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School Science and Mathematics. 2018;1–14. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ssm
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© 2018 School Science and Mathematics Association
Developing talent in science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics (STEM) remains a national priority, one for
which increasing the number of STEM participants from
historically underrepresented populations is germane. For
instance, in the United States in 2015, only 2.5% of the en-
gineering professoriate, 3.2% of engineering doctorate re-
cipients, and 1.6% of those enrolled in engineering doctoral
degree programs were Black (Yoder, 2015). Increasing the
number of historically underrepresented students who com-
plete advanced degrees in STEM will not only aid in solv-
ing national problems such as building infrastructure and
strengthening national security, but also provide more mod-
els of success for future generations.
Scholarship suggests that early interest in math and sci-
ence is a key factor in nurturing participation through STEM
pathways (Maltese, Melki, & Wiebke, 2014; Williams, Burt,
& Hilton, 2016). Maltese and Tai’s (2010) study on the origins
of science participation reported that 85 out of 116 graduate
students referenced an early interest in science; specifically,
65% of participants reported that their interest began prior to
middle school, 30% in the middle or high school years, and
only 5% beginning with their college matriculation (Maltese
& Tai, 2010). This indicates that most STEM students de-
velop their interest during formative educational years.
Even students who become interested at early ages, how-
ever, may face obstacles that threaten participation in STEM
(e.g., underresourced schools, culturally irrelevant pedago-
gies, teachers who do not see their potential) (Berry, 2008;
Hrabowski & Pearson, 1993; Moore, Madison‐Colmore,
& Smith, 2003; Russell & Atwater, 2005). These barriers
prevent kids from gaining valuable preparation for STEM
majors and deter them from choosing and navigating prob-
lematic weed‐out courses and completing STEM bachelor’s
and graduate degrees (Burt, McKen, Burkhart, Hormell,
& Knight, in press; Fries‐Britt, 2017; Fries‐Britt, Burt, &
Johnson, 2012; Green & Glasson, 2009; Williams, Burt, &
Hilton, 2016). While a small but growing corpus on the expe-
riences of students of color provides insight into overcoming
systemic barriers in STEM (Burt, Knight, & Roberson, 2017;
McGee & Martin, 2011), more work is needed to understand
Received: 9 December 2017
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Revised: 22 May 2018
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Accepted: 5 June 2018
DOI: 10.1111/ssm.12294
RESEARCH PAPER – INTEGRATED STEM EDUCATION
Origins of early STEM interest for Black male graduate students
in engineering: A community cultural wealth perspective
Brian A. Burt
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Jarrel T. Johnson
Higher Education,Iowa State University,
Ames, Iowa
Correspondence
Brian A. Burt, Higher Education, Iowa State
University, Ames, IA.
Email: burt@iastate.edu
Funding information
National Science Foundation, Grant/Award
Number: 1101284; National Academy of
Education, Grant/Award Number: Spencer
Postdoctoral Fellowship
Abstract
The development of talent in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM)
fields remains a national priority, one for which increasing the number of STEM participants
from historically underrepresented populations is germane. Increasing the number of histori-
cally underrepresented students who complete advanced degrees in STEM will not only aid in
solving national problems such as building infrastructure and strengthening national security,
but also provide more models of success for future generations. Addressing this priority re-
quires developing a better understanding of what leads students into and through STEM path-
ways, and finding ways to eliminate systemic barriers to their participation in STEM. This
study reports on the origins of early STEM interest among 30 Black male graduate students in
engineering. Using a community cultural wealth perspective, this article uncovers the people
and activities that nurtured students into and through STEM pathways. The findings from this
study provide clues to the social support and activities necessary for early interest in STEM.
KEYWORDS
Black males, broadening participation, community cultural wealth, origins
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BURT and JOHNSON
the resources (i.e., individuals and activities) students access
during formative years. This article examines the origins of
early STEM interest for Black males in engineering gradu-
ate programs, asking which individuals and activities nurture
their early interest in STEM and how. Gaining a better under-
standing of the origins of early STEM interest may provide
clues to improving policies and practices that broaden STEM
participation.
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LITERATURE
A child’s academic trajectory depends greatly on paren-
tal involvement. For example, Strayhorn’s (2010) study of
math achievement of Black high school students showed
that those with involved parents (e.g., parents attend-
ing parent‐teacher conferences and PTA meetings) had
better records of mathematics achievement. According
to Strayhorn, greater school involvement built the social
and cultural capital parents needed to help their children
navigate the educational process. Similarly, Van Voorhis
(2003) found that children turned in more accurate assign-
ments and received higher grades in science when family
members helped with homework. Research also shows that
parents promote their children’s academic success when
they advocate for them. Berry’s (2008) study on eight
African American middle school boys’ success in math-
ematics showed that four of the eight boys were placed into
gifted courses as a result of their parents advocating for
them despite their teachers’ disregard of their mathemati-
cal abilities. Berry’s study also highlighted the role of the
broader family—not solely parents—with six of the eight
boys noting that their grandmothers consistently rewarded
them for their academic performance. Existing literature
has not exhaustively explored “parental involvement.”
There are likely to be many other ways in which parents
contribute to their child’s achievement. Key to the studies
above, however, are the ways in which parents recognized
and questioned the systems and structures of oppression
that tend to overlook students’ academic potential.
While parents and families share an important role in cul-
tivating and maintaining the STEM interest of Black boys,
teachers and school staff have an equally important role in
acknowledging, affirming, and ensuring their academic suc-
cess. Moore’s (2006) qualitative analysis stressed the im-
portance of teachers and school administrators (i.e., school
counselors) to African American males’ career trajectories
in engineering. For instance, one student recalled that his
interest in math was encouraged by a fifth‐grade teacher
who expressed confidence in his ability and provided addi-
tional advanced curriculum worksheets for him to complete.
