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Hydraulic City: Water and the Infrastructures of Citizenship in Mumbai

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Abstract

Hydraulic City explores the politics of Mumbai's water infrastructure to demonstrate how citizenship emerges through the continuous efforts to control, maintain, and manage the city's water. The book demonstrates how Mumbai's water flows, not through a static collection of pipes and valves, but through a dynamic infrastructure built on the relations between residents, plumbers, politicians, engineers, and the 3,000 miles of pipe that bind them. In addition to distributing water, the public water network often reinforces social identities and the exclusion of marginalized groups, as only those actively recognized by city agencies receive legitimate water services. This form of recognition—what Anand calls "hydraulic citizenship"—is incremental, intermittent, and reversible. It provides residents an important access point through which they can make demands on the state for other public services such as sanitation and education. Tying the ways Mumbai's poorer residents are seen by the state to their historic, political, and material relations with water pipes, the book highlights the critical role infrastructures play in consolidating civic and social belonging in the city.
HYDRAULIC
CITY
WATER & THE INFRASTRUCTURES
OF CITIZENSHIP IN MUMBAI
NIKHIL ANAND
HYDRAULIC CITY
Water and the Infrastructures of Citizenship in Mumbai
 
Duke University Press Durham and London 
©  Duke University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of Amer i ca on acid- free paper
Designed by Courtney Leigh Baker
Typeset in Arno Pro and League Gothic
Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data
Names: Anand, Nikhil, [date] – author.
Title: Hydraulic city : water and the infrastructures of citizenship in Mumbai /
Nikhil Anand. Description: Durham : Duke University Press, . |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identi ers:   (print) |   (ebook)
  (hardcover : alk. paper)
  (pbk. : alk. paper)
  (e- book)
Subjects: : Water security— India— Mumbai. | Water- supply— India— Mumbai. |
Infrastructure (Economics)— India— Mumbai. | Marginality, Social— India— Mumbai. |
Social integration— India— Mumbai. | India— Social conditions—st century.
Classi cation:  .   (print) |  . ebook |
 ./— dc
 rec ord available at https:// lccn . loc . gov / 
 : River of Pipes, photo by Nikhil Anand.
Preface: Water Stories— vii
Acknowl edgments— xi
. Water Works—
Interlude. A City in the Sea— 
1. SCARE CITIES 
Interlude. Fieldwork— 
2. SETTLEMENT— 
Interlude. Renewing Water— 
3. TIME PÉ (ON TIME) 
Interlude. Flood— 
4. SOCIAL WORK— 
Interlude. River/Sewer— 
5. LEAKS 
Interlude. Jharna (Spring)— 
6. DISCONNECTION 
Interlude. Miracles— 
— 
Notes— 
References— 
Index—
Contents
Preface: Water Stories
Rain,  oods, rivers, pipes, tides, and springs. Water is moving and is moved.
Humans have experienced water as the giver of life and death.  ey have
imagined it as three atoms or one of four ele ments, springing from the head
of the divine, or  oating under his sons feet. Human histories can be char-
acterized by the search for and control of water. Wells, canals, aqueducts,
lakes. Cities and civilizations have withered in its absence; others have risen
through their control of the oceans.  e social life of water has a deep, com-
plex, and remarkable history that quickly traverses social, natu ral, and po liti-
cal bound aries.
is book addresses the way water is made and managed by cities in a
period of dramatic environmental change. In par tic u lar, it explores the every-
day uncertainty with which water is accessed by those living on the margins
of the state and the market in Mumbai, India. As states increasingly seek to
distribute things through market mechanisms, this research asks why water
continues to be demanded as a public good, particularly by settlers (also
called slum dwellers) who are marginalized by public institutions. e city
and its citizens are made and unmade by the everyday practices around
water provisioning— practices that are as much about slaking thirst as they
are about making durable forms of belonging in the city. Yet this is only one
of many stories about this city of water.  e city, surrounded by the sea,
irrigated by a river- sewer, and annually  ooded by the monsoons, is soaked
in water stories.  ey constantly disrupt the stories and arguments I tell in
this book.
In a wonderful essay about the power and promise of stories, K. Sivara-
makrishnan and Arun Agrawal () point out that stories have multiple
vocalities and multiple sites of production. Unlike discourses, stories are
particularly attendant to the diverse locations at which human agency is
thwarted or dreams are partially realized. Stories are unstable. Stories are the
stu with which cities are made (Calvino ).  ey pres ent other ways for
the world to be known. Unfortunately, while Mumbai is  lled with stories of
viii—Preface
water, many of these stories are now submerged in a new wave of crisis narra-
tives about water, its politics, and its urban state. As policy experts proclaim a
future of water wars, scientists warn of imminent changes to our climate, and
government o cials, politicians, and researchers proclaim new emergencies
around the state of cities; these emergency narratives o en work to subdue
and suppress the multivalence of water and its storytellers in the city. ey
obscure how, for many residents of large cities, the uncertainties around criti-
cal resource provision are already an ongoing, almost mundane feature of
everyday life.
e telling of stories is always a po liti cal act. Ethnographers have been
famously uneasy with the ways in which our stories silence others. In recent
years, however, infrastructures of the Internet, of mobile phones and mobile
audio and video technologies, have changed the landscape of possibility for
those long silenced by the po liti cal economy of writing. If writing has never
been too far from proj ects to administer structural vio lence on the poor, as
Akhil Gupta () has poignantly argued, part of the excitement around
new communications technologies has to do with the way in which they have
reinvigorated popu lar oral and visual cir cuits of storytelling.  ey also prom-
ise to de moc ra tize the ways in which stories are told, circulate, and, as such,
a ect po liti cal structures (Appadurai ). ey permit the ethnographer
an opportunity to have the stories we tell through ethnography destabilized
by other storytelling proj ects, entangled as they o en are with our own.
In a modest and somewhat accidental e ort, I worked with youth in two
community organ izations, Akansha Sewa Sangh and Agaz, and an artist or-
ga ni za tion, , to produce Ek Dozen Paani (One Dozen Waters), a series
of twelve short  lms about water in the city while conducting  eldwork in
–. I had been hosting weekend seminars on the city and citizenship for
members of the two youth groups in the settlement where I worked, using
water as a heuristic to do so.  rough our conversations in these meetings,
I was struck by the profound memories and experiences my volunteers-
friends- students had around water. To them, water was neither dull nor merely
politics. Instead, it animated their social memories of settlement, environ-
ment, and the city. Together, we agreed to archive these memories through
a collaborative video documentary proj ect. Members of our small collective
shot video and contributed their footage into a shared archive. A series of
ten storytellers then composed and assembled a montage of audio and video
footage to tell their own stories, narrated through the relationships between
water and its infrastructures.  e  lms are freely available online and lie
alongside the stories I tell in this book. In addition, some of these stories are
Preface—ix
featured in the book as interludes. Like the other interludes in the book, they
sit with and sometimes interrupt life that I describe in these pages. Water,
like many other things we pretend to know and control, leaks from and un-
dermines the stories we tell. It saturates, soaks, and erodes the stability of the
world we know.
Supriya Polmuri’s  lm in the collection, e Question (Prashna), is one
example that demonstrates not only the power of stories but also the phe-
nomenal power of water to order and render human life precarious and pos-
si ble. e  lm begins with Polmuri looking out a win dow into the relentless
monsoon rain. As she does so, she remembers how this cyclical, temporary,
and yet proli c storm is so essential for the possibility of human life. She nar-
rates an Akbar Birbal story.
As parables circulating through oral traditions, Akbar Birbal stories have
long been told to children on the Indian subcontinent. ese stories would
always teach children to be thoughtful and a little irreverent in the world.
Here, Polmuri draws on one Akbar Birbal story to remind us that while the
world has long been ruled by great powers, they too are ultimately depen-
dent on water to survive.
Akbar asked his brother- in- law, “Tell me, what will remain in this
world if we take away the ten nakshatra of the monsoon?”  e
brother- in- law said, “I am not a little child to be asking me such ques-
tions. Naturally, seventeen constellations will remain.” Akbar said,
“ at is incorrect.” Akbar then asked Birbal the same question. Birbal
answered: “Zero.” Every body in the darbar started whispering, “How
can it be zero? . . .” Birbal said, “If the rain’s constellations go away, what
will remain in the world? If it does not rain, how will the crops ripen?
Human life itself depends on water. If the rain’s constellations are taken
away, all life forms will dis appear.” (Supriya Polmuri )
In telling this story, Supriya describes how Akbar, one of India’s most power-
ful rulers, was nonetheless aware of water’s necessity to the earth and to life.
By telling the story with nakshatralunar constellations that are used to
compose the calendar year— the story illuminates how water does not “just”
make life pos si ble. It also marks time and gives life meaning.
Yet even as we recollect water’s powers, engineering proj ects to control
water frequently presume we can rule over it and make its  ows predictable,
continuous, and ordered. Of course, as stories in this book demonstrate, pre-
tenses of human control are routinely swept away in times of drought and
deluge, or when the technologies of concrete and steel yield to water’s steady,
x—Preface
patient pressure. Nevertheless, hydraulic proj ects continue to reanimate the
city in an always incomplete e ort to make environments predictable and
reliable. As we enter times beyond the grasp of human history, we now need
to confront the very real possibility that modernist modes of hydraulic gov-
ernment may no longer be su cient for stabilizing our worlds.
Indeed, in his life, Akbar would realize that despite ruling over much of
the Indian subcontinent, he could not control its waters as e ectively. In
the late sixteenth century, Akbar deci ded to move his capital from Agra to
Fatehpur Sikri so that he could live closer to the Su saint Salim Chisti.  e
capital city, specially constructed for the purpose, took  een years to build.
Constructed out of red sandstone, its royal durbars, large columns, and im-
pressive gates together are believed to compose one of the  nest examples of
Mughal architecture. Yet just fourteen years a er it was completed, this  ne
city had to be abandoned when its nearby lakes suddenly dried up. Salman
Rushdie recounts the event in his novel e Enchantress of Florence:
e destruction of Fatehpur Sikri had begun. . . . Slowly, moment by
moment, retreating at a man’s walking pace, the water was receding.
[ e emperor] sent for the citys leading engineers but they were at a
loss to explain the phenomenon. . . . Without the lake the citizens who
could not a ord Kashmiri ice would have nothing to drink, nothing to
wash or cook with, and their children would soon die. . . . Without the
lake the city was a parched and shriveled husk.  e water continued to
drain away.  e death of the lake was the death of Sikri as well.
Without water we are nothing. Even an emperor, denied water, would
swi ly turn to dust. Water is the real monarch and we are all its slaves.
“Evacuate the city,” the emperor Akbar commanded. (Rushdie
, –)
Ac know ledg ments
is research on Mumbai’s water took me home to a world I did not know.
Like many in Mumbai, I had for a long time lived in the city without needing
to be conscious of the tremendous work of its social and material infrastruc-
tures.  rough  eldwork, I learned of the extraordinary quotidian labor of
employees of the city’s hydraulic engineering department and those that live
in the citys auto- constructed settlements, just to make water appear every
day in city taps. And so it is with this more mundane book. Its appearance as
a discrete thing conceals the generosity and work that has been invested in it
by many others, just to make it appear in the world.
