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185
Chapter 9
The Logic of Consciencism
Richmond Kwesi
In the final chapter of Consciencism–“Set Theoretic Terms”–Kwame Nkrumah
presents a formalization of his main ideas espoused in the previous chapters,
using symbols and logical notations. This formalization maps out from one
horizon, the course of action required for a colonial territory to be liberated in
order to obtain genuine independence, and from another view, the conditions
necessary for maintaining the independence of the territory. African societ-
ies, for Nkrumah, are faced with the problems of colonialism, imperialism,
neo-colonialism, disunity, and lack of development. It is, therefore, the aim
of philosophical consciencism in its political manifestation, first, to chart a
course of action to defeat colonialism and imperialism; second, to reveal the
whims and caprices of neo-colonialism so that the defeat of colonialism does
not become pointless; third, to marshal all the various forces and groups in
a territory towards a national (or continental) unity; and finally, to articulate
an (philosophical) ideology suitable for national reconstruction and develop-
ment. Nkrumah’s “Set Theoretic Terms,” is intended to give us a political
formula for achieving the four aims above.
Although Nkrumah’s final chapter is rarely read and examined because
of its use of symbols and logical notations which make it quite daunting to
work through, it is, arguably, the most important chapter of his book, for at
least two reasons: One, the chapter gives us an application–on the social and
political plane–of the central theses of philosophical consciencism; it brings
together Nkrumah’s ideas on liberation, materialism, dialectical moments,
socialism, and positive action. The interrelation and interconnectedness of
these ideas help us to appreciate the broader spectrum and applicability of
Nkrumah’s Consciencism. Two, it presents to us a road map for the journey
from the struggle for independence through to the attainment of national and
186 Richmond Kwesi
continental unity and development. This road map, borne out of the experi-
ence of Ghana’s struggle and independence with Nkrumah’s Convention
Peoples Party (CPP), provides not only a strategy for the liberation of any
colonial territory, but also the socio-economic-political system appropriate
for maintaining and sustaining the independence of a territory. In a single
statement, we can describe the significance of the final chapter as philosophi-
cal consciencism in actu.
My task in this chapter is to present and analyze Nkrumah’s reasoning
for this political dimension of consciencism with the aim of understanding
his theoretic terms and appreciating the general spirit of his philosophical
consciencism. I will do so structurally, by outlining Nkrumah’s strategy and
scheme for dealing with the problems facing African societies which I listed
as the four aims of philosophical consciencism in the first paragraph. I will
use Nkrumah’s symbols and notations, but with some modifications, and
I will limit the discussion to the key aspects of his theoretic terms using less
notations. Let us begin our analysis with the project of Consciencism itself.
According to Nkrumah, the conscience of the African society is plagued
with three strands of influences which have competing and conflicting
ideologies.
African society has one segment which comprises our traditional way of life; it
has a second segment which is filled by the presence of the Islamic tradition in
Africa; it has a final segment which represents the infiltration of the Christian
tradition and culture of Western Europe into Africa, using colonialism and
neocolonialism as its primary vehicles (Nkrumah 1964, 68).
When these three segments with their conflicting ideologies are allowed
to co-exist, the African society “will be racked by the most malignant
schizophrenia” (ibid., 79).
The option of allowing the status quo to remain is undesirable. There is
the need, therefore, to either accommodate the other two segments into the
experiences of the African traditional way of life, or seek a harmony among
the three segments. But this disjunction is misleading. For Nkrumah, the har-
mony to be forged is the accommodation of the Islamic and Euro-Christian
influences into the traditional African way of life; that is, the harmony is to
be done in such a way that the combined presence of all three influences “is
in tune with the original humanist principles underlying African society”
(70). An ideology that can solidify into a philosophical statement is needed
for animating the harmonic process, and for couching a harmony that will
preserve or restore the humanist and egalitarian principles of communal
African societies. This philosophical statement Nkrumah calls philosophical
consciencism. Philosophical consciencism is, thus, “the map in intellectual
The Logic of Consciencism 187
terms of the disposition of forces which will enable African society to digest
the Western and Islamic and the Euro-Christian elements in Africa, and
develop them in such a way that they fit into the African personality” (79).