This increased his confidence and motivation and made him
realize how much math interested him, and he began to focus
on enhancing his math skills. McGee and Pearman’s (2014)
study of 13 Black boys with high mathematics aptitudes
provided an anti‐deficit depiction of Black boys achieving
in math despite external challenges. Nine of the boys in the
study considered themselves proficient in math from an early
age. The authors found that students identified at an early
age as mathematically gifted enjoyed and saw themselves
as able to successfully do math. Their findings highlight the
role teachers play in identifying potential instead of limita-
tions. Specifically, students whose math proficiency was not
recognized prior to fifth grade reported that their middle
school teachers went above and beyond to affirm their tal-
ent. These findings suggest that Black boys whose teachers
affirm that they are gifted in mathematics excel and develop
a genuine interest. When teachers and school administrators
are invested in Black boys’ academic achievement and pro-
mote their STEM interests, boys are more likely to continue
in STEM (Brown & Kelly, 2007; McGee & Pearman, 2014;
Moore, 2006).
The role of “play” in the learning process of chil-
dren has been well documented (Brewer, 2007; Crowley,
Barron, Knutson, & Martin, 2015). Play serves as a cata-
lyst for curiosity, initiative, investigation, innovation, and
creativity (Alexander, Johnson, & Kelley, 2012). Further,
play (e.g., puzzles, blocks, flashcards, video and internet
games) facilitates knowledge development and interest
in math and science (Maltese, Melki, & Wiebke, 2014;
McGee & Perman, 2014; Strayhorn, 2015). For play to
be an effective tool for learning, however, it needs to be
incentivized, encouraged, and intentional. For example,
Maltese, Melki, and Wiebke (2014) found that students
became interested in science and math through a variety
of play activities: building/tinkering, engaging in outdoor
activities, and using media (books, television, and video
games). They also reported that students’ interest in math
and science was cultivated prior to kindergarten. Similarly,
Berry (2008) reported that one participant’s love for math
was facilitated through play with his father (math games,
puzzles, and mathematics problem sets). Play in the form
of athletics can also contribute. Brown and Kelly (2007) il-
lustrated how both epistemological and ontological change
occurred among high school students on a baseball team
as they learned more about the science behind the sport.
The baseball coach (who was also a science teacher in the
school and the primary researcher for the study) helped his
team members see the connections between baseball and
physics. The coach mediated students’ learning by help-
ing them understand the physics behind throwing curve-
balls and implementing drills that required them to practice
throwing curveballs. Brown and Kelly found that linking
the act of throwing curve balls with the explanation of
the science behind the ball’s curving increased students’
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BURT and JOHNSON
appreciation of “being a baseball player”; that is, their un-
derstanding of what it meant to be a baseball player deep-
ened as a result of being able to explain the science behind
their sport. When play also incorporates discussion related
to education, children may develop conceptual interests in
science (Alexander, Johnson, & Kelley, 2012).
Acquiring foundational knowledge in science and mathe-
matics is critical to postsecondary involvement (Berry, 2008;
Burt et al., in press; Wright et al., 2016). Acquiring foun-
dational knowledge, however, is connected to understanding
the relevance of the material (Hulleman & Harackiewicz,
2009). In a study on the math achievement of eighth grad-
ers transitioning to high school, students who expressed early
college aspirations tended to stress the importance of math
(Williams, Burt, & Hilton, 2016). Enjoyment of math and
an emphasis on math achievement were related to early col-
lege aspirations and interest in STEM, especially for girls.
In a study on high school science activities, Hulleman and
Harackiewicz (2009) revealed that students had greater in-
terest in science, and earned higher grades, when class activ-
ities were relevant to their lives (Hulleman & Harackiewicz,
2009). A 2012 National Committee of Educational Statistics
(NCES) report shows low percentages of African Americans
completing high school physics (30.7%), and various biology,
chemistry, and physics courses (25.4%). This is problematic
because early exposure and access to science courses matter
for postsecondary STEM participation. Without opportuni-
ties to take higher level science courses, likely due to a lack
of school resources and personnel, students may be unable to
take foundational science courses until college (Brown et al.,
2017; Wright et al., 2016).
While the influences presented above (i.e., parental and
familial involvement, teacher engagement, play‐based learn-
ing, positive orientation to math and science) are presented
separately for the purpose of clarity, in practice, they operate
together, often simultaneously.
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THEORETICAL FRAMING
The quantity of research on the perceived deficits of students
of color and their broader cultural communities prompted the
development of Yosso’s (2005) theory of cultural wealth.
Yosso’s theory critiques previous conceptualizations of so-
cial and cultural capital based on White, middle‐class ide-
ologies, and advances considerations of additional forms of
capital found in communities of color that promote success
(George Mwangi, 2015; Harper, 2010; Rendón, Nora, &
Kanagala, 2014). Additional forms most germane to the pre-
sent study include:
1. Aspirational Capital: Sustaining positive outlooks on the
future despite real and perceived barriers.
2. Familial Capital: Utilizing forms of knowledge that are
shared and passed intergenerationally, and that offer con-
nections to one’s community, culture, and history.
3. Social Capital: Drawing on networks of people and re-
sources found within one’s community.
4. Navigational Capital: Activating adaptive strengths to
traverse historically oppressive systems and structures.
5. Resistant Capital: Promoting knowledge and skills
through behaviors that challenge inequality.
Community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) is a valuable tool
to illuminate ways that students of color succeed in STEM path-
ways (Peralta, Caspary, & Boothe, 2013; Samuelson & Litzler,
2016). In this study on Black males in engineering graduate
programs, the theory provides a lens through which to better
understand the extensive strengths that students possess, ver-
sus solely identifying skills they lack. As a preview from the
present study, when Jackson, a third‐year doctoral candidate in
mechanical engineering, mentions the myriad ways his parents
influenced his early interests in STEM, several forms of capital
can be seen. First, familial capital might be seen in the ways his
parents explained the importance of gaining an education and
pursuing STEM, likely related to their own experiences attend-
ing and completing college. Further, the encouragement they
provided him might be viewed as a form of aspirational capital,
whereby their encouragement overshadowed existing barriers
in STEM. It is important to note that Yosso’s forms of capital
do not necessarily work in isolation, but overlap.
Using community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) as a
theoretical framework, this article addresses the following
research questions: What were the origins of STEM and
engineering interest for Black males in graduate programs?
Which individuals and resources nurtured Black male stu-
dents’ early interests in STEM? How did they do so?
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METHODS
3.1
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Data collection procedures
This qualitative study draws on interviews with 30 Black
males in engineering graduate programs (master’s and doc-
toral) between 2010 and 2017. Participants, among the most
talented and promising, attended one of three leading research
universities that belong to the Association of American
Universities (AAU) and are ranked in the top 60 (US News
and World Reports). At all three institutions, the Black grad-
uate student population was less than 5%. Participants rep-
resented the critical mass of Black males in their respective
engineering graduate programs.