As residents, friends, and experts of the city I love, I would like to thank
Vasant Ambore, Shaina Anand, Amisha Birje, Durga Gudilu, Devika Maha-
devan, Shahnawaz Pathan, Urmila Salunkhe, Shali Shaikh, Sitaram Shelar,
Ashok Sukumaran, and Satish Tripathi. I am both touched and honored that
they shared their cities and their lives with me, and value their continued
friendship. I am also grateful to so many residents of Jogeshwari, who gave
me time they did not have to talk to me about water.  anks to Mr.Borse,
Mr.Gondalia, Mr.Joshi, Mr.Shah, and Mr.Virkar of Mumbai’s Hydraulic
Engineers Department, for their many years of thankless ser vice to the hy-
draulic city. With a generosity I came to associate with the citys public ser-
vants, they patiently shared their experience, practices, and even their lunch
with me.
is proj ect began over ten years ago at Stanford University. I am most
grateful to James Ferguson, who, through his teaching, advising, and men-
toring, has inspired me to be puzzled about the world. I aspire to carry his
lucid insights, rigor, and generosity with me in the years ahead. Akhil Gupta
has been a most wonderful guide, and has consistently urged me to step back
and think of the larger questions that animate our work as researchers, and
as persons. I am also indebted to Sylvia Yanagisako, for her careful reading,
sharp analy sis, and indefatigable energy, good humor, and spirit. My dearest
friends and fellow travelers through gradu ate school, Hannah Appel, Elif
xii—Ac know ledg ments
Babul, Mon Young Cho, Maura Finkelstein, Tomas Matza, Ramah McKay,
Robert Samet, Rania Sweis, and Austin Zeiderman, continue to be my most
careful, generous, and critical readers.
For encouraging me to think about cities even before I was a gradu ate
student, and their support through  eldwork, Iam grateful to Arjun Ap-
padurai and Carol Breckenridge. In the periods both prior to and following
eldwork, K. Sivaramakrishnan (Shivi) and Anne Rademacher have inspired
me to think about the strange environments in and around cities. I am thank-
ful to Liisa Malkki, Paulla Ebron, and Purnima Mankekar, who enthused me
about the worlds of anthropology and South Asian studies in my formative
years in the anthropology department at Stanford. I would also like to thank
Amita Baviskar and  omas Blom Hansen for their gentle encouragement
through the many papers and chapters they read. In di er ent ways, they re-
minded me that the worlds between India and the United States are not as
far as they initially seemed.
I complete this book working amid wonderful and supportive colleagues
in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania. In
par tic u lar, I would like to thank Adriana Petryna, Deborah  omas, Greg
Urban, Lisa Mitchell, and Asif Agha for many stimulating conversations
and engagements that animate this book. In workshops and seminars at the
University of Minnesota, Bruce Braun, David Chang, Kate Derickson, Vinay
Gidwani, Michael Goldman, George Henderson, Karen Ho, Jean Langford,
Sarah Nelson, David Pellow, Shaden Tageldin, Karen- Sue Taussig, and David
Valentine have enriched this book. My thanks to them. In the salubrious and
tranquil environments of the Institute for Advanced Study at Prince ton, I am
grateful for the keen attentions of Didier Fassin and Joan Scott, as well as Lisa
Davis, Omar Dewachi, Je Flynn, Joe Hankins, Joe Masco, Ramah McKay,
Manuela Picq, Noah Solomon, Sverker Sorlin, Ellen Stroud, and Richard
York, who provided generative comments on the introduction and the chap-
ter on leaks.  anks also to Nishita Trisal, Matthew Hull, and the gradu ate
students of the South Asia reading group at the University of Michigan for
their helpful comments on the introduction and the  rst chapter. Arjun Ap-
padurai, Hannah Appel, Jessica Barnes, Joao Biehl, Carol Green house, Shaila
Seshia, Jesse Shipley, and Austin Zeiderman have each helped me work
through other chapters of the book, for which I am grateful.
Soon a er returning from my initial  eldwork in , I was most privi-
leged to have sections of this work resonate with scholars pursuing an anthro-
pology of infrastructure. For conversations, provocations, and collaborative
proj ects begun, ongoing, and sometimes  nished, I have learned from Hannah
Ac know ledg ments—xiii
Appel, Jessica Barnes, Laura Bear, Geof Bowker, Dominic Boyer, Ashley
Carse, Cassie Fennell, Akhil Gupta, Penelope Harvey, Kregg Hetherington,
Brian Larkin, Shaylih Muehlmann, Natasha Myers, Antina von Schnitzler,
and Christina Schwenkel.  anks also to Sarah Besky, Sapana Doshi, Asher
Ghertner, Alex Nading, and Malini Ranganathan. I have learned from our
conversations sparked by their work on cities and po liti cal ecol ogy over the
last de cade.
Fellowships and grants have been critical to both the  eldwork and the
writing of this proj ect. I would like to thank the Wenner- Gren Foundation,
the Social Science Research Council, and the National Science Foundation
for supporting the  eld research for this proj ect. Writing grants and Fellow-
ships from the University of Minnesota Press  Quadrant Fellowship, the
Institute for Advanced Study at Prince ton, and the Wenner- Gren Founda-
tion Hunt Fellowship permitted me an unusual amount of time to devote to
sharpening the text. Some text in the chapters presented here appeared in an
early format in previous publications, including Antipode, Cultural Anthro-
pology, Ethnography, and Public Culture, as well as in edited volumes such
as A Companion to the Anthropology of India and Urban Navigations. I thank
the editors and reviewers of these articles.  eir comments were helpful in
focusing the contributions of this book.
I am grateful to Ken Wissoker, Elizabeth Ault, and Susan Albury at Duke
University Press. From our very  rst conversations nearly six years ago, Ken
has helped me sharpen my arguments in the book, and nurtured its interven-
tions. Elizabeth and Susan have been splendid to work with as well, moving
the book quickly and reliably from its initial submission through production,
and into the world. Rachel Jones, Amy Summer, and Sheila McMahon have
carefully and diligently copyedited the manuscript and patiently delivered
on its impossible deadlines at di ferent stages of its preparation. My thanks
to Jake Coo lidge for his careful work on the maps and illustrations, and Celia
Braves for her skillful work with the index.
I would most of all like to thank my families— both in India and the United
States. My siblings, Rahul and Nisha, and their partners, Tasmai and Anand,
have been an infrastructure of care that sustains my life in Mumbai. My grati-
tude to Jill and Ron McKay, a lovely family I have more recently been granted,
ey have ensured that we are yet to have a childcare crisis on account of
traveling for work. From our time in California, and through our several os-
cillations between the Mid- Atlantic and the Upper Midwest, Ramah McKay
has been a joy with whom to share my life, our moving boxes, and this book.
I delight in sharing every day with her, and our beautiful children, Kabir and
xiv—Ac know ledg ments
Neel.  eir smiles nourish these pages. Fi nally, I would like to acknowledge
my parents, Roshni and Surinder Anand. It has been a long journey since
when, with little more than a prayer and a leap of faith, they ventured to send
me to college on the other side of the world. While things did not quite work
out as they expected (I never did become an engineer), I have received only
their most unconditional love and support. It is to them, and to their inde-
fatigable optimism and spirit that I dedicate this book.
. Water Works
Every day, engineers working in Mumbai’s Hydraulic Engineering Depart-
ment source and distribute . billion liters of water through over three thou-
sand miles of pipe to the city’s residents and businesses. Residents receive
this water for a few hours a day, according to a schedule made by engineers
and planners. Working between the ward and zonal o ces, engineers decide
when, and for how long, each of the citys  hydraulic zones gets water.  e
schedule is then operationalized by a small army of chaviwallas (key people),
who ride in municipal vans on crowded city roads to turn eight hundred valves
on and o with a series of specialized cranks and levers (known as keys). As
they turn valves at the rate of one for every minute of the day, their rather
mundane work produces dynamic and temporary pulses of water pressure in
city pipes that hydrate the lives of over thirteen million residents.  eir work,
together with the  ve hundred water engineers and seven thousand laborers of
the Hydraulic Engineering Department, is absolutely necessary to produce a
vital matter of city life: water.
Yet, despite all of this phenomenal labor and engineering, the hydraulic
city is leaking profusely. During the hours of water supply, some pressured
water hydrates the lives of known publics.  e rest silently seeps out of pipes
to unknown ( human and non human) others. As a result, the water infra-
structure is full of contests and controversies. Residents are always shouting,
complaining and protesting for more water. When groups protest in their
o ces or on the streets, engineers sometimes respond by trying to rearrange
the water pressures and the hours of supply.  ey try to give more water to
protesting publics by providing them water for “more time.” However,
—Introduction
because the amount of water the city gets every day is  nite and materialized
by valve operations, to give one hydraulic zone more water is also to give
another zone less.
Residents, meanwhile, are not always content with waiting for the city to
act.  ey o en work with plumbers to redirect pipes without the permis-
sions of the water department. As they do so, the city’s water  ows become
di cult to control and know through centralized technologies. Instead, as
water is constantly being redirected between and within city wards, that a
neighborhood or a house hold has water in the pres ent does not necessarily
mean that it will continue to have water in the future.
Less than half a mile from a valve that chaviwallas turn on the eve ning
shi , Alka tai, a longtime resident of Jogeshwari, Mumbai, told me about her
daily work of water collection. Despite the chaviwallas’ routines, some resi-
dents of Meghwadi— the settlement in which she lived—no longer received
water with su cient pressure. Established over thirty years prior, Meghwadi
was now categorized by the state as a “recognized slum.” As such, its resi-
. Chaviwallas
turning a valve on city
streets. All photos are
by the author unless
other wise credited.
Introduction—
dents, unlike those of more recent settlements, were eligible for municipal
ser vices such as electricity, water, and garbage collection. Yet, in my previ-
ous meetings at the community center, Alka tai had been very vocal about
the water prob lems in the settlement, and particularly in her home. “ Water
comes out of the pipe like a child’s piss,” one of her neighbors told me, ges-
turing with her little  n ger to indicate the  ckleness and inadequacy of the
ser vice. e water department’s impotency, she seemed to suggest, required
many residents to spend their time laboring for water.
To see what she and her neighbors were experiencing  rsthand, Alka tai
invited me to her home. We stepped out of the community center, which sat
on the main road, and walked into the settlement. With neatly painted brick
walls, grilled win dows, and electricity, Meghwadi’s houses looked quite solid
and reliable.  ey were arranged neatly on a grid. Children played in the
alleys, skipping de ly away from those returning from work at the end of the
day. Potted plants lined the alley.  e neighborhood’s “beauti cation” was
a poignant reminder not only of the settlers’ achievements but also of their
aspirations for urban environments.
As we walked through the paved alleys and right by open wells of Alka
tai’s neighborhood, we stopped a few doors just before her home, by a tap
near a small provision store. She turned it on to show me that indeed there
was water— that it was the area’s scheduled water time.
Alkai tai’s home was just around the corner. It was larger than I expected,
with a staircase leading to an upper  oor. Downstairs, the tiled front room
was separated from the kitchen by a fading curtain. Its walls were painted
bright pink. Her house had water infrastructure built into its design. Both her
kitchen and bathroom had concealed plumbing, taps, and drainage. To my
surprise, I also saw an overhead water storage tank sitting above the washing
room.  e water infrastructure in Alka tai’s home looked a lot like the one I
grew up with, twenty kilo meters away in the high- rises of a neighborhood in
central Mumbai.
Yet, for Alka tai, the overhead tank was no longer of much use. Her family
had installed the tank when there was good water pressure. Now, there was
so little water pressure that she could barely  ll the small drums and buckets
that packed the washing area. It was one thing to have water infrastructure,
Ithought to myself, and quite another to have water at home. Alka tai ex-
plained to me that her water prob lems did not have to do with a lack of water
in her pipes. “ ere is water!” she insisted. To demonstrate this, she began
sucking water out of the pipe in the washing room— a human pump. In a few
seconds, the  ckle water began  owing, hesitant at  rst, and then consistently,
—Introduction
quietly. “See,” she said, “whenever I want water I have to do this.” I marveled
at the mundane yet physical way in which she needed to use her own labor to
physically draw water out of municipal pipes. Sympathetic toward her water
di culties, I wondered where her prob lem was located. Was it because the
valves of the water department were not su ciently turned? Or might the
prob lem be nearer her home, in the piped network of her neighborhood?
Where the blockage was physically located would determine whether the
responsibility for its repair was a private or public matter.