We can understand Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s philosophical consciencism in
its bid to offer a diagnosis of, and medication for, the schizophrenic African
conscience from the diagram below:
The triangle represents the tripartite e elements of African society. At the
base of the triangle is communal African society which upholds the prin-
ciples of humanism and egalitarianism. The base of the triangle represents
the foundation upon which the harmonization or accommodation of the other
sides of the triangle is to be built; the base will ‘digest’ or ‘absorb’ the other
sides. Consciencism is replete with a characterization of the Euro-Christian
segment of the tripartite, and Nkrumah associates this tradition with the
‘evils’ of colonialism and neo-colonialism, animated by the principles and
systems of feudalism, capitalism and individualism. These principles are not
only foreign to, but are in conflict with, the communalism, humanism and
egalitarianism of traditional African society.
Nkrumah does not give any description or the extent of the Islamic influ-
ence on the conscience of Africa. Hence, it is not clear whether the principles
underlying the Islamic tradition are in congruent with, or antithetical to, the
humanist and egalitarian principles of traditional African societies. However,
since Nkrumah thinks that the three segments have “competing ideologies”
(68) we can infer that the principles underlying the Islamic tradition are
different from those upheld in traditional African societies. But, without
any characterization of the ideology and underlying principles of one of the
segments in the tripartite, without knowing the what and how the ideology
of this segment competes (if it genuinely does) with the other two, it makes
the furnace in which to forge the object of harmony a lukewarm one, and the
harmony forged somewhat incomplete. Despite this observation, the aim of
philosophical consciencism could still be a viable one: it is to be the emergent
Figure 9.1
188 Richmond Kwesi
and overarching ideology that will inspire and direct the accommodation
or harmonization process irrespective of what the ideology of the Islamic
tradition might be.
We can observe from the diagram that philosophical consciencism is
intended to translate or transform the conflicted tripartite elements of the
African conscience into a uniformed ‘personality’ whose fundamental
principle or ideology is socialist in nature. Socialism is the shape and form
of the harmony forged out of the three segments of the African society.
Philosophical consciencism is the furnace in which the harmony is moulded,
and dialectical materialism is the oil that fuels the oven. Nkrumah has two
basic alignments of systems which are parallel to each other and never
intersecting: on one line is capitalism which shares the same principles and
ideologies with slavery, feudalism, colonialism, imperialism, idealism, and
individualism; on the other line exists socialism and its kindred terms–com-
munalism, humanism, materialism, and egalitarianism. This neatly aligned
systems and principles allow us to see why Nkrumah will naturally favor
socialism over capitalism. He writes:
Whereas capitalism is a development by refinement from slavery and feudalism,
socialism is obviously not a development from capitalism. In order that social-
ism should be a development from capitalism, it needs to share a fundamental
principle, that of exploitation, with capitalism. Socialism most avowedly has
no share in this principle. Hence socialism cannot develop from capitalism.
Rather it stands for the negation of that very principle wherein capitalism has
its being, lives, and thrives, that principle which unites capitalism with slavery
and feudalism.
If one seeks the social-political ancestor of socialism, one must go to com-
munalism. Socialism stands to communalism as capitalism stands to slavery.
In socialism, the principles underlying communalism are given expression in
modern circumstances... Socialism, therefore, can be and is the defense of the
principles of communalism in modern setting. Socialism is a form of social
organization which, guided by the principles underlying communism, adopts
procedures and measures made necessary by demographical and technological
developments (73).
I said Nkrumah will naturally favor socialism over capitalism in the sense
that if an essential condition for the harmony to be forged is to maintain or
restore the fundamental principles underlying traditional African communal-
ist societies, then it is expected of him to adopt an ideology that is committed
to maintaining those principles of traditional African societies. We may have
qualms about whether socialism is the appropriate system for African societ-
ies; we may think that not everything about capitalism is as evil as Nkrumah
makes it seem; we may even argue that there were certain capitalist elements
The Logic of Consciencism 189
in traditional African societies; but all these misgivings, to my mind, are
misplaced here. Nkrumah’s reasoning can be expressed in this conditional:
(A) If the harmony to be forged from the three segments of the African con-
science must maintain and restore the underlying principles of traditional
African societies, then adopt the system (for the harmonization) that shares
the same principles with, and is committed to the restitution of, the underlying
principles of traditional African societies.
