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Does an image say more than 1000 words? An experimental study on the effects of visual stigmas on video resume reviews

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IntroductionInternet RecruitmentInternet TestingConclusion AknowledgementsReferences
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Using mixed design analysis of variance, this paper examines the effect of body art on job applicant hireability ratings. It employs the literatures on the social psychologies of stigma and prejudice, as well as aesthetic labor, to frame the argument. The results indicate that photos of tattooed and pierced job applicants result in lower hireability ratings compared to the control faces. The negative effect of body art on employment chances is, however, reduced for job applicants seeking non-customer-facing roles. In customer-facing roles, the tattoo is associated with lower hireability ratings than the piercing. The results suggest that visible body art can potentially be a real impediment to employment.
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The job interview is one of the most widely used assessment tools in the selection process. Despite its popularity in practice, interview outcomes can be prone to bias. Although our knowledge of stigmatizing applicant characteristics that elicit subgroup differences has grown exponentially, research continuously highlights the need for a framework underlying interview bias. This paper proposes a framework for interview bias based on the dual-process theory, which is a widely applicable theoretical framework that has influenced research on social-interactions, information processing, and decision making. Specifically, we investigate how stigmatizing applicant characteristics affect interviewers’ information processing during the three main stages of the interview (i.e., pre-interview, interview, decision-making), we discuss situational and interviewer factors as moderators, and describe the impact on interview outcomes (like interview bias). Building on the dual-process theory, we formulate key propositions, related to each of the interview stages. Finally, we discuss the implications of this framework for future interview and stigma research and for organizations’ interviewing practice.
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This paper discusses the small groups literature on status organizing processes in decision-making groups whose members differ in external status. This literature demonstrates that status characteristics, such as age, sex, and race determine the distribution of participation, influence, and prestige among members of such groups. This effect is independent of any prior cultural belief in the relevance of the status characteristic to the task. To explain this result, we assume that status determines evaluations of, and performance-expectations for group members and hence the distribution of participation, influence, and prestige. We stipulate conditions sufficient to produce this effect. Further, to explain the fact that the effect is independent of prior cultural belief, we assume that a status characteristic becomes relevant in all situations except when it is culturally known to be irrelevant. Direct experiment supports each assumption in this explanation independently of the others. Subsequent work devoted to refining and extending the theory finds among other things that, given two equally relevant status characteristics, individuals combine all inconsistent status information rather than reduce its inconsistency. If this result survives further experiment it extends the theory on a straightforward basis to multi-characteristic status situations.
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Drawing on 25 in-depth interviews with hiring managers and visibly tattooed respondents, this article explores the nature of prejudice surrounding body art in the service sector. It focuses on the impact of visible tattoos on employment chances. The study reveals a predominantly negative effect on selection, but the extent of employer prejudice is mitigated by: where the tattoo is located on the body; the organization or industry type; proximity of the role to customers; and the genre of the tattoo. Employer prejudice against tattoos is also driven largely by hiring managers’ perceptions of consumer expectations regarding body art in the workplace.
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This paper develops and tests a theory of expertise recognition and utilization in groups that focuses on the critical role of members' status cues as indicators of task expertise. The theory draws on status characteristics theory and past research on groups to propose that while attributions of expertise in work groups will be informed by both specific (i.e., task-relevant) and diffuse (i.e., social category) status cues, the strength of this association will be contingent on the type of cue as well as on characteristics of the group context. So, whereas specific status cues will better predict attributions of expertise in decentralized, longer-tenured groups, diffuse status cues will better predict attributions of expertise in centralized, shorter-tenured groups. Further, attributions of expertise should fully mediate the relationship between members' status cues and intragroup influence. A multilevel test of these hypotheses in a sample of self-managed production teams in a Fortune 100 high-technology firm provides strong support. Group-level analyses confirm that the alignment of intragroup influence with specific status cues is positively associated with group performance.
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The purpose of this study was to measure the perceptions of hospitality industry human resource managers and recruiters of interviewees with visible tattoos and body piercings. A questionnaire was sent via e-mail to 37 human resource managers and college recruiters, which contained a single open-ended question regarding tattoos and piercing, for the purpose of obtaining some baseline data on their impact on employment. Thirty (81.08%) of the human resource managers and recruiters responded with the majority (86.67%) saying that visible tattoos and body piercings on an interviewee would be viewed negatively by their organization.