It was only a er she demonstrated her di culties that Alka tai welcomed
me as a guest in her home and o ered to make me a cup of chai. As I sat down
to wait in the living room, I was surrounded by four children doing their
homework.  ey, in turn, were surrounded by their schoolbooks, neatly en-
cased in laminated, brown paper covers. One of them had an assignment in
En glish. A few minutes later, Alka tai brought me some peanut chikki and
tea and sat down to chat. “Sab kuch hai,” she said. “We have every thing.” Her
husband had a stable job with the railways, her kids were being educated
in En glish at private schools, and she spent her a er noons working with her
women’s savings group. Indeed, her home and her house hold infrastructure
had all the marks of upward mobility. “Sab kuch hai, par paani nahi hai,” she
continued. “If we don’t have water, what is the use of all this?” She gestured
around her home, at the painted walls, the electri ed ceiling, and the books
of her children.
Perhaps because it was still early in my  eldwork, my eve ning in Alka tai’s
home was formative to the questions that frame this book. I had not expected
her home to be so ordinary— that it would have painted walls, tiled  oors,
internal plumbing, and be full of children going to private school. As I sat in
her home, waiting for tea, I was compelled to reconsider many preconceived
ideas that I had about life in the “slums,” having grown up next to them in
Mumbai, and having read about them as a gradu ate student in California.
rough these memories and texts, I had learned a fair amount about slums
as “informal” and marked by di er ent kinds of absence— the absence of plan-
ning, formal civil associations, concrete houses, laws, and city infrastructure.
I had learned that slums were popularly imagined to be structures built with-
out the permissions, recognitions, and licenses of the state, on property that
belonged to someone else. In the documents of the state, “slums” are not
marked by their legality but instead signify places of nuisance, dangers to
public health, and also potential sites for the extension of urban ser vices.
Several Bollywood  lms depict slums as places  lled with rural immigrants,
criminals, or enterprising heroes. And  nally, a range of popu lar texts on
Introduction—
slums in the Global South have recently described them si mul ta neously as
places of sparse living conditions and places of potentiality and revolution-
ary action.
Alka tai’s home, meanwhile, did not have a place in these accounts, satu-
rated as they are with structural accounts of precarity, displacement, and
absence. Nor did her home  t neatly into sensationalist and entrepreneurial
renditions of slum life. As I sat under a fan in her spotless, electri ed, pucca
home, in a paved, clean neighborhood, sipping tea and looking at her der-
elict water network, I confronted the very ordinary ways in which her family
had, within a generation, cemented their lives in the city despite tremendous
odds, even as she strug gled to access water. If her home seemed exceptional
it was not because it was marked by the qualities carried by the word slum.
What seemed remarkable instead was that Alka tai had inhabited her home
without the permission of the state and had, within a generation, improved
it substantively. Her house hold was now seen by the state as one that could
receive state ser vices.
Accordingly, in this book I try to avoid using the terms slum and slum
dweller. As many have by now pointed out, these terms carry images and
ideas (of danger, vice, disorder, and  lth) that did not characterize my expe-
rience in homes like Alka tai’s. Instead, I use the terms settlement and settler
to identify the ways in which residents built and inhabited par tic u lar kinds
of homes prior to formal state recognition. While these terms also have their
troubling histories, they better describe the material and po liti cal pro cesses
by which homes like Alka tai’s have been built and claimed in the city. Where
I do occasionally use the term slum or slum dweller it is to reference the state
categories through which settlements are known.
How did Alka tai’s family make life in the city pos si ble? Her house and
neighborhood were well connected to many urban services— electricity,
schools, water, and hospitals.  at fact that her children went to private
school revealed not only the state of public education in the city but also her
family’s ability to transcend it and realize their aspirations for children who
spoke En glish. Later in our conversations, she spoke about the ways in which
her mahila mandal ( women’s or ga ni za tion) helped others access health ser-
vices in hospitals or gain school admissions. She was able to ensure that her
garbage was regularly collected, that she could live in material and social
comfort. Nevertheless, despite her work, and the work of the city’s water
department, she had water prob lems that made daily life rather di cult. As
she went on to describe the graduated and discretionary means by which
she accessed city ser vices, I noted that her access to urban services— water,
—Introduction
housing, food, electricity– did not come as an indivisible package of rights,
borne out of her formal legal status, nor was she outside these infrastructural
regimes. Instead, they were discretely entailed and materialized through di-
verse recognitions of technology, law, and state practice in the city.
is book follows the iterative, discreet, and incremental ways in which
marginal groups establish their lives in the city by attending to the  ckle  ow
of water through municipal pipes. Noting the ordinary and extraordinary
work that it takes to make water  ow from rain- fed dams to the homes of the
city’s marginalized residents, I focus on how cities, citizens, and their po-
liti cal authorities are mediated and made through the everyday government
of hydraulic infrastructure.  is infrastructure is a living, breathing, leaking
assemblage of more- than- human relations. It is composed as much of steel
and cement as “nature,” laws, social histories, and po liti cal practices.  e sur-
feit materialities and socialities that have accreted around modern water
distribution infrastructures in the city not only assist in but also perforate,
interrupt, and sit alongside power ful e orts to constitute liberal cities and
subjects in Mumbai.
In making this argument I draw on the work of postcolonial historian Di-
pesh Chakrabarty, who has urged an attention to the way that the multiple
“politics of human belonging and diversity” at times assist and (at other times)
interrupt the per for mances of capitalism. ese forms of social and natu ral
belonging— “History s,” as Chakrabarty calls them— are neither external to
nor are they subsumed by capitalism (Chakrabarty , ).  ey “live in
intimate and plural relation to capital, from opposition to neutrality” ().
By designating several pos si ble “History s” in this way, Chakrabarty seeks to
draw attention to multiplicities of life worlds that per sis tently have ambiva-
lent relations with capital formation. While capitalism is power ful, it is also
a contingent pro cess full of instabilities, improvisations, and unanticipated
articulations (see Mitchell ; Tsing ).
In this book I draw on Chakrabartys argument to theorize the social life
of infrastructure in Indian cities. In demonstrating how Mumbai’s hydraulic
infrastructure is power ful, and yet is full of leaks and always falling apart,
I suggest that infrastructure is a social- material assemblage that not only
constitutes the form and per for mance of the liberal (and neoliberal) city but
also frequently punctures its per for mances. Infrastructure entangles liberal
rule in lifeworlds that its administrators have long sought to transform and
transcend.
Historians and geographers of the liberal city have traced its formation
to the rise and administration of sanitary infrastructures in Eu rope in the
Introduction—
late eigh teenth and early nineteenth centuries. As proponents of liberal rule
rose to prominence during this period, they sought to give liberalism form
by “freeing” po liti cal subjects and objects from the “primitive” entanglements
of social and po liti cal life. It is di cult to overemphasize the role of infra-
structure in this proj ect.  e infrastructures that were rapidly produced,
extended, and renovated in this time— roads, sanitary infrastructures, and
marketplaces— were not only productive of liberal expertise but also en-
abled a series of constitutive divisions necessary for the operation of liberal
rationalities in everyday life. ese included the separation of the technical
domain from the po liti cal, the material and natu ral from the social, and the
private from the public. Promising to enable states to rationally govern sub-
jects from a distance (see Foucault ), infrastructures have since been key
sites for the administration of life. rough their extension, management,
and repair, infrastructures make life and liberal rule pos si ble.
Nevertheless, the promises of liberalism (and for that matter, neoliberal-
ism)—of the free, continuous  ows of people, ideas, and things— have long
been elusive particularly (but not just) in the postcolonial city. In Mumbai,
liberal rule has been troubled by colonial histories,  ckle natures, and restive
publics. Colonial histories of limited liberal government, a technopo liti cal
regime that is beholden to regular annual rainfall in a distant (but relatively
small) watershed, and pres ent neoliberal modes of governing infrastructures
have instead constituted the citys infrastructures as unstable forms that
continuously leak, break down, and operate as background in everyday life.
While infrastructures occasionally produce and enable the movement of
some po liti cal subjects or things, they also continue to stall, stick, and bind
proj ects of liberal and neoliberal reform in the city. In these pages, I focus on
the excesses of Mumbai’s hydraulic infrastructure to demonstrate how its
materialities, histories, and socialities have ambivalent relations with the
production of liberal rule. I argue that water infrastructures are generative of
a multiple, entangled, nonconstitutive outside to the form and per for mance
of the liberal city.
Following this larger argument, I make three subsidiary arguments that
pertain to how the hydraulic city and its citizens are made. First, hydraulic citi-
zenship (or substantive membership in the citys water distribution regime)
is not a singular, historical event in the linear time of liberal polities. Instead,
it is an incremental, intermittent, and reversible pro cess that is composed of
multiple temporalities. Second, as citizens are formed through the historic,
po liti cal, and material relations they make with water pipes, these relations
constantly have po liti cal e ects that exceed human intentionality, thought,
—Introduction
and action. As such, we need to more carefully account for the material
politics of infrastructure in readings of postcolonial history and theoriza-
tions of government. Fi nally, I draw attention to excesses of Mumbai’s water
infrastructure— the leaks of water and authority— because such forms of
wasted authority and uncontrolled  ow are why water systems remain pub-
lic. Despite being marginalized through these infrastructures, settlers desire
public infrastructures precisely because “bloated” public systems provide
many more points of access through which settlers can incrementally and
tenuously establish reliable homes in the city. In the following sections, I
work through each of these arguments in more detail.
Hydraulic Citizenship
Over the last two de cades, anthropologists have demonstrated how citizen-
ship is not simply a formal category of membership that guarantees its bearer
equal membership in a national polity. Citizenship is a  exible and con-
tingent form of po liti cal subjecti cation that emerges through iterative (and
constitutive) per for mances between the state and its subjects (Ong ). It
is claimed through formal practices of voting, everyday per for mances of so-
cial belonging, and also through demands for the resources of states— water
ser vices, schools, and health care. While formal citizenship promises equal-
ity among citizens, the distribution of substantive civil, po liti cal, socioeco-
nomic, and cultural rights among citizens has long been unequal (Holston
and Appadurai ; see also Holston ). Anthropologists have shown
how social and cultural di erence have o en been the grounds for both the de-
nial and the accommodation of citizenship claims, as marginalized groups—
immigrants, minorities, indigenous groups, and the poor— are o en seen and
treated as second- class citizens by their nation- states. e graduated forms
of membership and belonging that ensue demonstrate how citizenship can
be inclusive, yet also dramatically unequal (Holston ).
In this book, I draw on this work on citizenship to explore how the ma-
teriality of the socionatural world matters to citizenship forms. By attending
to the iterative relations between Mumbai’s residents, and their relations to
pipes and municipal engineers, I argue that hydraulic citizenship— the abil-
ity of residents to be recognized by city agencies through legitimate water
services—is an intermittent, partial, and multiply constituted social and
material pro cess. Hydraulic citizenship is not a linear pro cess that is realized
through the accreted recognitions of city laws, documents, and policies, or
the outcome of po liti cal protest or social recognition. Hydraulic citizenship
Introduction—
is a cyclical, iterative pro cess that is highly dependent on social histories, po-
liti cal technologies, and the material- semiotic infrastructures of water distri-
bution in the city.
Residents in Mumbai are only too aware of the ways that the promises of
citizenship are only  tfully delivered, even to those who have all the neces-
sary documents that establish their claims to the city. For instance, Alka
tai’s story made clear that her everyday experiences of the entitlements of
her citizenship were only tenuously related to her formal status as an Indian
citizen or her governmental status as being eligible for water ser vices. While
she was a formal citizen— for instance, she was recognized as a voting citizen
by both the federal and municipal governments— she received only some of
the promises and guarantees of this citizenship.