Now, since for Nkrumah there is ‘continuity’ from communalism to
socialism, and since socialism is the only socio-economic-political system
that shares the same underlying principles with traditional African commu-
nal societies, and hence fulfilling the condition, socialism is the system to
be adopted for the harmony of the African personality. So, our qualms and
misgivings should rather be about the antecedent of the conditional. But the
antecedent of (A) makes the restitution of the cardinal principles of traditional
African societies a necessary condition:
(B) Maintain or restore the underlying principles of traditional African commu-
nalist societies if you are to forge a harmony among the conflicting ideologies
of the Euro-Christian tradition, the Islamic tradition, and the traditional African
way of life.
From the diagram above, we can see that the resultant harmony of the
tripartite elements in the African personality does not have a rounded or
circular shape–as we might expect a harmony to be–but a shape that rests
on a base, the same base as the base of the triangle. This is correctly so, as
a necessary condition for the harmony in Nkrumah’s view, is to restore the
cardinal principles of one of the segments, the segment that identifies us as
Africans. The other two segments are ‘influences’ and ‘infiltrations’, that has
to be accommodated or absorbed into the base. To reiterate an earlier point, the
project of consciencism cannot fail because of worry over socialism in prac-
tice, or whether socialism is the best system for African societies; it cannot
fail if we discover that there were capitalist tendencies in traditional African
societies, or that there was class stratification in traditional African societies.
If we accept Nkrumah’s reasoning on harmony that maintains one segment as
the base, if we accept his necessary condition for harmony as the restitution of
the underlying principles of the base segment, and if we accept his condition
that the resultant system of the harmony must be akin, in form and content,
to the underlying principles of the base segment, then, the project of con-
sciencism remains theoretically, if not practically, a viable and feasible one.
However, if we can argue against conditions (A) and (B) and undo Nkrumah’s
190 Richmond Kwesi
perfect alignment of socialism with communalism, humanism, egalitarianism,
materialism, then ipso facto we would have ruined the project of consciencism.
Harmony of the three conflicting segments of African society per se is
not the ultimate goal of philosophical consciencism. The crux of Nkrumah’s
Consciencism is the call for, and the institution of, socialism in African soci-
eties. That is, the harmony of the three strands of African society culminates
into the institution and practice of socialism in African society. The diagram,
again, should give us a pictorial representation of the reasoning behind the
prospects of philosophical consciencism. African society is bedeviled by the
influences of, especially, the Euro-Christian tradition, which has resulted in
its being colonized and exploited. The effect of colonialism is the erosion
of the cardinal principles underlying traditional African societies and the
establishment, in its place, of capitalism which is a “betrayal of the personal-
ity and conscience of Africa” (74). Philosophical consciencism, represented
by the arrow, is the road map to liberate African society from the fetters of
colonialism and transit it to the ‘promised land’ wherein flow the streams
of sovereignty, unity, development, from the source of socialism which, in
itself, marks the restoration of the underlying ethical and ontological prin-
ciples of traditional African society.