Students’ engineering specializations varied (fields in-
cluded electrical, mechanical, civil, industrial, aerospace,
chemical, agricultural, materials science, and design engi-
neering) as did their year in graduate school (ranging at the
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BURT and JOHNSON
time of data collection from the first year through the fifth). In
this article, we use the term “Black” to denote the more global
diaspora of race. That is, “African American” and “Black”
are not synonymous; ten participants considered themselves
“Black” but not “African American” (e.g., Nigerian, West
African, Caribbean, Ethiopian, and Ghanaian). While seven
participants described themselves as low‐income, the ma-
jority reported growing up in middle‐income households.
Six said they were raised primarily by their mothers, but
most reported coming from two‐parent homes. Of the 30
participants, 21 had mothers with postsecondary education,
and four of those had doctorates. Similarly, 18 had fathers
with postsecondary education, three of whom had doctorates.
See profiles of study participants in Table 1.
Institutional insiders (i.e., administrators, peers, and stu-
dents who had already participated in interviews) helped iden-
tify potential participants. Interviews were one‐on‐one and
semistructured (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), and conducted by
the principal investigator (the first author). A protocol guided
interviews but there was flexibility to ask follow‐up questions
TABLE 1 Select demographic data of study participants
Pseudonym Class level Engineering specialization HS GPA HS demo SES House Mother educ. Father educ.
Alphonso* 5th Electrical 3.5 Mixed Middle 2‐parent Bachelor Some college
Ben 2nd Mechanical 3.4 Black Low 2‐parent Bachelor High school
Chris* 5th Chemical 3.9 White Middle 2‐parent Bachelor Masters
Christian 3rd Civil 3.0 Mixed Middle Mother Some college Some college
Daniel 1st Industrial 3.0 Mixed Middle 2‐parent Vocational Master’s
David 1st Design 2.67 Black Middle 2‐parent High school Associate
Dean 1st Electrical 3.5 White Low Mother High school High school
Isaac 4th Agricultural 3.3 Black Middle Single Master’s High school
Jackson* 3rd Mechanical 4.0 White Middle 2‐parent Some college Bachelor
Jacob 3rd Chemical 3.6 White Middle 2‐parent Doctorate Bachelor
Jaden* 2nd Electrical 3.8 White Middle 2‐parent Doctorate Doctorate
Jalen 1st Mechanical n/a Black Middle Single Vocational Vocational
James* 4th Biomedical 4.12 Mixed Middle 2‐parent Master’s Master’s
Jesse 5th Electrical 3.8 Mixed Middle 2‐parent Bachelor Bachelor
Joseph 4th Material 3.4 White Middle 2‐parent Doctorate Doctorate
Logan* 5th Electrical 3.7 Black Middle 2‐parent Master’s Master’s
Lucas 1st Electrical 3.8 White L‐M 2‐parent Master’s Some college
Marcus* 3rd Mechanical 3.9 Mixed L‐M 2‐parent Doctorate Master’s
Martin 2nd Industrial 3.4 Mixed Middle 2‐parent Master’s Master’s
Paul* 4th Electrical n/a Black Low 2‐parent Elementary Elementary
Quentin* 5th Electrical 3.85 Black Middle 2‐parent Some college Bachelor
Robert 2nd Industrial 1.8 Black Middle 2‐parent Master’s Bachelor
Samuel 5th Civil n/a Black Low 2‐parent Middle school Middle school
Shawn 4th Material 3.74 Black Middle Mother High school High school
Terrence* 2nd Material 4.0 Black Middle Mother Bachelor Doctorate
Thomas 3rd Mechanical n/a Black Low 2‐parent High School N/A
Titus 2nd Civil 3.76 White Middle 2‐parent Master’s Master’s
Trai* 4th Mechanical 3.98 White Middle 2‐parent Bachelor Master’s
Tristan 1st Aerospace 3.46 Black Middle 2‐parent Master’s Bachelor
Victor* 5th Chemical 4.17 White Middle 2‐parent Master’s Bachelor
Note. Class Level: Refers to the number of years a student has been in graduate school; HS GPA: High School Grade Point Average; HS Demo: High School Racial
Demographic; SES: Family’s Socioeconomic Status (“L‐M” socioeconomic status indicates that a participant marked in between “low” and “middle” on the demographic
form); House: Household Composition (“Single” denotes that a participant did not specify a parent or guardian); Mother Educ: Mother’s highest level of education;
Father Educ: Father’s highest level of education
*Denotes that a student has graduated since data collection
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BURT and JOHNSON
where necessary. Examples of interview questions included:
When do you remember having your first interest in STEM?
When you first started to show interest in science and math,
did people encourage it (who and how)? You’re defying the
odds, how are you doing it? Interviews ranged from one to
more than two hours and were audio recorded and transcribed
verbatim to capture participants’ vernacular. Participants also
completed an eight‐item demographic form.
3.2
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Data analysis
Thematic analysis was used to identify patterns within the
interview data (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Fereday & Muir‐
Cochrane, 2006). The principal investigator (PI) began by
identifying small chunks of text (i.e., codes) that explained
the experiences of Black males in engineering graduate
programs. This initial coding process revealed that partici-
pants’ stories related to how they became interested in STEM
and how their early STEM interests motivated persistence
in graduate school. The second author then reread all tran-
scripts, focusing on data related to origins of participants’
interest in STEM. After the second round of analysis, both
researchers discussed the data specific to origins of STEM
interest to identify patterns across participants. During these
iterative deliberations, they aimed to better understand the
following prompts: when did Black males become interested
in STEM, who encouraged their interests, and how were their
STEM interests nurtured. Patterned responses to the previ-
ously stated prompts coalesced to form themes. To be certain,
constant discussions of how chunks of data (i.e., codes) and
patterns across participants formed themes ensued until con-
sensus was reached, resulting in the following themes: family
members help cultivate and maintain early STEM interest;
teachers affirm and strengthen it; early interest in math and/
or science creates lasting pathways; and play connects learn-
ing and early interest in STEM. Because of our inductive re-
search approach (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), Yosso’s theory
of community cultural wealth was not used to guide our
analyses. Instead, after the data were collected and analyzed,
we drew upon the theory to articulate our interpretation of
participants’ experiences.