Residents of the city are discretely hailed by di er ent city agencies in the
provisioning of their daily needs. While di er ent state ser vices are related to
each other, they do not “arrive” at residents’ homes consistently, or together,
when they are “recognized” as urban citizens. Alka tai recognized her cycli-
cal and patchy experiences of substantive citizenship when she gestured to
the anachronistic state of her water network together with her family’s other
tangible accomplishments. She and her family now lived in a house that, while
unauthorized, was recognized by the city administration to be  t and de-
serving of its governmental services— garbage collection, electricity, water.
Her house was protected from the arbitrary de mo li tion exercises of the state.
Accordingly, her family had invested in internal plumbing and overhead stor-
age tanks.  is infrastructure and its commitments (hardware, pipes,  -
nance) suggest that she felt reasonably stable in her home and that she had
received high- pressure water from the city. As such, she was not just a formal
citizen— with the papers and pipes marking the ways in which her home
was recognized by the state.  e infrastructures of her home also indexed
the ways in which she was seen and treated as a substantive citizen by the
city’s electricity utility, education department, health ser vices, and the water
department.
Yet these achievements were belied by the di culties she had recently
begun to face. When I visited Alka tai, she no longer received water with a
pressure she had come to expect. Instead, she was compelled to draw the
state and its water into her home using her own bodily labor, by sucking water
out of the pipes.
e nonlinear relation between her past connections, everyday experiences
with other public infrastructures, and expectations for the future— here in-
stantiated by a  ckle water line— illuminates how hydraulic citizenship in
—Introduction
the city, like other forms of belonging, is not an event that is turned on and
o like a switch, nor is it secured with the recognitions of land tenure or
other papers and policies of urban belonging. Instead, hydraulic citizenship
emerges through diverse articulations between the technologies of politics
(enabled by laws, plans, politicians, patrons, and social workers) and the pol-
itics of technology (enabled by the peculiar and situated forms of plumbing,
pipes, and pumps). It depends on the  ckle and changing  ows of water, the
social relations through which everyday po liti cal claims are recognized, and
the materials that enable residents to connect to and receive reliable water
from the urban government. It takes a signi cant amount of work to become
and remain a hydraulic citizen. As settlers and other residents constantly eval-
uate and respond to the dynamic  ow of water pressure in the city, their water
connections not only form and constitute their social and po liti cal urban
communities but also elucidate and di erentiate the ways in which residents
are able to claim and live in them.
How did Alka tai once get reliable water with so much pressure that she
could  ll an overhead tank? And why could she no longer do so? When Alka
tai gestured to her water infrastructure as she spoke, she suggested that the
likelihood of her being counted once again among the city’s hydraulic citi-
zens related to not only to the conditions of her belonging to the city’s polity
but also to the material conditions of the water infrastructure. ese condi-
tions depended on the life of the installed pipes, as well as daily maintenance
work of city engineers, chaviwallas, and the vari ous po liti cal and technical
intermediaries (councilors and plumbers) that connected her home to the
city’s public system. To reliably retrieve water through her pipes again, she
was now required to do vital maintenance work in order to restore her claims
to water pressure from the city’s water department.
e Matter of Government
In Mumbai, and indeed in many other cities, residents understand that their
access to water ser vices is both productive and re ective of their relationship
to state institutions. Water ser vices, as such, not only describe the substan-
tive ways in which residents are seen and treated as deserving subjects of
state authority, of ways they are seen by the state (Scott ). Water ser vices
also are means through which subjects “see the state” (Corbridge etal. ).
e pipes and pressures of the water network are a key site through which
the legitimacy of state o cials and their institutions is evaluated and claimed
by residents of the hydraulic city.
Introduction—
In recent years, scholars have drawn on Michel Foucault’s formulation of
biopolitics to theorize the entailments, limits, and possibilities of modern,
liberal forms of government that emerged through Eu rope’s relations with its
colonies in the late eigh teenth century. Biopolitics is understood as a mo-
dality of rule that works through the administration of goods and resources
(like water) that people need to live. It “refers to a taken- for- granted (though
not necessarily very well conceptualized) fact: that all modern governments
are concerned with managing the biological, social, and economic life of
their subjects” (Collier , ). Indeed, as thousands of miles of water pipes
connect the legal regimes and po liti cal resources of the municipal state to the
intimate habits of life in Mumbai’s households— quenching thirst, cooking
food, and washing bodies— the everyday management of these infrastruc-
tures is a po liti cal technology constantly bringing states, cities, and subjects
into being (see Barry , ).
Nevertheless, if Foucauldian scholarship has drawn attention to how
human imaginaries, social categories, and politics have been embedded in
technologies, less clear is the manner in which the peculiar materialities of
technologies matter to the form and formation of government. at is to
say, if di er ent technologies—of water, health, or energy— are extended by
a governmental regime, do they produce di er ent kinds of subjects, or do
they each have similar e ects? For instance, is a hydraulic citizen the same as
an electric (or energetic) citizen? Does the hydraulic state produce the same
forms of po liti cal subjectivity as the electric (or energetic) state?
ere has been an active and long- standing debate in science and tech-
nology studies () as to whether and how artifacts and objects may “have”
a politics (see Star ; Winner ; Woolgar and Cooper ). In this
book I demonstrate how the materials and technologies of water infrastruc-
tures are not po liti cally neutral, subject to the power ful po liti cal rationali-
ties of government o cials or World Bank reform proj ects. Nor do di er ent
modernist infrastructures in the city produce similar kinds of po liti cal subjec-
tivity. Water, electric, cellular, and media infrastructures emerge from, pro-
duce, and permit di er ent (but related) forms of po liti cal subjectivity in
the city. Mobilized by both their semiotics and their material a ordances,
these infrastructures call out and enable forms of everyday management that
are reducible neither to the po liti cal rationalities of administrators or poli-
ticians nor to the material technologies that engineers mobilize in the city.
Instead, they are unsteady accretions of di er ent and dispersed social and
material relations. ey are brought into being out of a multiplicity of his-
torical forms and technopo liti cal relations that, while bound together, seldom
—Introduction
fully cohere.Slowly formed over time, infrastructures are made by and con-
stitutive of diverse po liti cal rationalities, past and pres ent. Fi nally, infra-
structures are not smooth surfaces that perform as planned; instead, they are
aky, falling- apart forms that constantly call out for proj ects of management,
maintenance, and repair that challenge proj ects of human knowledge and
control.
is is why pipes connecting Alka tai’s home to the state’s large reser-
voirs and dams acted in ways that o en conf used her, plumbers, and the city’s
water engineers alike.  e “eventful” politics of pipes, storage reservoirs, and
valves— formed through relations between humans and nonhumans— all
too frequently leaked through and permeated proj ects to govern this vital
resource (see Braun and Whatmore ). At times, these po liti cal e ects par-
ticipate in or challenge proj ects of government. At others, they lay beyond
systems of human thought, control, and action, constantly troubling the form
and formation of life in the city.
In returning our attentions to the vitality and activity of the material
worlds we live with, this book does not suggest that our po liti cal structures
are determined and regulated by material conditions. Instead, as already
assembled infrastructures constantly break down, they reveal how our mate-
rial, imaginative, discursive, and legal worlds are held together through un-
stable relations that rapidly and frequently transcend those of politics and
technology, of the human and nonhuman, of nature, matter, and ideology. As
infrastructures need to be maintained and renewed, they are constantly open
to forming and reforming new kinds of cities and citizens.
For example, Alka tai’s home made abundantly clear that her water prob-
lems were not only the e ect of physical arrangements— the hardware of the
network. Indeed, the thin pipes she was permitted to use were more fragile
and liable to blockage. Yet these pipes were not just described by the dia-
meters of steel, or the vari ous qualities of steel pipe that are more or less li-
able to rust and rupture. Here water prob lems were also constituted through
“so ” systems— legal regimes that deny water to recent settlers, department
policies that permit settlers like Alka tai water lines no larger than a half inch
in dia meter, the plans of water distribution that direct lower- pressure water
to her neighborhood, and the di use and decentralized everyday prac-
tices of residents, plumbers, and chaviwallas who live in the city. As such, the
hydraulic system that emerges here is not a centralized formation of power
and knowledge— the hydraulic state— that Karl Wittfogel imagined half a
century ago. Instead, the network that emerges here is controlled by a vari-
ety of residents, engineers, and administrators that move water in the city. It
Introduction—
is an infrastructure that leaks almost as much water as it delivers according to
plan. Residents and governmental experts do not rule over Mumbai’s water
infrastructures. Instead they are made to live through its  ckle and multiple
leaks and breakdowns in an environment of social, po liti cal, and material
uncertainty.
erefore, in describing Mumbai’s water network, I theorize infrastruc-
ture not as a  xed set of material things that are functioning in the back-
ground until they break down in vis i ble ways. Infrastructures are neither
ontologically prior to politics nor are they merely e ects of social or ga ni za-
tion. Infrastructures are  aky accretions of sociomaterial pro cesses that are
brought into being through relations with human bodies, discourses, and
other things (sewage, soil, water,  ltration plants).  ey are pro cesses always
in formation and, as Alka tai found, always coming apart.
inking about Mumbai’s water infrastructures as a pro cess, one that is and
yet is always becoming (see Biehl and Locke ), allows us to recognize the
ways in which it structures the pres ent and yet is also contingent on the imagi-
nations and labor performed in a technological and po liti cal moment. As
such, infrastructures accrete di er ent temporalities. As new technologies,
socialities, and politics are always emergent, they sometimes bring into
being new infrastructures, whose moralities are appended onto already ex-
isting infrastructures. When new reform regimes are gra ed onto already
existing gatherings of steel, water, engineering, and politics, the resulting forms
sometimes evade the structures and regimes of government (see Collier
). By drawing attention to the intransigence of water pipes and the ways
in which their pressures, leakages, and weight matter, I show how, despite a
deep history of state control, by no means has water been successfully en-
compassed by technopolitics. As water leaks, despite e orts to conserve it
for human use, its materiality is not only constitutive of the po liti cal  eld
but also always exceeds it, destabilizing its di er ent regimes with a signi -
cant degree of uncertainty.
Postcolonial Infrastructure
Research on water infrastructures, energy networks, housing, and roads has
demonstrated how po liti cal subjectivities and authorities are made through
proj ects to manage infrastructure, the connections and disconnections they
enable, and the ways in which they materialize and rescale geographies. In
his generative review of the lit er a ture, Brian Larkin has pointed out that “in-
frastructures are matter that enable the movement of other matter. . . . ey
—Introduction
are things and also the relation between things” (, ).  ey are po liti-
cal structures and cultural forms that have, for some time, been associated
as symbols, promises, and vectors of modernity. In both social theory and
po liti cal life, infrastructures have served as temporal markers for what dis-
tinguishes the developed from the developing world, a telos upon which the
wealth of nations and the modern time of their cultures have been mapped
and assessed.
Infrastructures and technologies have long circulated around the world
as po liti cal technologies to govern populations. Since it was  rst installed in
, Mumbai’s water system is, in many ways, as old, complex, and exten-
sive as those in several other global cities, including New York, Paris, and
London. Built in the same era as the large public hydraulic works in these
other cities, colonial Mumbai’s modern water infrastructure was formed in
close conversation with experts, engineers, and bureaucrats in Eu rope. As in
those cities, Mumbai’s water proj ects too were formed amid conversations
around urban modernity and liberalism.