The route and progression from colonialism to national unity and develop-
ment is marked by four stages. The first stage is liberation or independence
from colonialism and imperialism; and it is the task of philosophical con-
sciencism to charter a course of action for the liberation of African societ-
ies from the pinions of colonialism. How does Nkrumah’s philosophical
consciencism achieve this aim? The answer lies in Nkrumah’s notion of
dialectical materialism. The philosophical bedrock of Nkrumah’s conscien-
cism is his subscription to a monistic materialism. Nkrumah’s conception of
materialism, unlike most other forms of materialism, is not committed to the
thesis of the sole existence of matter. Rather, it asserts, first, “the absolute and
independent existence of matter” and second, that matter has “capacity” for
“spontaneous self-motion” (84). By regarding matter as the primary reality,
Nkrumah also asserts the reality of “categorial conversion” that converts a
category of one logical type into another by a “dialectical process”. What is
pertinent to our discussion here is Nkrumah’s view of matter as “a plenum of
forces which are in antithesis to one another” (79). He explains that accord-
ing to philosophical consciencism “matter, in being a plenum of forces in
tension, already contains the incipient change in disposition which is neces-
sary to bring about a change in quality or property” (89). And this because
“matter is capable of dialectic change, for if natural properties are nothing but
surrogates of quantitative dispositions of matter, then since natural properties
change, matter must change in quantitative disposition” (ibid.). Nkrumah also
writes that:
The Logic of Consciencism 191
Since matter is a plenum of forces in tension, and since tension implies incipient
change, matter must have the power of self-motion original to it. Without self-
motion, dialectical change would be impossible. By a dialectical change, I mean
the emergence of a third factor of a higher logical type from the tension between
two factors or two sets of factors of a lower logical type (90).
What is the relevance of the view that matter is a plenum of forces in
tension requiring a dialectical change to the first stage of the journey from
colonialism to national sovereignty? In Nkrumah’s view, on the social-
political plane, philosophical consciencism acknowledges that there are two
forces in tension in every colonial territory. He refers to these forces as Posi-
tive action (pa) and Negative action (na). According to Nkrumah, Positive
action represents the sum of the revolutionary forces “seeking social justice
in terms of the destruction of oligarchic exploitation and oppression” while
Negative action represents the sum of the reactionary forces “tending to
prolong colonial subjugation and exploitation.” Negative forces tend to pro-
mote colonialism by ensuring that the colonial powers maintain political ties
with the colony. These forces could be composed of external elements–the
colonial powers–and/or internal elements–indigenous people in the colony.
Positive action is prepared to revolt against the oppressive dispositions of the
colonial powers and negate or thwart the efforts of the Negative forces within
the colony. Nkrumah opines that statistical facts about production, distribu-
tion, and income in any territory could reveal the relations between Positive
action and Negative action. Three possible situations can arise in connection
with the relations between Positive and Negative actions: Positive action may
exceed Negative action, or Negative action may exceed Positive action, or
they may form an unstable equilibrium. A colonial territory is one in which
Negative action exceeds Positive action.
If we let g stand for territory and col. g for a colonial territory, we can
define a colonial territory in the following terms:
1. col.g ≡ [(na > pa)g]1
That is, a territory is a colony if and only if Negative action (internal plus
external forces) is greater than Positive action. A colony, generally, is
“any territory in which the interests of the people are alienated from them
and subjected to those of a group distinct from the people of the territory
itself” (108). But Nkrumah’s definition in (1) allows that a colony could be
both internally and externally subjected because (na) is composed of both
oppressive elements of the colonial powers and the reactionary elements
of the people of the territory. “A change can only result from an operation
of forces”, writes Nkrumah, and so in order to liberate a colonial territory,
“a dialectical moment needs to be introduced in (na>pa)g to transform it
192 Richmond Kwesi
to (pa > na)g” (109). A dialectical moment either converts (na > pa) into
(pa > na) or transforms (pa > na) into (na > pa). Nkrumah’s first approxi-
mation for a dialectical moment (D) is given as:
2. D (na>pa) →
()
pa naÙ
0
That is, when a dialectical moment is introduced to transform (na > pa)
into (pa >na), it implies that revolutionary force of Positive action is on
the increase and while at the same time Negative action reduces to zero. It
is significant that the increase in positive action should be in conjunction
with the decrease in negative action. Genuine liberation cannot be won
with only one arm of the conjunction. Since matter is a plenum of forces
in tension it is impossible for the negative action in a colonial territory
to reduce to zero. This means that (2) is highly unattainable. Nkrumah
revises his formula and reasons that negative action, though will not disap-
pear altogether, should reduce to a negligible quantity. Thus:
3. D (na > pa) →
()
pa naÙx where ξ means stands for a negligible quantity.