3.3
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Ensuring quality
Ensuring quality included several steps (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). First, the interview protocol was designed to build
rapport with participants by starting with broader ques-
tions before asking deeper and more abstract ones. This al-
lowed participants to more candidly and freely share their
experiences. Second, because the study included multiple
institutions, a semistructured interview protocol ensured
consistency across participants. Third, all transcripts were
checked against the audio recordings to verify accuracy. This
ensured that what participants said was accurately captured
in the text data. Finally, having multiple researchers engaged
in iterative analysis afforded checks and balances regarding
interpretations of data, categories, and themes.
The researchers were also iteratively reflexive about how
their identities and potential biases might affect their inter-
pretations of data (Cooper, Jackson, Azmita, & Lopez, 1998;
Green, Creswell, Shope, & Clark, 2007; Milner, 2007). For
example, both researchers are Black (African American)
males in the social sciences (not engineering). They discussed
instances when interpretations were influenced by their inter-
ests in their field of study and how those might be different
from those in STEM fields. They also discussed their own
sources of encouragement and nurturing through educational
pathways and how they aligned with or varied from those of
the participants. While the researchers tried to control for
biases and assumptions through their discussions (Peshkin,
1988), they also believe that sharing some identities with par-
ticipants (e.g., race and gender) allowed for nuanced interpre-
tations of findings that might have been lost on researchers
with other identities (Bernal, 1998; Warren & Vincent, 2001).
3.4
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Limitations
This study had limitations. First, the sample of 30 is not
representative of all Black males attending large research‐
intensive institutions or all Black males in STEM graduate
programs. Second, while the broader study from which this
article’s data was drawn centered on participants’ current ex-
periences as graduate students, this article focuses on their
retrospective memories of childhood. While participants re-
capped history to the best of their ability, retrospective stud-
ies incur the risk of revisionist accounts. Third, participants’
experiences are historically bound and relate to their upbring-
ing in the 1970s through 1990s. Finally, their experiences are
likely related to many other factors (e.g., parents’ levels of
involvement, parents’ educational levels and occupations,
household SES, cultural orientations to schooling and edu-
cation). Despite these limitations, the steps taken to ensure
quality provide the researchers with confidence that the
findings were sound across participants. This suggests that,
at least within this study’s sample, Black male graduate stu-
dents in engineering shared similar origins of STEM interest.
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FINDINGS
Several main themes emerged from this study: (a) family
members help cultivate and maintain early interest in STEM;
(b) teachers affirm and strengthen early interest in STEM; (c)
early interest in math and/or science creates lasting pathways
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BURT and JOHNSON
through STEM; and (d) participation in play connects learn-
ing and early interest in STEM. Although there is overlap
between and across the findings, the findings are presented
separately for clarity.
4.1
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Family members help cultivate and
maintain early interest in STEM
The majority of participants in this study attributed their cur-
rent progress in engineering to family members’ cultivating
and maintaining their interest in STEM at early ages. This
finding aligns with previous research positing that family
members are children’s first teachers (Wright et al., 2016).
Participants reported that family members helped them be-
come interested in math and science in ways that demonstrate
involvement in students’ education from a young age, both in
and outside of the classroom. For example, Jackson stated, “I
have always kind of credited my success to the people around
me than to myself. Even from a young age, I had parents that
stressed education, especially my dad. That [pushing educa-
tion] was a huge thrust of his.” Jackson’s father would as-
sign him and his brother extra reading and math workbooks.
This at‐home academic enrichment led Jackson to compete
with his brother for the highest grades, and ultimately landed
him in advanced math courses in middle school. Similarly,
Marcus mentioned that his parents taught him complex math
concepts at home around the fourth grade: “My parents had
basically started teaching me some of the higher‐level things
in math like fractions earlier at home. Doing that stuff at home
just uh—that helped my growth.” Jackson and Marcus’s par-
ents, who used their own knowledge of math and science
to deepen their children’s education, were representative of
those of many other participants. Parents recognized, pushed,
and consistently affirmed their capacities to excel in math.
From a community cultural wealth perspective, parents ac-
tivated both familial and resistant capital. According to stu-
dents’ stories, parents and family members shared the value
of education as an equalizer for social justice. From that per-
spective, their encouragement to be strong in math and sci-
ence could have been a form of resistance to a system that
often keeps Black boys undereducated.
In addition to helping build competence in mathemat-
ics, family members facilitated an interest in science, often
through science‐related activities. Two participants described
similar introductions to science. Joseph and Alphonso, now
both doctoral candidates in engineering, mentioned how
watching television programming and science fiction movies
exposed them to STEM. Joseph recollected “always watching
sci‐fi movies.” Alphonso said, “I always, you know, watched
TV … and you’d see these science fiction type things and
that was always good.” In addition, both discussed memora-
ble trips to museums. Joseph stated that going to museums
“[was] interesting, and cool … [My parents were] trying to
stimulate intellectual curiosity through exposure.” Alphonso
said, “Going to the Franklin Institute Science Museum in
Philadelphia…and experiencing that, I think it was one of the
big draws that…drew me into science.” For Alphonso, going
to the museum was a consistent family affair. Alphonso’s
cousin, also interested in science, would join them. Alphonso
explained that he and his cousin would discuss what they saw
at the museum, just as they did when watching science fic-
tion television. For Alphonso, watching television and going
to the museum appeared to be shared family experiences
he looked forward to. He paints the picture of a young boy
excited to learn with family about STEM. His story might
be another example of aspirational capital where parents
recognized STEM interest in Alphonso and his cousin and
encouraged both of them. If so, this intentional linking of cu-
rious, creative, high‐achieving Black boys relates to the work
of Fries‐Britt (2002), who asserts that high‐achieving Black
students thrive when they interact with other high‐achieving
Black students. Through activities such as watching televi-
sion and attending museums, participants gained knowledge
about science‐related topics and deepened their interest in
science outside of the classroom.
Similar to Jackson’s father, who encouraged extra reading
and math assignments, Samuel’s father purchased science
books for him. Samuel stated:
I relied on those books and then studied hard.
I learned things from them. After the first se-
mester [of high school], I started feeling com-
fortable and understanding things, so I just
continued in [the] STEM [track]. Toward the
end of high school, that’s when I decided to go
into engineering.