Nevertheless, because infrastructural forms also depend on the po liti cal
and social milieu in which they are assembled (Hughes ), it is signi cant
that the city’s hydraulic infrastructure was  rst established and extended dur-
ing its time as a colonial city. If hydraulic engineers shared the technologies
and arts of constructing a modern system between London and Mumbai,
their expertise was subject to restrictions in the colony. Colonial administra-
tors in Mumbai were subject to particularly rigid  scal constraints because their
supervisors in London questioned whether the city and its subjects were
deserving of the  scal investments entailed by a modern water system (see
Dossal , ). When the provincial government  nally received permis-
sion to build and  nance Mumbai’s water infrastructure, it was  rst extended
to secure the needs of the city’s military cantonment and its wealthy native
merchant communities.
erefore, if production of a water system was inextricably tied to the
making of a liberal citizen and a circulating public in London or Manchester
(see Joyce ), the production of a water system in colonial Mumbai was
designed to discriminate between those who were deserving of member-
ship in the colonial city and those for whom the promises of liberal citizen-
ship were deferred or denied. As such, in Mumbai (and indeed in many
other postcolonial cities), splintered urban forms are not merely an e ect
of neoliberal restructuring. Mumbai’s water system has been splintered and
technopo liti cal from its earliest days as a colonial city. As such, the, instal-
lation of the water system in colonial Bombay served at once to institute the
Introduction—
colonial state as the leading patron of water delivery in the city, shi the costs
of this delivery onto residents, and, by doing so, establish a biopo liti cal sys-
tem of limited liberal governance in an emerging center of empire.
ere is little rec ord of the colonial or the early postcolonial government
extending water ser vices to those who lived in the city’s auto- constructed
settlements. While water ser vices would eventually be extended to those
living in the working- class housing blocks of the city, this was done slowly
and incrementally. To this day, these social di erences are reproduced by the
accreted laws, policies, and techniques that govern water in the postcolonial
city. For instance, the historic alignment of water mains continues to favor the
wealthier upper classes that live in the southern parts of the city, as do di er-
ent kinds of laws that continue to tie water access to property claims. Nev-
ertheless, the po liti cal forms of government have also changed over the last
seventy years. Today, the laws and practices of di erentiation and marginal-
ization are constantly contested by settlers and other marginalized residents
who mobilize both technical expertise and the po liti cal claims of citizenship,
kinship, and clientship to demand a more inclusive regime of government in
the city.
at many of those living in settlements have historically not been con-
sidered substantive citizens of government poses a prob lem for scholars of
global cities, who sometimes assume the ubiquity of the liberal subject in their
critiques of neoliberalism and citizenship. Owing to the po liti cal histories
of the postcolonial city, liberal citizenship has not been the dominant po liti-
cal location from which subjects make po liti cal claims.
In fact, settlers work hard to mobilize water connections precisely because
these are also helpful in establishing their citizenship in the city. Legal water
connections deliver more than water in Mumbai.  e bills and pipes that
legal connections also deliver are critical in demonstrating to other branches
of city government that their subjects are good, recognized citizens.  us,
to be seen as deserving urban citizens in the countrys most cap i tal ist city, set-
tlers meticulously mobilize the correct languages, papers, materials, and prac-
tices that document their presence in the city, so that they may get a legal water
connection. ey mobilize vari ous governmental and po liti cal practices—
crossing the bound aries between liberalism and illiberalism, patronage and
citizenship—to establish both access to water and, with it, documentary evi-
dence that they “belong” to the city.
In paying close attention to these kinds of po liti cal practices, Partha Chat-
terjee has suggested that the space of negotiation for marginalized groups
takes place not through the procedures of civil society but through those of
—Introduction
po liti cal society. Marginalized populations, Chatterjee argues, “make their
claims on government, and in turn are governed, not within the framework
of stable constitutionally de ned rights and laws, but rather through tempo-
rary, contextual and unstable arrangements arrived at through direct po liti cal
negotiations. . . . All of this makes the claims of people in po liti cal society a
matter of constant po liti cal negotiation and the results are never secure or
permanent.  eir entitlements, even when recognized, never quite become
rights” (, –; emphasis added).
Chatterjee’s framing of po liti cal society describes a power ful way to ex-
amine how settlers have improved their homes and their infrastructure in
Mumbai— through relationships with policemen, municipal o cers, and
po liti cal leaders (see chapter). Yet settlers do not only mobilize the claims
and demands of po liti cal society as subjects of humanitarian care in Mumbai.
ey are recognized as formal citizens through temporary yet critical civil
rituals such as elections, public consultations, or human rights training pro-
grams (chapter ).  ey also work hard to be counted, recognized, mea-
sured, and mapped in government surveys as legitimate citizens. With these
compromised and multiple techniques, settlers in Mumbai have e ected a
critical shi in the terms and means of belonging to the urban polity over the
last three de cades, where their politics of life are sometimes framed in terms
of a politics of rights. Like many other more privileged residents of the city,
their po liti cal practices—of claiming rights and favors— emerge from the
po liti cal situation formed by their relations with friends, families, and other
infrastructures of life, including the water network.
us, the social histories of Alka tai’s neighborhood are full of di er ent
stories of protest marches to the o ces of the water department, and of peti-
tions and special requests made at the o ces of city councilors. Residents
animatedly describe how they control their water system despite the lethargy
of state o cials. eir stories are also populated by prosaic and tedious appli-
cation forms, proofs of address, and plumber work orders. Residents care for
these papers actively, and through them claim and call out for the programs
and protections of government, performing what anthropologist Arjun Ap-
padurai has called “governmentality from below” (, ; see also Zeider-
man ). Accordingly, these improvement proj ects are not only extended
down” to the settlements from the o ces of the city municipal corporation.
Settlers also o en tugged, pulled, and vociferously demanded these connec-
tions to their homes.
In Mumbai, wealthy and poor residents alike do not get individual house hold
connections, but share their water connections with their neighbors. As
Introduction—
such, the water department generates and holds together social collectives
that mediate relations between the state and individual house holds. For
instance, for Alka tai to get a water connection in accordance with the mu-
nicipal rules, her house hold was required to form a cooperative society with
ten other neighboring house holds and apply as a group for a single shared
“standpost” connection at the water o ce. Since obtaining this connection,
Alka tai and other “members” have made their own investments in the net-
work and designed the water infrastructures from the city water main to their
homes.
Because her water pipes were shared with her neighbors, Alka tai also
shared with them her water prob lems as well as her strategies for managing
them. As soon as we  nished our tea, she took me to a neighbor’s house.
Like Alka tai’s husband, Jadhav was gainfully employed. He ran a lathe above
his home and was busy doing small machining works on contract. Like Alka tai,
he too complained of an unreliable supply. Hearing us discussing water out-
side his home, another neighbor who worked in the postal ser vice came out
to talk with us. Yes, water was a prob lem, he said, but it was not something to
fuss about. His friend had commissioned a city councilors plumber to clean
the pipes. He would take , rupees (US$) from each house hold to do
the work and guaranteed success. Instead of doing this kit- pit (complain-
ing) with a useless researcher, perhaps they could try him?  e suggestion
sounded good to both Alka tai and her neighbor.  e amount of money did
not seem to bother them too much, and they agreed to call the plumber to
see if he could  x the errant pipes.
Public Reforms
In much of the development lit er a ture, the crumbling, vis i ble, decrepit water
infrastructures that Alka tai lived with are suggested to be emblematic of
cities in the Global South. Against the normative expectations of infrastruc-
ture’s invisibility, the hypervisibility of infrastructure in cities of the Global
South is o en taken—by scholars and administrators alike—as evidence of
pathological breakdown, of “not- quite” modernity. In recent years, however,
a series of infrastructural disasters and mundane infrastructural disrepair in
the Global North has challenged our imagined geographies of breakdown,
abandonment, and infrastructural development. As stories of infrastructural
breakdown increasingly permeate newspapers and research proj ects in the
United States, the production of smooth and spectacular infrastructures has
been taken up most actively in developing countries like Brazil, India, and
—Introduction
China as evidence of their global ambitions. It is through the active pro-
duction and extension of hypermodern infrastructures that countries like
India and China seek to join the “developed” world.
In this landscape, the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mis-
sion (), launched over a de cade ago, was Indias most signi cant urban
intervention in the countrys history.  e  was directed at the produc-
tion and extension of infrastructures in its cities. rough this program,
over US$ billion was been allocated to improve urban infrastructure and
restructure municipal government in sixty- seven Indian cities. Yet, unlike
previous moments in which infrastructure was planned,  nanced, and con-
structed by state agencies, the  follows the neoliberal turn in devel-
opment planning, in both form and content. When allocating funding to
(primarily large) cities, the Ministry of Urban Development reviewed not
only the funding proposal (made by cities for infrastructure proj ects) but
also the extent to which the city requesting funds ful lled its reform commit-
ments (see Kundu ; Kundu and Samanta ). Had the city formulated
a development plan? Did it follow its stated timeline for the implementation
of urban reforms?  e content of the speci c reforms required was substan-
tive and wide ranging.  e  required cities to reform their property tax
structures and systems of accounting. It recommended that cities abolish
their rent control and urban land ceiling laws, toward the creation of liberal
property markets.  e policy reforms recommended also included full cost
recovery of urban ser vices, encouraging public– private partnerships for the
delivery of urban ser vices, and, somewhat paradoxically, ensuring the tenur-
ial security of all residents “at a ordable prices.
Yet, even as the federal government sought to introduce funding in-
centives to compel municipal authorities to encourage the privatization of
di er ent infrastructures (roads, electricity networks, etc.), water networks in
India, like those in other parts of the world, have consistently troubled priva-
tization. In con temporary India, while the state has declared its commitment
to neoliberal policies and operationalized its commitments through pro-
grams like the , water proj ects continue to be managed by public insti-
tutions. How might we understand the per sis tence of public water programs
in a state that constantly proposes and avows the princi ples of neoliberal
government? What makes water particularly resistant to commodi cation?
By situating this research amid a water privatization proj ect in Mumbai, the
pages of this book begin to answer these questions.
In part because of its deep history as a state- saturated water supply sys-
tem, proj ects to directly privatize water distribution in Mumbai were not
Introduction—
proposed until relatively recently. In  the Public Private Infrastructure
Advisory Fa cil i ty ( ), a World Bank program, worked with the Ministry
of Urban Development in Delhi to fund a study toward recommending and
overseeing structural reforms necessary to “improve” Mumbai’s water supply
in K- East ward, one of the largest wards in the city. Still recovering from the
very public opposition and subsequent collapse of World Bank– supported
water privatization proj ects in Delhi and Bangalore, both the World Bank
and their con sul tants repeatedly tried to assure people that the Water Dis-
tribution Improvement Proj ect () was just a “study” focused on im-
provement and not a privatization proj ect. Nevertheless, critics of the proj ect
pointed to dra s of bid documents and a “transition team” formulated prior
to the study to argue that it was only a legitimizing exercise for an already
determined pro cess of privatization.
Expecting protests and opposition to the plan, I arrived at Mumbai’s water
system particularly because I was interested in learning how and why the
proj ect to privatize urban water distribution would run into trou ble in subse-
quent years. It was a stimulating time to be doing  eldwork. Stories of water
o en feature in the city’s newspapers. Yet the considerable talk and contro-
versy around the privatization proj ect allowed for even more exciting head-
lines about the city’s pipes and distribution regimes. Between  and
, activists, water department engineers, and s in Mumbai or ga nized a
moderately e ective opposition to the  by arguing that water was a human
right and not a commodity.  eir claims were countered by the World
Bank con sul tants proposing reforms, who pointed to the fact that the poor
are already paying with their time for water of poor quality in the public sys-
tem, and that they would likely be willing to pay more for better ser vice.
Yet such a framing of the di erence between public and private systems
was neither theoretically productive nor useful to residents like Alka tai. Set-
tlers are disadvantaged through both private and public management of city
infrastructures. On the one hand, purchasing water as a private commodity
is prohibitively expensive. On the other hand, state agencies, particularly in
urban areas, o en do not consider the poor as equal citizens.  erefore, set-
tlers in Mumbai tend to cope with water scarcity by making multiple sets of
claims. To access water, they engage not only with formal states and markets
but also with a wide range of po liti cal and sometimes illegal social arrange-
ments that include kin, local politicians, municipal plumbers, and social
workers. ese everyday practices of accessing water suggest we need to re-
think the perils and potential of both rights and commodities for marginal-
ized subjects living in the city.