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Demonstrates that the physical attractiveness stereotype established by studies of person perception is not as strong or general as suggested by the often-used summary phrase what is beautiful is good. Although Ss in these studies ascribed more favorable personality traits and more successful life outcomes to attractive than unattractive targets, the average magnitude of this beauty-is-good effect was moderate, and the strength of the effect varied considerably from study to study. Consistent with the authors' implicit personality theory framework, a substantial portion of this variation was explained by the specific content of the inferences that Ss were asked to make: The differences in Ss' perception of attractive and unattractive targets were largest for indexes of social competence; intermediate for potency, adjustment, and intellectual competence; and near zero for integrity and concern for others. The strength of the physical attractiveness stereotype also varied as a function of other attributes of the studies, including the presence of individuating information. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Meta-analysis was used to examine findings in 2 related areas: experimental research on the physical attractiveness stereotype and correlational studies of characteristics associated with physical attractiveness. The experimental literature found that physically attractive people were perceived as more sociable, dominant, sexually warm, mentally healthy, intelligent, and socially skilled than physically unattractive people. Yet, the correlational literature indicated generally trivial relationships between physical attractiveness and measures of personality and mental ability, although good-looking people were less lonely, less socially anxious, more popular, more socially skilled, and more sexually experienced than unattractive people. Self-ratings of physical attractiveness were positively correlated with a wider range of attributes than was actual physical attractiveness. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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A female confederate with or without a red facial birthmark knocked at front doors of houses in working- and middle-class areas of London and solicited donations to a charity; in doing so, the confederate either looked directly at the person who opened the door or looked only at the tin containing the donations. Results of a 3-way ANOVA show no main effect of gaze, a significant main effect of location (working- vs middle-class), and an almost significant ( p 
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The continuum model (CM) was designed to describe the range of ways in which people form impressions of other people, while acknowledging that they all do share some fundamental processes. This chapter summarizes the CM and assesses its ongoing viability in light of the research exploring impression formation (IMF) since the model's formal publication in 1990. The chapter first reviews the CM's history and its specific stages. The stages consist of initial categorization, personal relevance, attention and interpretation, confirmatory categorization, recategorization, piecemeal integration, and public expression and further assessment. The chapter then examines the CM's 5 core premises: (1) perceivers give priority to categorizing processes; (2) ease of information fit between category and attributes determines the processes people use; (3) attention to attribute information mediates use of the continuum: (4) motivational influences on IMF operate according to the interdependence structure and the motivating agent's criteria; and (5) attention to and interpretation of attributes mediate motivational influences on IMF. Finally, the chapter revisits some of the model's theoretical meta-assumptions, clarifying where appropriate some misinterpretations of the authors' positions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The personal space afforded to a disfigured or nondisfigured confederate by 450 pedestrians in a busy street was measured. In Condition 1, the confederate had a birthmark under the right eye (permanent disfigurement). In Condition 2, this was replaced by trauma scarring and bruising (temporary disfigurement). In the third condition, the confederate was “normal” (i.e., no disfigurement). It was found that subjects stood further away from the confederate in the disfigured conditions than in the no disfigurement condition. More specifically, pedestrians arriving first in each trial stood an average distance of 100 cms from the confederate in the birthmark condition, 78 cms in the trauma condition, and 56 cms when the confederate was not disfigured. In addition, subjects chose significantly more often to stand to the left (nondisfigured) side of the confederate in the birthmark and trauma conditions than they did in the normal condition. Those subjects who chose to stand on the right (disfigured) side of the confederate, stood further away from those subjects standing on the nondisfigured side. The implications of the results are discussed in terms of the possible psychological problems associated with facial disfigurement.
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This research investigated how individuals classify and distinguish among stigmatized groups. In Study 1, participants sorted 54 stigmas based on perceived similarity and then provided evaluations. Cluster analysis revealed 7 stigma clusters, including physical disability, mental disability, economically disadvantaged, social deviants, physical appearance, sexual identity, and racial identity. Multidimensional scaling showed that the stigmas differed on dimensions of social undesirability, controllability, and general pity. In Study 2, participants provided evaluation ratings of stigmas across 6 situations. Results confirmed the validity of the 7-cluster solution.
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We report the findings of a meta-analytic review of experimental studies concerned with the biasing effect of physical attractiveness on a variety of job-related outcomes. In support of implicit personality theory, attractive individuals were found to fare better than unattractive individuals in terms of a number of such outcomes. The weighted mean effect size, d, was .37 for all studies. In addition, tests for moderating effects showed that (a) the attractiveness bias did not differ between studies that provided low versus high amounts of job-relevant information about the targets, (b) the same bias was greater for within-subjects research designs than for between-subjects designs, (c) professionals were as susceptible to the bias as were college students, (d) attractiveness was as important for men as for women, and (e) the biasing effect of attractiveness has decreased in recent years. Implications of these findings are considered.