The books expanded his understanding of science beyond
the high school curriculum and influenced his decision to major
in engineering. While providing Samuel with readings outside
of the standard school curriculum could be considered a form of
resistant capital, as suggested through the stories of Jackson and
Marcus above, it appears that Samuel’s father activated navi-
gational capital to assist him in feeling more comfortable and
identifying with science.
Some parents illustrated navigational capital by working
with schools to get their children into gifted math and/or
science courses. For instance, as alluded to above, Marcus’s
mother selected his courses for him: “She saw where I was [a
strong student] in math, so she enrolled me in advanced math
classes. You know, she took all the physics, the chemistry
and the biologies … in high school, so she enrolled me in
those.” In addition to his mother’s navigational wherewithal,
her familial capital likely guided her decision; she holds a
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BURT and JOHNSON
doctorate in a STEM field and knew he would need a strong
math and science foundation in whatever career he chose.
Jesse, similarly, recalled his parents working with adminis-
trators in elementary and middle school to get him placed
in gifted math courses, a decision with which he was not
initially pleased: “At the time I was not necessarily happy
about it [being enrolled in gifted math courses], because it
cut into recess. Looking back at it, I’m glad they did.” Jesse,
now a fifth‐year doctoral candidate in electrical engineering,
acknowledged that the advanced math courses interfered with
recess, an important activity for the socialization of young
kids (Wright & Ford, 2016). David, too, was enrolled into a
gifted program that ignited his interest in STEM. Like Jesse’s,
David’s program allowed him to “be in the same classes with
everybody else,” before “breaking off” to receive additional
math and science. Unlike Jesse, David did not express disin-
terest in being removed from his peers. The findings related
to the structure of advanced and/or gifted courses is worthy
of mention. Specifically, being isolated from one’s peers be-
cause of academic aptitude is not always well received by
students. For some Black boys, being gifted in science and
math can be perceived negatively as attempting to be and/or
act White, a put‐down in the Black community (Fries‐Britt &
Griffin, 2007). However, now finishing the doctorate (Jesse),
halfway through it (Marcus), and just beginning (David), they
all now recognize the necessity of gaining a foundation in
mathematics at a younger age.
4.2
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Teachers affirm and strengthen early
interest in STEM
Like participants in previous research (Berry, 2008; Moore,
2006), the Black males in this study also referenced the roles
their teachers played in cultivating and maintaining their in-
terest in STEM. For example, Christian, a doctoral student in
civil engineering, shared how he became interested: “I took
chemistry 10th grade year and hated it because my teacher
was not engaging. She did not make chemistry fun. It was just
boring, but physics was fun. In physics you got to see how it
works.” Although Christian mentioned that physics was more
appealing because it was a science he could see, what is most
germane in his quotation is the role of his science teacher
in bringing to life complex material. Christian described the
pedagogical delivery of his physics teacher as being engag-
ing, making the class and learning physics fun, whereas his
chemistry teacher was described as “boring,” which made
chemistry less interesting to him. From a community cultural
wealth perspective, Christian’s physics teacher might have
activated aspirational capital to help Christian see himself
as a talented learner of physics, despite previous challenges
in chemistry. Without his physics teacher in the 11th grade,
Christian could have easily determined that he was not good
at science. However, his story demonstrates the connection
between educators’ presentations of course material and stu-
dents’ likelihood of engaging with that material in ways that
lead to sustained interest and participation in STEM.
The sociocultural context of schools is also worth noting
with regard to developing several participants’ early interests
in science and math. Logan, for example, shared that his early
interest in STEM can be attributed to the aspirational com-
munity wealth of attending an Afrocentric school in a large,
metropolitan city in the Midwest:
My interest in engineering actually came at the
Afrocentric school that I went to. They made us
take a career placement test which had hundreds
of questions. I took that test and the top result
for me was electrical engineering. I was like
maybe 8 or 9 [years old] or so. I didn’t know
what [electrical engineering] was, but I went
home [and] I told my parents.
David also attended an Afrocentric school in a large, metro-
politan city in the Midwest (different from the one described
by Logan). David, too, explained the nature of his schooling
experience, community cultural wealth, and its influence on
his early science and math interests:
I went to [Afrocentric Academy] in [my home-
town]. It was one of the earliest schools in
America with African‐centered curriculum,
completely unapologetically Black. The curric-
ulum was based around teaching our history, not
just from the slavery aspect but the inventors,
the poets, the artists, the contributions to society,
learning Swahili, being exposed to a number of
different things. So it was there where I learned.
I was a part of the chess club. I was a part of aca-
demic games. I was a part of an electronics club.
I participated in the aviation club, where I got to
go and fly regularly at [a nearby high school fo-
cused on aerospace engineering]. It was a school
that really nurtured whatever your interest was.
Apparent in this recollection is the familial cultural
community wealth David accessed. Although the school
personnel were not his biological family, African culture
(the framework on which his school was based) is familial.
Thus, the personnel at his school designed curricula and
shared knowledge that connected to their community, cul-
ture, history, and STEM developing identity. Both Logan
and David indicate not only the importance of early STEM
exposure, but the significance of the symbolic represen-
tation of those teaching STEM courses and the resources
8
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BURT and JOHNSON
available to students at these schools. Having educators
who affirmed their early STEM identities and made con-
nections to their Black identity appeared to influence their
early and sustained interest in STEM.
Although Christian did not attend an Afrocentric high
school like Logan and David, he attended a demographi-
cally diverse high school. Christian described how the race
of his math teacher mattered; he traced his current success
in an engineering doctoral program to his foundational
math experiences, taught by a Black woman: “I had a very
strong foundation in math and how to tackle problems. [My
algebra teacher] was really good. She also happened to be a
Black woman. I guess that is that representation thing and
relatability.” Christian further explained that his teacher
served as a “second mother” to him and encouraged him to
apply for a scholarship to attend college. Christian’s story
speaks not only to the early development of his math in-
terest, but also to the importance of young Black kids see-
ing those who look like them practicing math and science.
Additionally, Christian’s teacher’s affirmation of his early
interest in STEM encouraged him to pursue a STEM‐re-
lated major in college.