—Introduction
In this book I argue that settlers demand public water systems not because
public systems deliver reliable supplies to all. Settlers desire public systems
because, relative to private infrastructures, these “bloated,” “ine cient” pub-
lic systems are known systems that o er many more points of access (of-
cials, politicians, social workers, and leaky pipes) through which settlers
can be connected to the hydraulic city. Settlers also desire water through the
public system because its documents (printed on government stationary)
allow them to claim and access other public urban ser vices and substances of
citizenship— like housing, health, and education. Because public water infra-
structures are constituted by city engineers, councilors, plumbers, and pipes,
residents have learned the diverse social and po liti cal ways they may pressure
these actors to make water  ow to them, even when the rules, laws, and poli-
cies of the city preclude their access (Anand). In short, relative to private
systems, public systems are known systems that are more accommodating
of vital forms of leakage that nourish those marginalized by states and mar-
kets in the city. Public infrastructures are more amenable to hidden, partly
known, materialized arrangements through which millions of residents ac-
cess water and live in the city.
Settlers in Mumbai recognize, and recognize very well, that the laws and
norms of states are made by those more power ful. While conducting  eld-
work, residents of Jogeshwari incessantly pointed out how water distribu-
tion was consistently unequal, favoring the wealthier populations living
in the southern reaches of the city.  ey recognized that city o cials were
more beholden to the needs of wealthier residents in South Mumbai.  ey
were aware that their complaints would only seldom be attended to if made
through the “proper” channels. Accordingly, they o en sought to make their
claims on the city’s water through infrapolitics— unobtrusive, invisible, and
o en illicit kinds of connections, o en made with sympathetic o cials, to
the city’s network (Scott ).
A er all, it was because she had seen me as a potential  xer of her tren-
chant water pipe that Alka tai invited me to her home to see her water net-
work. She was hoping that I would be a known social relation who might
help her solve her water di culties or, at the very least, diagnose her water
prob lem. Recognizing di er ent markers of my class (like those of 
workers who frequented the area), Alka tai was not incorrect in making this
assumption. Indeed, the impatience of her second neighbor in talking with
us stemmed from the same recognition. Living in Meghwadi for as long as he
did, he was familiar with both the intentions and e ectiveness of those who
descend on “slums” to save them. He was also aware of a more quotidian,
Introduction—
more situated way in which their water prob lem could be solved—by talk-
ing with local experts who knew others who would help pressure the water
pipe again. He successfully urged his neighbors to hire a plumber to clean,
maintain, and reinstall their water pipe. When a plumber  nally worked on
the prob lem, he cleaned and  xed the pipe, all without the knowledge or the
intervention of the citys water department.
    book are full of mundane stories of social and ma-
terial connection that describe the hidden and yet tremendously vital ways
in which Mumbai’s residents (and particularly its settlers) have been able to
establish their lives in the city.  is is not to say that settlement is an easy or a
durable pro cess, nor is it to say that infrapolitics is always e ective. As research -
ers of South Asian cities have recently shown, marginalized residents are con-
fronting a revanchist urban administration that has worked with power ful real
estate developers to intensely remake cities to serve the needs of the “world
class.  I do not intend to underplay these pro cesses, which have been dra-
matically remaking the neighborhoods of Jogeshwari as well, sometimes vio-
lently. Yet even as these exclusionary pro cesses are ongoing, we know less
about how and why the pro cesses of gentri cation and displacement have
consistently been troubled and slowed. Connections— here made through
and with attempts to secure access to water— demonstrate how residents are
able to live in the city despite the predations of states and markets.
is book is based on ethnographic  eldwork conducted over eight
years, most of it performed in eigh teen uninterrupted months between 
and. During this time, I followed the work of water department engi-
neers as they moved water through the city, and that of settlers in the settle-
ments of Jogeshwari who mobilized pipes, plumbers, and politicians to access
it. Living in one of Jogeshwari’s settlements for nine months, I learned how
my neighbors responded to these di culties and worked to restore reliable
connections to their homes. I also interviewed vital intermediaries in this
hydraulic system— city councilors, plumbers, and social workers— and ex-
plored how they traversed the bound aries of the law to produce their au-
thority in the settlements. Together with my research assistant, I carefully
perused between six and eight newspapers (in En glish, Hindi, and Marathi)
for twelve months, to attend to the ways in which the citys water crisis was
being written about and read in the city. ese news stories percolate the
text of the book. By featuring these news stories within and between most
chapters, I wish to demonstrate how the hydraulic city is constantly being
—Introduction
discursively constructed in the city’s media (Gupta ).  is way of know-
ing Mumbai’s water has impor tant po liti cal consequences in the city (see
chapter).
As I was conducting  eldwork at the same time as the water privatization
proj ect was being actively explored in the same municipal ward, my  eldwork
was enhanced and enriched with the work of several experts, o cials, and
activists (themselves o en at odds with each other). I interviewed a range of
planners, engineers, and technical experts charged with conducting a study
of the ward and implementing a pi lot water privatization proj ect.  ey were
generous (and always a little wary) to share their research, their documents,
and their surveys with me. At the same time, I attended meetings with the
Water Rights Campaign— a network of s and community groups pro-
testing privatization—sharing my readings of water privatization in other
cities of the world. Fi nally, to understand how the reform e orts were situ-
ated in a national (and international) conversation around urban water re-
forms, I participated in national workshops on the topic that were or ga nized
for administrators and municipal water engineers from all over the country.
ese workshops were intended to teach municipal experts the arts of water
reform, and how to manage pipes and publics during the transition period.
Yet, for both attending urban engineers and me, the workshops also pro-
vided an opportunity to learn about attempts at water reforms in di er ent
parts of the country, and the di culties that reform proj ects encountered.
While the book seeks to make a contribution to debates about neoliber-
alism, it is not centered and or ga nized around the privatization initiative in
Mumbai. In the book, and indeed in the city, privatization proj ects arrived
both tenuous and late, as a contingent, compromised, and  tful e ort to re-
structure the citys ongoing history of hydraulic settlement and government.
I am interested in how hydraulic infrastructures structure, and are structured
by, the diverse ways residents and experts imagine, live with, and manage water
in the city (see Larkin ). Having been continuously constituted over the
last years, Mumbai’s public water system is formed with the regular
appearances of water stories in the city’s news, the imbrication of ever-
changing state policies, hydrology, technology, and a medley of di er ent po-
liti cal and social relations that are enabled by the materiality of water and the
politics of the demo cratic state. ese relationships not only make a certain
kind of water but also produce par tic u lar kinds of hydraulic subjects— those
who are conscious and anxious of water’s cyclical temporality— and their illib-
eral, modern, demo cratic, considerate, and coercive technopo liti cal experts:
engineers and city councilors.
Introduction—
Fi nally, while I focus on the water that courses through the treatment plants
and water pipes of the Mumbai water department, this is not the only kind of
water in the city. Indeed, both researchers and residents of the swampy city
are not allowed to forget that di er ent waters are everywhere in Mumbai.
ousands of wells and many sinkholes perforate a city that is surrounded by
the sea. Every year, the torrential monsoons, together with the  ooded sea,
inundate the city, halting the movement of things and people through it.  e
Mithi river- sewer travels the length of much of the city, before slowly pour-
ing its mysterious liquid material into Mahim Bay. ese di er ent waters
percolate through this book as interludes. As interludes, they sometimes mix
with, sometimes disrupt, and at other times just lie alongside a tidier ethno-
graphic story I tell about piped water supply in the chapters.  e interludes
remind us that stories of water scarcity and anxiety are just some of many
liquid stories residents know and live with in this sodden city.
Chapter begins by showing how rainfall in an agrarian district one hun-
dred kilo meters from the city is made Mumbai’s through labor, technology,
and narratives of water scarcity. Drawing on scholarship in po liti cal ecol ogy
that has been especially attendant to the politics of environmental crisis, I
show how the discursive rendering of water scarcity unmakes both rural and
urban residents, and makes water generative of an anxious and xenophobic
urban public.
In chapter, I engage the urban studies lit er a ture on cap i tal ist transfor-
mation by showing the discretionary pro cesses through which settlers have
established themselves in Mumbai. To do so, I provide a brief history of a
settlement in the neighborhood of Jogeshwari, examining how its residents
have made critical improvements to their water infrastructure through a se-
ries of liberal and illiberal claims. Most residents are now able to apply for
public water connections following incremental and graduated pro cesses of
state recognition. ese pro cesses of recognition, paradoxically, continue to
require and proliferate illiberal technologies of government in the city.
Today, Jogeshwari’s residents, like other residents in Mumbai, receive
water on a water supply schedule, for a few hours every day. Chapter is an
ethnographic account of how water time punctuates the rhythms of social
life in the house hold,  guring and producing gendered and classed subjects
through it.
Chapter draws on  eldwork in a community or ga ni za tion to focus atten-
tion on the unstable and unsteady ways in which settlers manage diverse re-
gimes of subjecti cation and citizenship in the city. I focus on the dangerous
situation that emerged when community groups in the area demanded water
—Introduction
as a right, while continuing to depend on “good relations” with the elected
city councilor. When these diverse forms of subjectivity were revealed to the
councilor at a water reform consultation, his response showed how po liti cal
leaders exert sovereign and disciplinary power to rule their populations de-
spite the power of elections and the promises they bring.
In recent years, con sul tants at the World Bank and India’s Ministry of Urban
Development have sought to restructure public distribution systems to pro-
vide not staggered but continuous (/) water supply to all urban residents.
Yet e orts to make water available / have been strongly compromised by
the proli c leakages of water from the city’s underground network. Chapter
shows how, amid the heterogeneous physical and social demands of the net-
work, engineers are unable to stop water from “leaking. ese leakages not
only nourish settlers but are also critical to the reproduction of the hydraulic
state. As engineers strug gle to address unknown quantities of physical and
social leakage, staggered water supply becomes a critical way for engineers to
reassert control over a public system.
Where the previous chapters show how settlers have made critical and in-
cremental claims to the city’s water network, chapter explores how Mus-
lim settlers in Premnagar have been rendered an abject population through
the cultural rhe torics and practices of water engineers.  e ability of Prem-
nagar’s residents to live in the city despite municipal abjection shows how
Mumbai’s water constantly and consistently escapes technocratic control. As
Premnagar’s settlers draw water from bore wells and other hidden sources,
they mark a critical way in which water’s leakages and subterranean  ows per-
mit abject hydraulic subjects to live in the city.
Amid spectacular infrastructural breakdowns in recent years, and their
increasing regularity in times of climate change, the book concludes by draw-
ing attention to the ordinary lives of crumbling infrastructures, and the pro-
cesses and politics with which they are put together again. As scholars of
anthropology, geography, politics, and science studies attend to the infra-
structures that mediate relations between environments, engineered land-
scapes, and politics in the con temporary period, the book concludes with
four provisional contributions to these lit er a tures that emerge from a study
of the social life of water in Mumbai.
Notes

. As David Mosse points out, “the relationship between water and society is as com-
plex an historical, so cio log i cal and regional prob lem as any that can be imagined. Any
contribution can hardly fail to be humbled by the fundamental questions invoked and
the weight of antecedent interdisciplinary scholarship” (, ). In their review article,
Ben Orlove and Steven Caton () suggest that the generativity of social studies of
water has to do with its ability to traverse (and therefore connect) our po liti cal, social,
and biological lives.
. Instead of using the now problematized terms of slum and slumdweller (see Desai
; Echanove and Srivastava ; Ghannam ); in this book I use the settlement
and settler to identify par tic u lar kinds of urban objects (homes) and subjects (residents)
that are made prior to state recognition. I elaborate my reasons for doing so in the intro-
duction of this book.