With the introduction of a dialectical moment, Nkrumah represents a liber-
ated territory (lib. g) as:
4. lib. G ≡ [D(na > pa)g → (pa > na)g]
Once we embrace philosophical consciencism with its emphasis on
dialectical materialism we come to understand that a territory can attain
independence if and only if there is a dialectical moment that transforms
the relation of forces operating in the territory. The dialectical moment
occurs in the antecedent of the conditional to show that its introduction
is sufficient for liberation to occur. Positive action should be on the
increase to overwhelm the negative forces and actions in the territory for
independence to occur. However, it is possible for Negative action to act
in disguise so as to “give the impression that it has been overcome by
positive action” (100). And then use subtle ways and means of controlling
the territory even after independence has been won. It is also possible for
the colonial powers to try to “contain” the revolutionary forces of Positive
action by devising “frivolous” reforms in order to “divert positive action
into channels which are harmless to it” (101). According to Nkrumah,
“a colonialist country can in fact offer independence to a people not
with the intention which such an act might be thought to imply, but in
the hope that the positive and progressive forces thus appeased and qui-
etened, the people might be exploited with greater serenity and comfort”
(102). When all these possible scenarios occur, neo-colonialism has set
in. Neo-colonialism in the words of Nkrumah is “negative action playing
possum.”
The Logic of Consciencism 193
The second stage in the road map of consciencism, then, is to suggest
ways in which genuine independence could be won where the whims and
caprices of neo-colonialism are thwarted. The most effective way to defeat
neo-colonialism is for Positive action not to relent in its revolutionary
efforts not only against the negative external forces, but more importantly,
against the internal negative forces who become “the political wolf mas-
querading in sheep’s clothing” (101). Using the experience of the Conven-
tion People’s Party (CPP) in the fight for Ghana’s independence, Nkrumah
contends that it is necessary for Positive action to be “backed by a mass
party, and qualitatively to improve this mass so that by education and an
increase in its degree of consciousness, its aptitude for positive action
becomes heightened.” Social and political education on the tricks of neo-
colonialism and the awakening of the consciousness and self-awareness
of the populace are two effective instruments for maintaining the indepen-
dence of the territory by reducing Negative action significantly. In the CPP,
there were different wings, such as the worker’s wing, the farmer’s wing,
the youth wing, and the women’s wing for the political education to be
feasible. Nkrumah also thought that a people’s parliamentary democracy
with a one-party system was “better able to express and satisfy the com-
mon aspirations of a nation as a whole, than a multiple-party parliamen-
tary system” (ibid.). A one-party system is better suited in the fight against
neo-colonialism than a multi-party system where, as it often happens, the
opposition political parties, under the influence of the colonial powers,
militate against the progress of the ruling political party.
Now, Nkrumah may be wrong in these proposals–formation of a mass
party and the institution of a one-party system–but so long as we under-
stand these as proposals for forestalling the advent of neo-colonialism,
their implausibility may not be detrimental to the spirit of philosophical
consciencism. Neo-colonialism must be defeated in order to enjoy true
independence, and it matters little what protean forms the strategies for
defeating it take as long as it is defeated. Nkrumah is, however, right, in
insisting that a crucial way to combat neo-colonialism by reducing the
subtle negative forces is by focusing on the conscience of the masses, that
is, by awakening, quickening, and vivifying the consciousness and aware-
ness of the populace to the insidious threats of neo-colonialism, hence,
conscience-ism. Philosophical consciencism arms the masses with an
ideology to combat the negative forces of neo-colonialism.
With independence won and the pernicious disease of neo-colonialism
combated, Negative action will seek to foment discontent and disunity
in the independent territory. Positive action now “requires a new orienta-
tion away from the sheer destruction of colonialism and towards national
reconstruction” (105). The reconstruction or reform of the nation should
194 Richmond Kwesi
begin with building national unity and harmony among all the forces of
the independent territory. Positive action should carry the liberated terri-
tory to the level of a united nation; and in a geographical zone with several
liberated territories, it should translate them into a united zone of liberated
territories, viz; a united states of Africa. If UGi represents a liberated ter-
ritory that is united, we have this formula:
5.
