental friendly mobility than men (Kawgan-Kagan, 2018). Nevertheless, innovative technologies are
158 Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 13
not part of their daily mobility. Their more pragmatic attitude towards cars can be explained with other priorities due
to their double load, childcare, household tasks and work. In addition, we found that the practice of driving a car in
urban traffic is another obstacle to overcome. BEVs are perceived as being easy to handle but due to a lot of
innovative technical features, they seem less attractive to women, they do not match the pragmatic approach of urban
women’s mobility.
Regarding the combination with other modes of transport, we found that, it is even more problematic for women
who combine PT with carsharing, if they are not as experienced in driving. Although it could provide an alternative
to PT, for safe trips in whenever this safety cannot be provided by using PT in specific situations. For women who
actively participate in traffic more frequently – like using a bike for some of their trips, it is easier to switch their
mindset from being driven by PT to driving themselves.
To sum it up, an innovative research design combining gps data with qualitative interviews allowed us to identify
gender inherent obstacles to a shift towards carsharing with and without BEVs. These obstacles include missing
child seats, long distances to available cars, no planning reliability, and a lack of driving practice in urban traffic.
References
Ahrend, Daubitz, Schwedes, Böhme, & Herget. (2013). Kleiner Begriffskanon der Mobilitätsforschung. Discussion Paper.
Ahrens, G.-A. (2009). Endbericht zur Verkehrserhebung „Mobilität in Städten – SrV 2008“ in Berlin. Dresden.
Ahrens, G.-A. (2014). Tabellenbericht zum Forschungsprojekt „Mobilität in Städten – SrV 2013“ in Berlin: Auftraggeber: Senatsverwaltung für
Stadtentwicklung und Umwelt Berlin. Dresden.
Bauhardt, C. (1999). Bürgersteige und Straßenbahnen für die Frauen – den Männern ICE und Transrapid? In S. Collmer, P. Döge, & B. Fenner
(Eds.), Technik,, Politik, Geschlecht. Bielefeld: Kleine Verlag.
Burkhardt, J. E., & Millard-Ball, A. (2006). Who is attracted to carsharing? Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation
Research Board, 1986, 98-105.
BVG. (2016). Zahlenspiegel 2017. Berliner Verkehrsbetriebe (BVG) Anstalt des öffentlichen Rechts.
Costain, C., Ardron, C., & Habib, K. N. (2012). Synopsis of users’ behaviour of a carsharing program: A case study in Toronto. Transportation
Research Part A: Policy and Practice, 46(3), 421-434. doi:10.1016/j.tra.2011.11.005
Dribe, M., & Stanfors, M. (2009). Does Parenthood Strengthen a Traditional Household Division of Labor? Evidence From Sweden, National
Council on Family Relations. Journal of Marriage and Family, 71(1), 33-45. doi:10.1111/j.1741-3737.2008.00578.x
Gender Datenreport Berlin 2012. (2012). Retrieved from
Hanson, S., & Hanson, P. (1980). Gender and urban activity patterns in Uppsala, Sweden. Geographical Review, 291-299.
Herget, M. (2013). Verkehrsverhalten und Mobilitätsstrategien von Familien im ländlichen Raum Deutschlands unter besonderer
Berücksichtigung rollentypischer Arbeitsteilung. Berlin: Zentral- und Landesbibliothek Berlin.
Hinkeldein, D., Schoenduwe, R., Graff, A., & Hoffmann, C. (2015). Who Would Use Integrated Sustainable Mobility Services – And Why?
Sustainable Urban Transport (pp. 177-203).
Hunecke, M. (2015). Mobilitätsverhalten verstehen und verändern: Psychologische Beiträge zur interdisziplinären Mobilitätsforschung (Aufl.
2015 ed.). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden.
Hunecke, M., Haustein, S., Grischkat, S., & Böhler, S. (2007). Psychological, sociodemographic, and infrastructural factors as determinants of
ecological impact caused by mobility behavior1. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 27(4), 277-292. doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2007.08.001
Kawgan-Kagan, I. (2015). Early adopters of carsharing with and without BEVs with respect to gender preferences. European Transport Research
Review, 7(4), 1-11. doi:10.1007/s12544-015-0183-3
Kawgan-Kagan, I. (2018). Are Women greener than Men? A preference analysis of women and men from major cities in Germany over
sustainable urban mobility. Manuscript submitted for publication.