. Arjun Appadurai has argued that emergency narratives sti e thinking and, more-
over, reproduce unequal power relations. In his study of housing activists in Mumbai,
he demonstrates how they refute emergency modes of organ izing and instead practice
a “politics of patience” that allows di er ent voices to be heard and gathered (, ).
. In a provocative special issue on urban resilience, Bruce Braun and Stephanie Wake-
eld () have suggested that the environmental apocalypse is not in our imminent
future. Instead, they suggest that for many people in the world it is already a pres ent real ity.
We are already dwelling in it (see also Braun ).
. Accordingly, several s in Mumbai now host programs through which ordinary
residents can research, document, and tell their stories in and of the city. Pukar, an 
based in Mumbai, resources and supports the research interests of hundreds of youth
every year. “Youth fellows” are given the tools to tell their stories, of love and work, of
mills and caste, of ecologies and gender in the city. A cofounder of Pukar, Appadurai has
recently argued that it is critical that such research be carried out and the opportunity to
narrate the city not be the privilege of the specialist alone. Research needs to be “deparo-
chialized,” Appadurai argues, because it “is vital for the exercise of informed citizenship”
(). A di er ent , Yuva, has focused more on the making of news.  ey produce
Hamari Awaaz, a v ideo news bulletin that is made by youth living in di er ent settlements.
. Drawing on the work of Marilyn Strathern () and Ursula Le Guin (),
Donna Haraway () has encouraged us to populate and destabilize our stories and
retell them as gatherings of experience. “It matters what stories tell stories,” she suggests,
—Notes to Preface
insisting that what is needed now are not heroic storytellers (or ethnographers) but an
e ort to apprehend the worlds we know unstably and collectively with others.
. Loosely translated, the Nakshatra are the twenty- seven lunar mansions that have
long been used by astronomers in India to mea sure the calendar year.  e monsoon is
marked by the time when one of ten Nakshatra are directly overhead.
. Here I draw on Dipesh Chakrabarty’s () essay, “ e Climate of History,” which
has insisted that climate change promises to forever alter humanist pretensions of dis-
crete social and environmental domains, and as such collapse enlightenment distinctions
between natu ral history and social history.

. I begin with an account of the numbers that compose Mumbai’s water system con-
sciously, because this is how the system is o en represented by engineers to the city’s
journalists and researchers.
. See Chakrabarty () and Coelho () for more about the politics of shouting
in postcolonial India
. Ta i is a kinship term signifying big sister in Marathi. With the exception of the  lm-
maker residents that I worked with in Jogeshwari, I have given pseudonyms to those w ho
are not public  gures in order to protect their identity.
.  rough an account of river restoration in Nepal, Anne Rademacher () shows
how settler populations too have desires and aspirations for greening their urban envi-
ronments. ese aspirations complicate accounts that identify the greening of cities as a
bourgeois proj ect.
. If the blockage (or leakage) was located on the house hold side of the meter, it would
be Alka tai’s family that would be responsible for repairs. On the other hand, if it was
located prior to the meter, it would be the formal responsibility of the city government.
. My interest in the ordinary here emerges not only with recognition of Alka tai’s
family’s extraordinary accomplishments but also with the work of Asef Bayat (). Bayat
has urged an attention to the everyday po liti cal praxis through which marginalized lives
are rendered more stable, through a “quiet encroachment of the ordinary” (Bayat ,
; see also Anjaria ; Ghannam ).
. Scholars of informality working in Mumbai and South Asia more generally have
made signal contributions by describing the everyday pro cesses through which margin-
alized residents have established themselves in the city (see McFarlane ; Ananya
Roy ; Ananya Roy and AlSayyad ). Newer work has extended the analytics of
informality by demonstrating how it is not merely in the domain of the marginalized
but also key to the work of bureaucrats, state o cials, and real estate developers as well
(Baviskar and Sundar ; Bear ; Ananya Roy ).
. See Bjorkman (), Echanove and Srivastava (), Ghannam (), and Ghert-
ner () for nuanced readings on how the category of “slum” o en erroneously con ates
living conditions, legality, built form, and moral virtue into a single unit of “slum” housing
deemed to be unsuitable for civil life.
. See, for instance, Raj Kapoor’s Shree 420 (), Anurag Kashyap’s Black Friday
(), and Danny Boyle’s Slumdog Millionaire ().
Notes to Introduction—
. See, e.g., Suketu Mehta’s Maximum City (), Mike Davis’s Planet of Slums
(), Robert Neuwirth’s Shadow Cities (), and Katherine Boo’s Behind the Beauti-
ful Forevers ().
. See Desai (), Echanove and Srivastava (), and Ghannam ().
. I recognize the terms settlers and settlement have fraught histories, particularly because
they are usually used to identify the unauthorized and o en violent pro cess of construct-
ing colonial settlements in the settler socie ties of Israel, Australia, and the United States.
. Bruce Braun () asks why nonhuman natures remain static and passive in accounts
of urban water. Arguing that the properties of water also in uence urban politics, Braun sug-
gests that human geographers pay closer attention to these “more- than- human” relations.
. See also J. K. Gibson- Graham (), who has drawn attention to the gendered
scripts through which capitalism is known.  ey urge that we do not take the narrative
of capital as complete and totalizing. More recently, Anna Tsing () suggests we see
capitalism as “patchy” and always needing an outside to colonize.
. Vinay Gidwani has made a power ful critique of Chakrabarty’s argument here, sug-
gesting that his dualist rendering of cap i tal ist histories continues to locate Eu rope as the
center from which cap i tal ist proj ects emanate (Gidwani ).
. Feminist geographers have pointed to the gendered meta phors through which
capitalism has been narrated and urged that we refuse their power (see Gibson- Graham
; Hart ). For work arguing for an attention to the contingent expansion of cap i-
tal ist life, see Mitchell () and Tsing ().
. See Gandy (), Hamlin (), and Joyce ().
. See Mitchell () and Mukerji () for accounts of the rise of engineering in
nineteenth- century Egypt and France, respectively.
. Caroline Humphrey () has urged us to recognize how ideology appears in and
is produced by material structures. Here I draw attention to the ways in which infrastruc-
tures give material form to liberal ideologies, and might explain why infrastructures have
returned as a key site of governmental action in these more neoliberal times. By govern-
ments around the world, infrastructures are seen to be a suitable site for state action, one
that creates the grounds for, but does not intervene in, the workings of the market (see
Collier ).
. As such, infrastructures are also a key site for the administration of structural vio-
lence on variously disenfranchised groups (Rod gers and O’Neill ).
. I suggest this may be the case not just in Mumbai but in many other postcolonial
cities around the world.
. As scholars of citizenship have noted, subjects— like the urban poor in Mumbai—
might be formal citizens, entitled to the guarantees of citizenship, and still not receive its
guarantees (Appadurai ; Holston and Appadurai ). On the other hand, subjects
who are not formal citizens— such as illegal immigrants— might still receive the substan-
tive distributions of citizenship (Holston ; Sassen ).
. See Appadurai (), Clarke (), V. Das (), Holston (), Lazar (),
Ong (, ), and  omas ().
. ere is a rich lit er a ture in anthropology on the relation between national citizen-
ship and cultural di erence. See, for instance, Clarke (), Herzfeld (), Ong (),
Rosaldo (), and Zérah and Landy ().
—Notes to Introduction
. In this section, I am thinking of recognition as has been theorized by Elizabeth
Povinelli (). As I describe in chapter, recognition is an ambivalent event, which
calls on settlers to perform their subjectivity in par tic u lar ways so as to call on the state’s
care. On the other hand, once settlers are “seen by the state” as such, they are also liable
to the exercise of its disciplinary apparatus.
. See Ferguson () for more on the nonlinear relations between po liti cal mem-
bership, time, and modernity.
. Note that hydraulic infrastructures reveal and delineate di er ent pro cesses of
urban citizenship relative to land- and property- based accounts. While the recognitions
of property have long been central to establishing citizenship in the city (D. Harvey
; Holston ; Joyce ), including obtaining water ser vices, an attention to the
everyday life of water infrastructures reveals how the event of tenurial security is not suf-
cient to guarantee hydraulic citizenship in the city.
. In their article “Beyond ‘Culture,’ ” Akhil Gupta and James Ferguson () argue
against a reading of culture as being isomorphic w ith space, and instead urge an attention
to how communities are constituted through meaningful inscriptions and interconnec-
tions made in space.
. Julie Chu () has urged an attention to the po liti cal work of disrepair (see also
Graham and  ri ).
. South and Southeast Asian scholarship has been particularly attentive to the ways
in which water infrastructures are generative of state institutions and po liti cal rela-
tions. See, e.g., Geertz (), Gilmartin (), Hardiman (, ), Lansing (), L.
Mehta (), Mosse (), Schwenkel (), and Whitcombe (). In more recent
years, urban po liti cal ecologists have shown how water networks are constitutive of the
po liti cal  eld in the city (Carroll ; Gandy , ; Kaika ; Kjellén ;
Lo us ; Meehan ; Sultana and Lo us ; Swyngedouw ; Swyngedouw
and Heynen ).
. Foucault () described the rise of biopo liti cal government in Eu rope (particu-
larly France). Extending and complicating his account of Eu rope as the center of this
form of rule, Ann Laura Stoler () and Peter Red eld () have since demonstrated
how these techniques of government were rst produced and improvised through rela-
tions with its colonial subjects.
. While Foucault refers to technologies of power in his work, he was less lucid about
how material technologies “make a di erence” in his work (Bennett ). In part, this
may be because, as Michael Behrent () argues, Foucault’s use of the term technology
has had less to do with material technologies and more to do with signifying a par tic u lar
art of managing populations and the self through instruments like the map, the census,
and the survey.  is is not to say that Foucault neglected the power of material objects
in his work. He took care to remind his readers that material artifacts are “rigorously
indivisible” from the ideas that form them, where neither the material nor the ideational
is primary in the  rst instance (Foucault , ; see also Larkin ). Nevertheless,
matter tends to remain passive in these accounts (Barad ; Lemke ). It o en ar-
ticulates with, but seldom objects to or remains outside of, the po liti cal formations from
which it is sought to be drawn. See also Mitchell ().
. See Boyer (, ) for the relation between energy and biopolitics.
Notes to Introduction—
. See, for instance, Coleman () and Degani () for the kinds of po liti cal sub-
jectivity and hopes for the future e ected by electricity in India and Tanzania, respec-
tively. On the other hand, see Larkin () and Sundaram () for an attention to
how the media infrastructures that electricity enables produce di er ent kinds of social
and po liti cal forms of connection and circulation.
. In theorizing infrastructure as accretion, I am mindful of the work of Franz Boas,
who theorized culture as an accretion (Boas ), and also of more recent work by Don-
ald Moore (), who urged an attention to historically “sedimented” social practices
in Zimbabwe.
. Sarah Whatmore () reminds us that the recent turn to materiality is, in fact, a
“materialist return.” As I evoke hydraulic networks to theorize po liti cal and social forms of
cities and citizenship, I am conscious of the past– pres ent legacies of materialist scholarship,
particularly in the  eld of environmental studies. Early explorations of nature– society
relations have shown how po liti cal systems are made and consolidated by power ful
groups controlling the resources of already existing landscapes.
. Karl Wittfogel worked with mechanistic formulations of hydraulic systems to de-
scribe the formation of “hydraulic socie ties” (see also Strang ). In his landmark tome,
Oriental Despotism (), Wittfogel theorized how these were ruled by authoritarian
“despots” in the “Orient” through the management and control of irrigation structures—
particularly large- scale irrigation and  ood control proj ects. Wittfogel’s rendering of so-
cial order (and also social others) borne out of controlling “nature” has been power ful and
troubling, to scholars of both India and of environmental studies more generally. For in-
stance, Janet Abu- Lughod () has questioned whether the hydraulic systems he char-
acterized in South India were either despotic or centralized. On the other hand, Donald
Worster () takes a di er ent approach. In his work on California, there is nothing
“oriental” about hydraulic socie ties. Either way, Wittfogel’s work on hydraulic socie ties is
troubling because it suggests that material conditions (of water scarcity or abundance)
are what structure social order in the  rst instance (see also Geertz ). Here, I depart
from Wittfogel to describe a di er ent hydraulic regime, one that, while durable, has
diverse locations of control, authority, and leakage.