UGi pa naºÙ
()
0Gi
It is significant to note that on Nkrumah’s view Positive action (pa) itself
is a sum of the individual positive actions. For instance, the mobilization
and consciousness of a mass party, in Nkrumah’s view, is a mobilization
and consciousness of individuals. Therefore, positive action as a quantity
varies with people and their degree of consciousness and mobilization
for progress. Positive action through the formation of a mass party and
its wings unites individuals, and where there is only one mass party com-
prising of a larger proportion of the society, the net effect is that national
unity could be attained. Positive action should also introduce policies and
reforms that aim to harmonize the various groups and promote equity and
social justice. According to Nkrumah, positive action must also “seek an
alignment of all the forces of progress and, by marshaling them, confront
the negative forces” (104). But he sounds a caution: Positive action “must
at the same time anticipate and contain its own inner contradictions, for
though positive action unites those forces of a situation which are, in
regard to a specific purpose, progressive, many of these forces will contain
tendencies which are in other respects reactionary.” Hence:
When positive action resorts to an alignment of forces, it creates in itself
seams at which this alignment might fall apart. It is essential that positive
action should in its dialectical evolution anticipate this seminal disintegra-
tion and discover a way of containing the future schismatic tendencies, a
way of nipping fragmentation in the bud as colonialism begins to reel and
totter under the frontal onslaught of positive action (ibid).
The final aim of philosophical consciencism is the institution of social-
ism for the development of the liberated nation. According to Nkrumah,
“for the purposes of true development a liberated territory must embrace
philosophical consciencism” (113). Philosophical consciencism has a
materialist aspect which preserves the humanist and egalitarian principles
of traditional African societies. It also posits that the material conditions
of a territory in addition to the experiences and consciousness of its people
should be taken into account in the fight for liberation and the development
of the territory. Another aspect of philosophical consciencism is its accom-
modation of dialectic as the efficient cause of all change. Materialism (M)
The Logic of Consciencism 195
and Dialectic (D), two essential constituents of Consciencism (C) are the
main factors that drive the society towards the institution of socialism for
national development. Using f to stand for the “relation of forces required
for development”, Nkrumah gives us this formula:
6. ϕ ≡ [m ˄ C ˄ D]
This formula contains a redundancy for C = (m ˄ D). So it should rather
read ϕ ≡ C. However, Nkrumah says that the redundancy is “valuable”
in order the make the “necessity for m and D both explicit and unmistak-
able” (ibid.). This shows how dialectical materialism is very essential
to Nkrumah’s thought. Development for Nkrumah, as I have remarked
above, should be socialist in form and content. Philosophical conscien-
cism issues forth socialism that has a “strong continuing link with our
past” and an “assured bond with our future”. We have already seen why
Nkrumah favours socialism over other socio-political systems of develop-
ment. But it is worth reading what he has to say about socialism in con-
nection with liberation and development. He asserts:
It is only a socialist scheme of development which can ensure that a
society is redeemed, that the general welfare is honestly pursued, that
autonomy rests with the society as a whole and not in part, that the experi-
ence and consciousness of the people are not ravaged and raped. It is only
a socialist scheme of development that can meet the passionate objectivity
of philosophical consciencism (ibid.)
From (5) and (6) Nkrumah derives the formula for socialism (S):
7. S ≡ (ϕ Ù Gi)
and if we want to expand f and make it more explicit we get:
8. S ≡ (m ˄ C ˄ D Ù UGi)
This means that there is socialism if and only if there is the conjoint pres-
ence of philosophical materialism, philosophical consciencism, dialectic
and national unity, in a liberated territory. In Nkrumah’s thought then,
just as there cannot be socialism in a colonial territory, so there cannot
be socialism in a liberated territory that is not united. National unity is a
pre-requisite for the presence and practice of socialism. This might seem
a bit too strong a condition for socialism. However, if we reflect again on
the diagram we discussed earlier, we see that philosophical consciencism
issues forth socialism only after (or by the formation of) a harmony of the
conflicting segments of the African personality. A socialist program is
geared towards social equality and the development of all in the society,
and hence the development will be marred if all the forces and individu-
als in the society are not united with a common purpose and aspiration.