Taken together, these findings illustrate not only the role
of exceptional teachers, but the effect that same race—and
in some cases, same race and same gender—teachers may
have on the origins of students’ interest in science and math-
ematics. Decades later, it is to these dynamic teachers that
students trace their early interest in science and mathemat-
ics, further demonstrating the significant roles that teachers
play in influencing students’ early interest in STEM.
4.3
|
Early enjoyment in math and/or
science creates lasting interest in STEM
Data analysis also revealed how early enjoyment of math and
science typically influenced students’ sustained interest in
STEM. For example, in response to a question about how he
first became interested in STEM, Jalen said, “I think every-
thing started by being good at math. No, actually, no. I’m a
naturally curious person.” Chris also admitted, “When I was
young I was always interested in science.” Titus, a doctoral
student in environmental and civic engineering, said his early
interest in STEM dated back to his elementary school days:
“I’ve actually always just liked math growing up. I can even
remember back to elementary school, math was always my
favorite subject. I guess that’s probably what drove me to-
wards engineering.” Participants mentioned how their enjoy-
ment of math further drove them to pursue doctoral degrees
in engineering. For Jalen, his competency in math and sci-
ence was honed by, as he described, “great teachers who were
always encouraging, especially science and math teachers. I
was exposed to computing, you know, fifth to sixth grade,
and that’s very rare especially among the Black community.”
Shawn mentioned that his interest in math started in elemen-
tary school. He described a particular program that guided his
interest in math:
I’m not sure if you’re familiar with “Academic
Games.” It’s a competition. It starts as early as
elementary school. They have it at the middle
school and the high school level. It’s not just a
[State in the midwest] thing because I started
in fifth grade and sixth grade is when I made
it to a national tournament … nationals was in
Georgia …. In fifth grade, I made it to the state
level, and then sixth grade my team made it to
the national level. I guess as early as elementary
school is when I knew I was interested in the
STEM area.
Participating in the Academic Games led Shawn to realize his
ability in and enjoyment of math and science. Further, this
competition allowed him to recognize his level of competence
on a national scale. Jessie, too, explained his enjoyment: “I re-
ally liked math. I’ve always liked math. As far back as I can
remember I’ve been a fan of math, and math directly translates
into engineering.” Like Shawn, Jessie also participated in a
co‐ curricular program: a summer enrichment program. Clearly,
these experiences provided additional self‐efficacy, which over
time made them more confident in majoring in STEM before
pursuing their doctoral degrees.
4.4
|
Participation in play connects
learning and early interest in STEM
Several participants recalled moments when they engaged in
play, and how learning from those experiences encouraged
their growing interest in STEM. Jalen directly connected his
play as a young child to his interest in STEM:
As a kid I planted a lot of trees. I had animals.
In fact, I was the only one to have animals in our
family. I told my dad, “Hey, I want to have some
chickens.” I basically turned the entire yard into
a farm with trees growing and you have animals
just running around. I think if I pinpoint any
point in my life that I was destined to be on this
path or a similar path like this, I would attribute
it to that.
Jalen revealed that as a child he pretended to be a medical
doctor. Having trees and animals allowed him not only to care
for those living entities, but also to be curious about the mecha-
nisms and factors that allowed them to thrive on his family farm
in Jamaica.
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9
BURT and JOHNSON
Like Jalen, other participants recalled forms of play that
helped build their curiosity for STEM. Joseph shared that play-
ing with LEGOs and building bridge structures made of tooth-
picks with a friend whose father was a civil engineer “was the
first time that I really recognized that I liked looking at patterns
and creating things and building things.” Joseph’s story is sig-
nificant both because he built bridges with toothpicks and did
it with a Black peer also interested in science, and because his
peer’s father was Black, and a civil engineer. Being afforded
the opportunity to see a civil engineer who resembled him in
terms of gender and race contributed to his aspirational cul-
tural wealth needed to pursue STEM pathways. Additionally,
Joseph’s parents connecting him to a civil engineer illustrates
their social capital, or access to those within their cache of
community cultural wealth. In Joseph’s case, all of these fac-
tors are significant in the development of his early interest in
STEM. Jacob, too, recalled “having fun” building structures
with LEGOs. The role of playing with LEGOs, and other toys
that assisted their interest in building, is consistent with exist-
ing research (Crowley, Barron, Knutson, & Martin, 2015).
As with Shawn and Jesse above, several students’ involve-
ment in play took place outside their home and classrooms.
Chris experienced it through a precollege engineering pro-
gram designed to increase the number of Black males pursu-
ing STEM. This program used LEGOs as an instructional tool
to encourage interest in engineering. Jacob also experienced
play outside of school in a summer program. He recollected:
There was a summer program where essentially
we did experiments … dissected things … had
science projects and all that type of stuff. It
was the first time I remember having a ton of
fun doing it. But again, it’s probably more the
LEGO concept of putting something together
and watching it work.
This quotation from Jacob, in concert with those of other
students who participated in co‐curricular and summer enrich-
ment programs, emphasizes the importance of these resources
in facilitating play‐based STEM learning. Co‐curricular enrich-
ment programs gave them opportunities to explore and deepen
their knowledge in math and science outside of traditional
school curriculums and allowed them to nurture burgeoning
identities in math and science. Additionally, these resources
served as valuable sources of community cultural wealth that
reinforced math and science, and nurtured students’ developing
interests in STEM.
5
|
DISCUSSION AND
IMPLICATIONS
Our findings align with those of previous scholarship on fam-
ilies, mentors, communities, and schools nurturing children’s
self‐efficacy, confidence, and desire to achieve (Maltese,
Melki, & Wiebke, 2014; Whiting, 2006; Wright et al., 2016).
The findings from this study suggest that successful Black
males benefit from an “all‐hands‐on deck” approach. That is,
cultivating and nurturing kids’ early STEM interests is not
a parent versus teacher binary, but rather a community af-
fair. Our findings reveal that a more expansive constellation
of human resources should be accessed, including parents,
teachers, siblings, and family friends. Everyone can be in-
volved in helping develop and nurture students’ interest in
math and science. It is also necessary to recognize overlaps
across the findings. Family members and teachers offered
their own unique efforts to encourage early interest in STEM,
but they also encouraged learning from play (Crowley,
Barron, Knutson, & Martin, 2015). This finding reiterates the
multifaceted roles community members play in Black boys’
formative years with regard to developing an interest in and
identification with math and science (Alexander, Johnson,
& Kelley, 2012; Brown & Kelly, 2007). It is through this
broader constellation of individuals and activities that Black
males benefit from the wealth within their communities.