Article
This study examined the relative weight that hiring managers place on applicants' attractiveness, general mental ability (GMA), and the Big Five personality dimensions in assessing employment suitability for high and low customer contact positions. A sample of 130 managers from 43 hotel properties in the United States and Canada evaluated applicant profiles that varied on these dimensions. The policy capturing results demonstrated that attractiveness does impact employment suitability ratings across positions. However, attractiveness is valued less than GMA and conscientiousness. The attractiveness weight was greater in the evaluation of high customer contact positions, suggesting that attractiveness may be perceived as more job-relevant for positions where employees interact extensively with people outside the organization. These findings are discussed along with implications for practice and future research attention.
Article
Most psychological research on the social effects of facial appearance has compared ‘normal’ with attractive faces whereas little work has been concerned with the possible differences in reactions to disfigured and ‘normal’ faces. Yet many cranio-facial surgeons wish to know whether their disfigured patients are reporting reality when they complain that members of the public avoid or react negatively to them. This study finds that people travelling on a suburban railway significantly avoided sitting next to someone who appeared to have a facial port-wine stain. It is concluded that facially disfigured people's accounts of avoidant behaviour towards them are probably the results of correct perceptions.
Article
Allport (1954) recognized that attachment to one's ingroups does not necessarily require hostility toward outgroups. Yet the prevailing approach to the study of ethnocentrism, ingroup bias, and prejudice presumes that ingroup love and outgroup hate are reciprocally related. Findings from both cross-cultural research and laboratory experiments support the alternative view that ingroup identification is independent of negative attitudes toward outgroups and that much ingroup bias and intergroup discrimination is motivated by preferential treatment of ingroup members rather than direct hostility toward outgroup members. Thus to understand the roots of prejudice and discrimination requires first of all a better understanding of the functions that ingroup formation and identification serve for human beings. This article reviews research and theory on the motivations for maintenance of ingroup boundaries and the implications of ingroup boundary protection for intergroup relations, conflict, and conflict prevention.
Article
The primary purpose of this study was to examine undergraduate students' attitudes toward women with tattoos. A basic scenario was written to act as the base description and the control stimulus. The independent variables size of tattoo and visibility of tattoo were manipulated. Attitudes were measured using the Semantic Differential (Osgood, Suci, & Tannenbaum, 1958), which was presented after the scenario. The Neosexism Scale (Tougas, Brown, Beaton, & Joly, 1995) and the Feminism and the Women's Movement Scale (FWM; Fassinger, 1994) followed. In our sample, 23% of women but only 12% of men were tattooed, which supports recent claims that women may be more than 50% of the individuals currently obtaining tattoos. Men and women both had more negative attitudes toward a woman with a visible tattoo than toward the other women in the descriptions. The size of the tattoo was a predictor of evaluation only for men and women who did not have tattoos themselves. Finally, participants with more conservative gender attitudes evaluated all women more negatively, beyond the effects already accounted for by gender differences. Future research directions are offered.
Article
The purpose of this article is to identify some the most critical outstanding issues faced by practitioners in undertaking effective talent management. In spite of the global financial crisis, talent management will continue being one of the most important challenges faced by organizations in the coming decade. Workforce demographics and skills shortages are likely to make the “war for talent” fiercer than ever before making effective talent management a competitive necessity. While talent management is rapidly developing as a research field, there are many areas and questions that need to be explored. These questions are likely to have a particularly important applied benefit as they represent some of the key challenges organizations are grappling with in effectively managing their talent. The article asks researchers in the field to consider the questions proposed in developing future research agendas. KeywordsTalent management–High potentials–Strategy–War for talent–Management development–Management
Chapter
(from the chapter) Considers the social and psychological experience of stigma, from the perspective of both the stigmatizer and the stigmatized individual. The primary focus is on the experience of the stigmatized—how they understand and interpret their stigmatization, how they cope with it, and how it affects their psychological well-being, cognitive functioning, and interactions with nonstigmatized individuals. (chapter) To understand the predicaments of the stigmatized, and their consequences, one must first consider what it means to be stigmatized and why social stigma is so pervasive, and one must bear in mind some key findings on the nature of stereotyping and prejudice from the view of the stigmatizer. After exploring these issues, this chapter concludes with a consideration of the costs of stigma to the stigmatized individual, to the stigmatizer, and to the broader society. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) (chapter)