Knoll, B., Szalai, E., Steininger, D., & Urbanek, B. (2009). Gender Gap im Verkehrs- und Mobilitätsbereich, Hintergrundbericht. Retrieved from
Wie n:
Koglin, T. (2017). Drivers and Barriers for Integrated Mobility Services. Retrieved from
Konrad, K. (2016). Mobiler Alltag im Wandel des Geschlechterverhältnisses. Wiesbaden: Springer VS.
Law, R. (1999). Beyond ‘women and transport’: towards new geographies of gender and daily mobility. Progress in Human Geography, 23(4),
567-588.
Löw, M. (2001). Raumsoziologie (1. Auflage, Originalausgabe ed.). Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.
Löw, M. (2008). The Constitution of Space. European Journal of Social Theory, 11(1), 25–49. doi:10.1177/1368431007085286
Martens, S., & Pauls, K. (2011). Gendergerechte Verkehrsplanung, Slogan, Mode, Utopie oder praxistaugliche Planungshilfe? Retrieved from
Stuttgart:
Mayring, P. (2010). Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse. In G. Mey & K. Mruck (Eds.), Handbuch Qualitative Forschung in der Psychologie (pp. 601-613).
Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.
Mobilität in Städten – SrV 2008: Sample Berlin. Analysis by TU Dresden / VIP. (2008). Retrieved from Berlin:
Popp, M. (2017a). Qualitative GPS-gestützte Mobilitäts- und Sozialraumanalyse: Vortrag auf der Interdisziplinären Fachtagung „Quartier als
Problemraum? Quartier als Perspektive!“. Bochum: Hochschule für Gesundheit.
14 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
Popp, M. (2017b). Sozialer Raum und Lebenszufriedenheit im Alter: Dissertation an der Universität Bamberg. Manuskript in Vorbereitung.
Rogers, E. M. (2003). Diffusion of Innovations, 5th Edition: Free Press.
Ruhrort, L., Steiner, J., Graff, A., Hinkeldein, D., & Hoffmann, C. (2014). Carsharing with electric vehicles in the context of users' mobility needs
- results from user-centred research from the BeMobility field trial (Berlin). International Journal of Automotive Technology and
Management, 14(3/4), 286. doi:10.1504/ijatm.2014.065294
Scheiner, J., & Holz-Rau, C. (Eds.). (2015). Räumliche Mobilität und Lebenslauf: Studien zu Mobilitätsbiografien und Mobilitätssozialisation.
Weisbaden: Springer VS.
Schlag, B., & Schade, J. (2007). Psychologie des Mobilitätsverhaltens. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 29-30/2007, 27-32.
Schlag, B., Schade, J., & Risser, R. (2007). Psychologische Grundlagen der Steuerung von Mobilität. In H. P. Krüger (Ed.), Enzyklopädie der
Psychologie: Praxisgebiet 6: Verkehrspsychologie Bd 1, Verkehrverhalten. Göttingen: Hogrefe Verlag.
Schneebaum, A., & Mader, K. (2013). The gendered nature of intra-household decision making in and across Europe. In W. V. U. o. E. a.
Business (Ed.), Department of Economics Working Paper Series (Vol. 157). Vienna.
Shaheen, S., Chan, N. D., & Micheaux, H. (2015). One-way carsharing’s evolution and operator perspectives from the Americas. Transportation,
42(3), 519-536. doi:10.1007/s11116-015-9607-0
Stiewe, M., & Krause, L. (2012). Geschlechterverhältnisse und Mobilität–Welchen Beitrag leisten Mobilitätserhebungen?, Schwechat.
Wang, M., Martin, E., & Shaheen, S. (2012). Carsharing in Shanghai, China. Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation
Research Board, 2319, 86-95. doi:10.3141/2319-10
infas; DLR (2010): Mobilität in Deutschland 2008. Ergebnisbericht. Struktur - Aufkommen - Emission - Trends. Unter Mitarbeit von Follmer,
Robert; Gruschwitz, Dana; Jesske, Birgit; Quandt, Sylvia; Lenz, Barbara; Nobis et al. Bonn, Berlin.