Our findings offer important extensions to existing re-
search. First, the specificity of our findings to Black male
engineering graduate students provides insight into an under-
studied population. This study’s focus on graduate students
offers another nuance to the STEM pathway story for Black
boys. These males have traversed K–12, and undergraduate
studies in STEM, and now are completing the highest level
of study for those interested in careers in STEM. Their ret-
rospective perspectives offer bird’s‐eye views of the P‐20
pathway, and the ways that family and teachers helped them
persist in STEM. Their perspectives offer a unique view
of the long‐term STEM trajectory of Black boys and men.
Given the dearth of scholarship on the experiences of Black
male graduate students in engineering (McGee & Martin,
2011), it is necessary to understand how current graduate stu-
dents experience STEM pathways. Equally important, more
scholarship is needed to understand how and why they be-
came interested in STEM, and what resources they accessed
and activated along the way. This is the first study that links
the experiences of young Black boys to engineering graduate
persistence. Thus, this article begins to address the inquiries
needed to broaden participation in STEM.
Second, this empirical study draws upon a theoretical
framework that is not often used in STEM or engineering ed-
ucation work. Yosso’s (2005) framework provided a lens by
which to see how persistence in graduate STEM programs
can be linked to early origins of Black males’ STEM inter-
est. Their interests, related to their interactions with family,
teachers, and activities that encouraged their early enjoyment
in STEM, were forms of community cultural wealth not pre-
viously explored with the same theoretical depth as in this
study. Now that we have a better understanding of how these
10
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BURT and JOHNSON
interactions and activities (as forms of community cultural
wealth) provide positive outcomes for Black boys, it is im-
portant to think about how those in boys’ communities can
help them engage in meaningful interactions and activities.
For example, not all children come from backgrounds where
parents hold STEM degrees and engage in STEM occupa-
tions. Nor do all children come from backgrounds where
frequent access to museums, and other forms of “play,” is
possible (whether because of financial means or geograph-
ical proximity). Our findings on the role of boys’ collective
community suggests ways that extended family members,
and family friends, and teachers and school administrators
can provide boys with necessary interactions and activities
that will nurture sustained STEM interest.
In whole, our findings provide empirical and theoretical
connections between childhood experiences in STEM and
later STEM participation, and offer an example of how re-
searchers might examine underserved populations in STEM
in the future. While complementing previous research, the
findings are not restatements of existing research, but rather
offer more depth and nuance to the study of Black childhood
education and its implications for graduate education.
5.1
|
Implications for practice and policy
This article highlights several opportunities for practices that
can be used by a wide range of stakeholders (e.g., teachers,
parents, family members, community members, administra-
tors, faculty, policy makers) (see Table 2).
For instance, it is clear that STEM learning occurs both
within and outside of the classroom (Falk & Dierking, 2010;
McGee & Perman, 2014; Wright et al., 2016). Some of the
activities that students participated in included in‐home math
and science‐based activities; building LEGOs; trips to the
museum; supervised viewing of science shows on public
broadcast; summer science camps and workshops; and sci-
ence competitions. Participation in these activities was often
facilitated by parents, family members, and teachers. Their
encouragement nurtured students’ early interest in STEM. For
many of the males in the study, an early interest in math and/
or science led to a deeper interest in STEM. Encouragement
like that displayed in this study might help mediate potential
discouragement from others who make Black boys feel an
interest in science and mathematics is “nerdy” or “for White
people” (Fries‐Britt & Griffin, 2007).
Parents, family members, and teachers also created av-
enues for Black boys to participate in play‐based learning
activities. Learning while playing helped participants enjoy
math and science while exposing them to STEM concepts.
Based on this finding, more encouragement for Black boys to
play is needed. This is especially true today when it appears
that Black boys are not allowed to just be kids, but rather
are encouraged to grow up and be men (Henning & Davis,
2017; Ladson‐Billings, 2011). Black boys should be allowed
to tap into their creative and imaginative sides, both of which
are facilitated by play (Alexander, Johnson, & Kelley, 2012;
Brewer, 2007). Our data show that trips to the museum, tin-
kering with chemistry sets, watching science programming,
Type of influence Recommendation
Family Intentionally engage children in science and math‐related enrichment activities. Include discussions of learning after these
activities.
Partner with schools to attend local events, museums, and other academic enrichment programs that will further expose
students to STEM concepts.
Utilize family cultural wealth as sources of support, instead of solely relying on parents to nurture children’s STEM
interest.
When children display early signs of STEM interest, advocate on the behalf of students by enrolling them in advanced or
gifted courses in the math and science areas. These courses have the potential to set students up for future STEM
pathways.
Teachers and
schools
Expand considerations of the ways in which interest in STEM is expressed by Black boys. The earlier math and science
interest is noticed, the better the chances of cultivating and maintaining their interest later on.
Intentionally deliver educational content in relation to math and science in ways that are culturally relevant to students.
Hire and retain more Black teachers teaching math and science subjects. They may see potential for STEM in Black boys
in culturally specific ways that may be lost by others holding different social identities. Additionally, they may provide
models of success in math and science for Black boys.
Policymakers Account for how many Black boys are placed into advanced and gifted education courses relative to other student
populations. Where there are discrepancies, investigate how inequities in determining course placement arise.
Create academic enrichment programs (e.g., Saturday programs) focused on developing students’ STEM and racial
identities.
Develop more hands‐on, play‐based learning activities which are culturally relevant and also incorporate current
technology.
TABLE 2 Implications for practice and policy
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11
BURT and JOHNSON
constructing buildings and bridges with LEGOs, and other
opportunities to build and tear things down were important.
These activities helped students imagine future selves and
possibilities in STEM. What appeared to be key, however,
was an additional layer of intentional connection to math
and science. That is, trips to the museum and math and sci-
ence problem sets at home were accompanied by conversa-
tions with family members about learning. This added step
deepened students’ understandings of the math and science
embedded within their play. Today, play may take the form
of video games on the computer, tablet, phone, or game con-
sole (Strayhorn, 2015). However, applying the findings from
this study to newer technology may encourage similar results
when there are follow‐up discussions related to the math and
science components of the games (e.g., angles, shapes, com-
puting coding).