And, as materialism admits of differences by allowing the co-existence
of opposing forces in tension, there cannot be an absolute unity of all the
forces and individuals in the society; rather, positive action will increase
196 Richmond Kwesi
proportionately to a decrease (to an infinitesimal amount) in negative
action.
Socialism as formulated in (8) reflects the general conditions that are
necessary for its presence in national development. However, philosophi-
cal consciencism advocates that material conditions in a territory and the
consciousness and experiences of its people should be considered in the
quest for liberation and national development. If socialism does not take
into account the experiences of a people in a specific territory it will only
serve an idea and not the people; socialism will only be a dogmatic system
if it is not modelled to be in tune with the aspirations and experiences of a
particular group of people. To the extent that philosophical consciencism
must pay attention to the material conditions, the experiences, and con-
sciousness of a people, its actual content will vary from territory to
territory; to the extent that the form and content of the dialectical moment
will depend on the situation it seeks to change and the resources avail-
able for bringing about the change, D is a variable; and to the extent that
UGi is a function of the negative and positive actions in relation to the
dialectical moment, UGi is also variable. The only constant parameter of
the formula in (8) is m–materialism. The tenets of materialism–humanism,
egalitarianism, matter as the primary reality–remain the same irrespective
of the actual practice or form of socialism that a particular society might
adopt. We can distinguish the general form of socialism in (8) from the
more specific socialism in (9) that pays attention to the prevailing currents
and social contentions in the particular territory (g).
9. Sg ≡ (m Ù cg Ù d Ù U lib. g)
That is, for socialism to be applicable in a particular territory (g) that terri-
tory “must be liberated; it must enjoy unity; it must embrace philosophical
materialism; it must have a specific philosophical consciencism holding
its general nature in common, but expressing its individuality through the
actual material conditions of the territory for which it is formulated, and
through the experience and consciousness of the people of that territory; it
must apply suitable and adequate dialectical moments, expressed through
positive action, wielded through a mass party” (115). Specific socialism
in (9) is therefore an instantiation of the more general form of socialism
in (8); the general form of socialism serves as a reference point for the
specific form of socialism.
One positive implication of the general-specific distinction in social-
ism that Nkrumah makes is that it makes socialism both a universal ideal
to for all societies to aspire to appropriate, and a practical system that a
country could fashion out to meet her own conditions and experiences.
Nkrumah advocated for socialism for Ghana and all African states but he
in no wise expected Ghana and the rest of Africa to practice the same form
The Logic of Consciencism 197
of socialism. Likewise, he did not argue that a Marxian kind of socialism
should be appropriated wholesale into the African context. Socialism
in practice will vary from country to country depending on the varying
parameters he sets out in the constitution of socialism.
The upshot of all these is that Nkrumah’s consciencism gives us the
road map, the formula, the necessary and sufficient conditions that have to
obtain for a colonial territory to be liberated and march towards national
unity and development, but the application of this road map and condi-
tions should pay attention to the socio-economic-political exigencies of a
particular society at a particular point in time. Perhaps, other non-African
(colonial) territories are not plagued with the schizophrenia of the Afri-
can personality, but they may have other viruses and Trojan horses that
militate against their liberation and development. They can look up to
Consciencism for inspiration. By understanding the import of philosophi-
cal consciencism as I have tried to present here, we not only appreciate
Nkrumah’s logic and reasoning in his project. We also come to understand
where to locate our criticisms and attacks of the central ideas in his book.
NOTE
1. I will maintain the letters that Nkrumah used but I will introduce parenthesis
to make the formulas well-formed, and replace the addition sign with the logical con-
nective of conjunction throughout the paper. The bi-conditional º should be read as
either providing a definition or stating the necessary and sufficient conditions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Nkrumah, Kwame. Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization
and Development with particular reference to the African revolution. London:
Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, 1964.