Ines Kawgan-Kagan et al. / Transportation Research Procedia 31 (2018) 146–159 159
Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 13
not part of their daily mobility. Their more pragmatic attitude towards cars can be explained with other priorities due
to their double load, childcare, household tasks and work. In addition, we found that the practice of driving a car in
urban traffic is another obstacle to overcome. BEVs are perceived as being easy to handle but due to a lot of
innovative technical features, they seem less attractive to women, they do not match the pragmatic approach of urban
women’s mobility.
Regarding the combination with other modes of transport, we found that, it is even more problematic for women
who combine PT with carsharing, if they are not as experienced in driving. Although it could provide an alternative
to PT, for safe trips in whenever this safety cannot be provided by using PT in specific situations. For women who
actively participate in traffic more frequently – like using a bike for some of their trips, it is easier to switch their
mindset from being driven by PT to driving themselves.
To sum it up, an innovative research design combining gps data with qualitative interviews allowed us to identify
gender inherent obstacles to a shift towards carsharing with and without BEVs. These obstacles include missing
child seats, long distances to available cars, no planning reliability, and a lack of driving practice in urban traffic.
References
Ahrend, Daubitz, Schwedes, Böhme, & Herget. (2013). Kleiner Begriffskanon der Mobilitätsforschung. Discussion Paper.
Ahrens, G.-A. (2009). Endbericht zur Verkehrserhebung „Mobilität in Städten – SrV 2008“ in Berlin. Dresden.
Ahrens, G.-A. (2014). Tabellenbericht zum Forschungsprojekt „Mobilität in Städten – SrV 2013“ in Berlin: Auftraggeber: Senatsverwaltung für
Stadtentwicklung und Umwelt Berlin. Dresden.
Bauhardt, C. (1999). Bürgersteige und Straßenbahnen für die Frauen – den Männern ICE und Transrapid? In S. Collmer, P. Döge, & B. Fenner
(Eds.), Technik,, Politik, Geschlecht. Bielefeld: Kleine Verlag.
Burkhardt, J. E., & Millard-Ball, A. (2006). Who is attracted to carsharing? Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation
Research Board, 1986, 98-105.
BVG. (2016). Zahlenspiegel 2017. Berliner Verkehrsbetriebe (BVG) Anstalt des öffentlichen Rechts.
Costain, C., Ardron, C., & Habib, K. N. (2012). Synopsis of users’ behaviour of a carsharing program: A case study in Toronto. Transportation
Research Part A: Policy and Practice, 46(3), 421-434. doi:10.1016/j.tra.2011.11.005
Dribe, M., & Stanfors, M. (2009). Does Parenthood Strengthen a Traditional Household Division of Labor? Evidence From Sweden, National
Council on Family Relations. Journal of Marriage and Family, 71(1), 33-45. doi:10.1111/j.1741-3737.2008.00578.x
Gender Datenreport Berlin 2012. (2012). Retrieved from
Hanson, S., & Hanson, P. (1980). Gender and urban activity patterns in Uppsala, Sweden. Geographical Review, 291-299.
Herget, M. (2013). Verkehrsverhalten und Mobilitätsstrategien von Familien im ländlichen Raum Deutschlands unter besonderer
Berücksichtigung rollentypischer Arbeitsteilung. Berlin: Zentral- und Landesbibliothek Berlin.
Hinkeldein, D., Schoenduwe, R., Graff, A., & Hoffmann, C. (2015). Who Would Use Integrated Sustainable Mobility Services – And Why?
Sustainable Urban Transport (pp. 177-203).
Hunecke, M. (2015). Mobilitätsverhalten verstehen und verändern: Psychologische Beiträge zur interdisziplinären Mobilitätsforschung (Aufl.
2015 ed.). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden.
Hunecke, M., Haustein, S., Grischkat, S., & Böhler, S. (2007). Psychological, sociodemographic, and infrastructural factors as determinants of
ecological impact caused by mobility behavior1. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 27(4), 277-292. doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2007.08.001
Kawgan-Kagan, I. (2015). Early adopters of carsharing with and without BEVs with respect to gender preferences. European Transport Research
Review, 7(4), 1-11. doi:10.1007/s12544-015-0183-3
Kawgan-Kagan, I. (2018). Are Women greener than Men? A preference analysis of women and men from major cities in Germany over
sustainable urban mobility. Manuscript submitted for publication.