Given the amount of time teachers share with kids
throughout the week, their experiences with Black boys are
of immense importance. Unfortunately, an overwhelming
amount of literature highlights the negative experiences
had by Black boys in the classroom, largely due to nega-
tive stereotypes teachers hold of Black boys as deficient
learners (Ladson‐Billings, 1995; Martin, 2009). Based
on the findings from this study, by attending Afrocentric
schools, some participants eluded hostile environments
where they might face negative stereotypes related to their
race and gender. However, not all students can, or will, at-
tend those types of schools. And based on current demo-
graphics, the majority of today’s teachers are White and
female (Hancock & Warren, 2017). However, that schools
and teachers are not predominantly Black does not mean
that curriculum and pedagogies cannot be culturally rele-
vant. Rather, teachers must employ pedagogical methods
that support the cause of developing and maintaining Black
boys’ early interest in science and math (Moore, 2006). This
can be achieved by affirming students’ Blackness through-
out the curriculum, and through more culturally affirming
teaching strategies. Recognizing and encouraging Black
students’ promise in math and science can have positive ef-
fects on their academic achievement (Berry, 2008; McGee
& Perman, 2014). In addition, teachers can help make ex-
plicit connections between school work and career options.
Helping students link their developing interests to potential
professions provides them with more tangible ideas about
their future selves and the necessary connection between
achievement in school and future careers (Authors, 2006;
Bartz & Mathews, 2001).
5.2
|
Implications for future research
This article also offers implications for future research.
Research that highlights origins of students’ interest in
STEM will provide new information with which to im-
prove STEM pathways for underrepresented populations.
This article begins to advance this research agenda. First,
our findings illustrate a range of learning across the K–12
continuum. To gain more insight into the nuanced learning
that occurs at various stages, future studies might explore the
specific activities that students participate in at younger ages
and educational stages (e.g., K–5, 6–8, 9–12). Examining
types of activities by age and grade level may help parents,
family members, and teachers improve programming op-
tions and play‐based activities appropriate for students’ lev-
els. Incrementally providing kids with more advanced forms
of math‐ and science‐based play over time may result in
sustained interest in STEM; this hypothesis should be em-
pirically tested. Alternatively, future work might explore the
value of having parents, family members, and teachers in-
crease the intensity of learning‐based discussions after play
in an effort to scaffold greater learning and connections to
math and science.
Second, future research should consider the roles that pa-
rental and family demographics (e.g., socioeconomic status,
parents’ educational background, parental occupation) play
in students’ early and sustained interest in STEM. In the
present study, a majority of participants’ parents had post-
secondary degrees, and some held advanced degrees and oc-
cupations in STEM, similar to the demographics described
in other research on high‐achieving Black males (Fries‐Britt,
2017). These demographics may inform the types of students
who become interested in STEM at early ages and eventually
attend top‐ranked engineering colleges and institutions. This
is not to suggest that the higher the socioeconomic status, the
more likely children are to pursue STEM; some students in
the present study reported being raised in low‐socioeconomic
status homes. Thus, future research will want to investigate
these demographics in more nuanced ways to determine if
there are patterns of types of support across demograph-
ics, and how families can incorporate support regardless of
demographics.
Finally, Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth
framework provided a lens with which to begin looking at
students’ communities as bastions of existing wealth. This
framework centers the need to provide Black boys in STEM
with structural support that can help buffer them against
sociocultural forces that might otherwise inhibit their par-
ticipation. It helped expand our analysis of what and who
might be valuable resources that promote students’ success
through STEM pathways. By applying this framework,
we also aimed to empower communities that serve Black
boys to understand that they already possess valuable tools
that can help children reach the highest levels of academic
achievement. However, future research could aid parents,
families, and teachers in extending the application of this
12
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BURT and JOHNSON
framework. That is, a focus on forms of community cul-
tural wealth that promote math and science participation
could help engineering educators develop more precise
tools specific to STEM.
A contribution this study offers is its retrospective look
at participants who are surviving and striving in engineer-
ing graduate programs. Because of their persistence, these
Black males are already role models for younger genera-
tions. They show what it looks like to be Black, male, and
in STEM. This article provides important evidence of sup-
ports and resources needed for some Black males to navi-
gate a field that they enjoy, but that also imposes barriers
to their participation (Burt, Williams, & Smith, 2018). Our
findings acknowledge the lasting effects of cultivating and
maintaining STEM interest, enjoyment, and identity. The
participants in this study are graduate students, well into
their 20s or early 30s, yet vividly recall critical experiences
from their childhoods that set them on the course to STEM.
This illustrates that what takes place during childhood un-
doubtedly influences STEM potential and possibilities.
Thus, to broaden participation in STEM, we—as a com-
munity—must develop the interests, enjoyment, and STEM
identity of young Black boys.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
We would like to thank the participants who courageously
shared their stories with us. We also thank the reviewers for
providing valuable feedback and helping to strengthen this
work. This work was supported by the National Academy of
Education/Spencer Postdoctoral Fellowship Program and the
National Science Foundation‐Iowa EPSCOR (under grant
EPS‐1101284).
ORCID
Brian A. Burt http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7732-2433
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BURT and JOHNSON
How to cite this article: Burt BA, Johnson JT.
Origins of early STEM interest for Black male
graduate students in engineering: A community
cultural wealth perspective. School Science and
Mathematics. 2018;00:1–14. https://doi.org/10.1111/
ssm.12294
Brian A. Burt, PhD, is assistant professor of Higher
Education in the School of Education at Iowa State
University, a National Academy of Education/Spencer
Postdoctoral Fellow, and a National Science Foundation
Early CAREER Award recipient. He studies the experiences
of graduate students in STEM, and the institutional policies
and practices that influence students’ educational and
workforce pathways. He also investigates participation in
research experiences (i.e., the science of team science).
Jarrel T. Johnson is a doctoral presidential scholar and
graduate research assistant in the higher education adminis-
tration program at Iowa State University. He received a BA
in English from Shaw University, an MS in Entertainment
Business from Full Sail University, and an MEd in Higher
Education Leadership from Mercer University. He investi-
gates the ways in which race, gender, and sexuality influ-
ence the experiences of college students.