Knoll, B., Szalai, E., Steininger, D., & Urbanek, B. (2009). Gender Gap im Verkehrs- und Mobilitätsbereich, Hintergrundbericht. Retrieved from
Wie n:
Koglin, T. (2017). Drivers and Barriers for Integrated Mobility Services. Retrieved from
Konrad, K. (2016). Mobiler Alltag im Wandel des Geschlechterverhältnisses. Wiesbaden: Springer VS.
Law, R. (1999). Beyond ‘women and transport’: towards new geographies of gender and daily mobility. Progress in Human Geography, 23(4),
567-588.
Löw, M. (2001). Raumsoziologie (1. Auflage, Originalausgabe ed.). Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.
Löw, M. (2008). The Constitution of Space. European Journal of Social Theory, 11(1), 25–49. doi:10.1177/1368431007085286
Martens, S., & Pauls, K. (2011). Gendergerechte Verkehrsplanung, Slogan, Mode, Utopie oder praxistaugliche Planungshilfe? Retrieved from
Stuttgart:
Mayring, P. (2010). Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse. In G. Mey & K. Mruck (Eds.), Handbuch Qualitative Forschung in der Psychologie (pp. 601-613).
Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.
Mobilität in Städten – SrV 2008: Sample Berlin. Analysis by TU Dresden / VIP. (2008). Retrieved from Berlin:
Popp, M. (2017a). Qualitative GPS-gestützte Mobilitäts- und Sozialraumanalyse: Vortrag auf der Interdisziplinären Fachtagung „Quartier als
Problemraum? Quartier als Perspektive!“. Bochum: Hochschule für Gesundheit.
14 Kawgan-Kagan/ Transportation Research Procedia00 (2016) 000–000
Popp, M. (2017b). Sozialer Raum und Lebenszufriedenheit im Alter: Dissertation an der Universität Bamberg. Manuskript in Vorbereitung.
Rogers, E. M. (2003). Diffusion of Innovations, 5th Edition: Free Press.
Ruhrort, L., Steiner, J., Graff, A., Hinkeldein, D., & Hoffmann, C. (2014). Carsharing with electric vehicles in the context of users' mobility needs
- results from user-centred research from the BeMobility field trial (Berlin). International Journal of Automotive Technology and
Management, 14(3/4), 286. doi:10.1504/ijatm.2014.065294
Scheiner, J., & Holz-Rau, C. (Eds.). (2015). Räumliche Mobilität und Lebenslauf: Studien zu Mobilitätsbiografien und Mobilitätssozialisation.
Weisbaden: Springer VS.
Schlag, B., & Schade, J. (2007). Psychologie des Mobilitätsverhaltens. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 29-30/2007, 27-32.
Schlag, B., Schade, J., & Risser, R. (2007). Psychologische Grundlagen der Steuerung von Mobilität. In H. P. Krüger (Ed.), Enzyklopädie der
Psychologie: Praxisgebiet 6: Verkehrspsychologie Bd 1, Verkehrverhalten. Göttingen: Hogrefe Verlag.
Schneebaum, A., & Mader, K. (2013). The gendered nature of intra-household decision making in and across Europe. In W. V. U. o. E. a.
Business (Ed.), Department of Economics Working Paper Series (Vol. 157). Vienna.
Shaheen, S., Chan, N. D., & Micheaux, H. (2015). One-way carsharing’s evolution and operator perspectives from the Americas. Transportation,
42(3), 519-536. doi:10.1007/s11116-015-9607-0
Stiewe, M., & Krause, L. (2012). Geschlechterverhältnisse und Mobilität–Welchen Beitrag leisten Mobilitätserhebungen?, Schwechat.
Wang, M., Martin, E., & Shaheen, S. (2012). Carsharing in Shanghai, China. Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation
Research Board, 2319, 86-95. doi:10.3141/2319-10
infas; DLR (2010): Mobilität in Deutschland 2008. Ergebnisbericht. Struktur - Aufkommen - Emission - Trends. Unter Mitarbeit von Follmer,
Robert; Gruschwitz, Dana; Jesske, Birgit; Quandt, Sylvia; Lenz, Barbara; Nobis et al. Bonn, Berlin.