.  e uncertainty I describe here is not just a material uncertainty of when water
will “come” but also a po liti cal uncertainty of who is in control of water and its diverse
kinds of pipes, valves, and politics. I suggest uncertainty to be an outcome of pro cesses
that are si mul ta neously material and po liti cal (cf.  ompson, Warburton, and Hatley
).
. Noting the peculiar invisibi lities of infrastructure, Susan Leigh Star () famously
noted how infrastructures are o en invisible until they break down. It is when infrastruc-
tures break down, Star argues, that their tenuous relations become vis i ble. Taking up her
provocation, geographers have demonstrated how both breakdown and infrastructural
visibility are ubiquitous and particularly noticeable in cities of the Global South (Gra-
ham ; Graham and  ri; McFarlane ), where multiple infrastructural re-
gimes jostle for prominence (Furlong ).  e tangle of electric and tele vi sion cables,
water pipes, drums, and buckets visibly materializes the contentious state of technology
and authority in these cities. Yet while these infrastructures are indeed apparent, less clear
is the relationship between visibility and breakdown in these locations. First, these knotty
—Notes to Introduction
vis i ble assemblages are o en, in fact, working in these locations. Second, as “concrete se-
miotic and aesthetic vehicles oriented to addressees” (Larkin , ), roads and energy
infrastructures are o en built to be especially spectacular—to demonstrate the power and
technological prowess of nation- states, corporations, or other institutions to deliver the
visions and appearances of modernity (P. Harvey and Knox ; Schwenkel ). What
the hypervisibility of infrastructure in the South (and indeed in many other locations)
reveals instead is the lack of any easy correspondence between visibility and breakdown.
. Heidegger () has reminded us that we are thrown into worlds that are not
of our making, worlds that are already formed by technology. ese silently, and o en
invisibly, produce the very conditions of possibility for corporeal, social, and institu-
tional life.
. See Limbert () for an account of the temporalities of energy production. See
McKay () for a description of how subjects make claims to state resources using dif-
fer ent temporal frames.
. For research on water infrastructures, see Bjorkman (), Ranganathan (),
and von Schnitzler (). Hannah Appel (a, b), Andrew Barry (), Leo Cole-
man (), and Timothy Mitchell () have generated critical insights through their
work on energy infrastructures. For housing, see Fennell () and Schwenkel ().
Penelope Harvey and Hannah Knox () and Jeremy Campbell () have researched
roads in Latin Amer i ca.  rough her research on the Nile and his research on the Pan-
ama Canal, Jessica Barnes () and Ashley Carse () have demonstrated how infra-
structures produce disconnections and rescale geographies.
. As theorists have pointed out, infrastructures have been used as a heuristic device
(by social scientists and politicians alike) to mea sure and map the pro gress and develop-
ment of nations (see Graham ; Gupta ).
. See Dossal (), Gandy (), and Hamlin ().
. Based on  eldwork with apartheid infrastructures in Johannesburg, Antina von
Schnitzler () has demonstrated how infrastructures separate, di erentiate, and pre-
clude the formation of publics as much as they connect them (see also Harvey and Knox
).
. See Dossal (), Gandy (), and Zérah ().
. ere is, however, some research into how water connections were extended into
the working- class chawls in the early twentieth century (Chandavarkar ; Hazaree-
singh ).
. In critiquing neoliberalism, scholars sometimes presume that the postcolonial
state has a history of durable public ser vices that is only now being undone.
. ere is now a well- established lit er a ture that examines the relation between
documents and citizenship. See Cody (), V. Das (), Gupta (), Hull (),
McKay (), and Tarlo ().
. See V. Das (), Hull (), and Tarlo () for critical scholarship that attends
to the relation between documents and citizenship.
. I use Barry’s () theorization of the po liti cal situation to draw attention to the
ways that the po liti cal terrain is made through a negotiation of invisible and vis i ble rela-
tions. Amita Baviskar and Nandini Sundar () critique Chatterjee’s assertion that the
subjects of po liti cal society use moral claims, social connections, and cash to demand en-
Notes to Introduction—
titlements. Instead, they argue that members of power ful and more marginalized groups
alike deploy these relations in everyday life.
. Work that assumes the liberal subject sometimes assumes the normativity of nu-
clear house holds as a unit of governmental intervention. Nevertheless, “the house hold”
and the community do not exist a priori but are constantly being made through hydraulic
and other infrastructures.
. In her work on the privately owned public toilets in the Ghanian city of Temba,
Brenda Chal n has demonstrated how infrastructures are productive of publics— here a
“commonwealth of waste” (, ; see also Marres ). Reminding us that these
publics are dynamic formations that are being un/made by infrastructures everywhere,
Catherine Fennell’s () study of public housing in Chicago develops a materialist
conception of sympathy to theorize how public infrastructures are brought into being.
. Here I use Homi Bhabha’s () framing of the “not quite” to describe how in-
frastructures in the Global South are seen through a neo co lo nial gaze (in the North and
South alike) as outcomes of pro cesses of mimicry, a mimicry that attempts to overcome
yet only reinscribes national di erence between nations deemed to be developed and
developing.  e visibility of infrastructures in the South has been a commonplace way
to distinguish them from those in the North, where scholars in  have argued that
infrastructures are vis i ble until they break down (see Star ; Star and Ruhleder ).
I question the neat association between functionality and visibility by drawing attention
to contested infrastructural practices in Mumbai (see also Barnes ; Carse ). In
so doing, I follow scholars of Mumbai’s infrastructures who have questioned the nor-
mative expectations of infrastructural invisibility implicit in earlier accounts, pointing
to the ways in which colonial histories and postcolonial politics make infrastructures a
highly vis i ble mediation of technology and politics (see Bjorkman ; Gandy ; Mc-
Farlane ). Yet this is not to say that the invisibility of infrastructures in the Global
North be taken as given. Historians of technology, working primarily on infrastructures in
Eu rope and the United States, have shown how the invisibility of working infrastructures
is a precarious achievement that needs extraordinary work (see Barry ; Coutard
; Hughes ; Starosielski ). For more on the relation between visibility, power,
and infrastructure, see also Appadurai (), Finkelstein (), Gupta (), and Lar-
kin ().
. American newspapers now regularly report infrastructure breakdowns. See Bel-
son (), Davison (), McGeehan, Buettner, and Chen (), Murley (), and
Schaper ().
. For more on the  , see Banerjee- Guha (), S. Benjamin (), and Ran-
ganathan, Kamath, and Baindur ().
. See Bakker (, ) for a lucid account of why this staged contest of public
versus private systems is also theoretically insu cient.
. Just as infrastructure— transport, banking, currency— underpins commerce, James
Scott argues, “infrapolitics provides much of the cultural and structural underpinning of
more vis i ble po liti cal actions” (, ; see also Hansen and Verkaaik ). While
Scott foregrounds the social relations of infrapolitics, in this book I extend his formula-
tion to also consider the politics of the hidden, underground materials of the city’s water
infrastructure. ese connections are not only di erentially vis i ble and po liti cal, acted
—Notes to Introduction
upon by human agents.  e city’s water infrastructure is also a vital participant in its po-
liti cal life, o en acting in ways outside or beyond those desired by its government.
. See Elyachar () for a similar account of how residents in Cairo seek to  x their
water connections through such “phatic labor” (see also Simone ).
. ere is by now su cient research documenting these impor tant shi s in Indian
cities. For more recent accounts, see Bjorkman (), Doshi (), Ghertner (),
Goldman (), Harris (), and Ranganathan ().
. I have focused on these pro cesses elsewhere (see Anand; Anand and Radem-
acher ).
. Here, the works of Jonathan Shapiro Anjaria (), Solomon Benjamin (),
and Liza Weinstein () have been notable exceptions.
. Tess Lea () has cautioned against the coherent narratives of much ethnog-
raphy when she warns that these deny the fragmented, multiple, and partial realities in
which we live.
. Scare Cities
. For an excellent po liti cal ethnography on the Shiv Sena, see Hansen (). See also
Katzenstein, Mehta, and  akkar () for an account of the institutional histories that
accounted for its rise in Mumbai.
. While conducting  eldwork, I found engineers and politicians o en making the
city’s prob lems vis i ble through mystifying numbers (Prakash ) and ritual incanta-
tions bemoaning the absence of suitable, su cient infrastructure (Appel b).
. Of course, this is not what the Shiv Sena is only known for in the city. It has one
of the most or ga nized women’s wings that regularly sponsors welfare and social ser vice
events in the city, including programs to donate school uniforms, clothes, and so on (Bedi
, ; Roy ). It also sponsors a number of livelihood generation proj ects in the
city (Solomon ).
. Urban research based in cities of the Global South proliferated in the early s.
Much of this scholarship explored the makings of citizenship by attending to questions
of land and housing (see Appadurai ; S. Benjamin ; Doshi ; Ghertner ,
Holston ; Hull ; Meehan ; Tarlo ; Weinstein ; Zeiderman ).
More recently, scholars began to explore questions of urban membership and citizenship
through studies of water in the postcolonial city (see Bjorkman ; Coelho ; Kooy
and Bakker ; Meehan ; Ranganathan ; von Schnitzler ).
. For more on the productive life of scarcity, see also Alatout (), Bakker (),
Birkenholtz (), Giglioli and Swyngedouw (), L. Mehta (), and United Na-
tions Development Programme ().
. Accordingly, Linton and Budds () have urged us to see the water cycle as a
“hydrosocial cycle.
. I use the term technopolitics following Larkin () and Mitchell () to sig-
nal ways in which po liti cal relations are formed and reproduced through technological
assemblages.
. While historians have largely focused on colonial and postcolonial South Asia be-
yond its cities, careful accountings of Mumbai through the nineteenth and twentieth
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Статья обращается к написанному в 1996 году Эриком Свингедоу эссе «Город как гибрид: о природе, обществе и киборг-урбанизации», чтобы проанализировать, как изменились процессы производства урбанизированной воды в первой четверти XXI века. Статья предлагает пересмотреть идеи Свингедоу о городе как о пространстве, организованном сетью многочисленных потоков человеческих и нечеловеческих деятелей, товаров и информации, и о наполненном водой стакане как о материальном воплощении движения таких потоков. Развитие глобальных, внегосударственных и устроенных иначе городских образований во второй половине XX века, а также привлечение исследователями синей гуманитаристики данных о материальных свойствах воды, как утверждает статья, делают возможным отказ от распространенного мышления потоками, которое задействует Свингедоу, в пользу более внимательных к специфическим качествам водной материи аналитических подходов. В статье рассматривается подход, разработанный Мелоди Джу и Рафико Руизом и осмысляющий городское пространство как непрерывно преобразующуюся среду, насыщенную телами, предметами и другими феноменами, которые исследователи определяют как местоположенные материальные проявления многообразных отношений между водой и другими природными первоэлементами. Такой способ мышления позволяет расширить оперативные рамки сетевых и инфраструктурных подходов, подразумевающих делимость и изолированность составляющих их компонентов, и дает возможность проследить рассредоточенные связи между современными городами, таким образом демонстрируя, что даже урбанизированная вода распространяется далеко за пределы зарегулированных течений.
Chapter
In this introductory chapter, I outline the objective of the book, namely, to open up and make the underwater world visible and knowable to people on land. To do this I use underwater ethnography and employ the concept of aquabiopolitics to highlight the past and current harmful relationship between humans, waste, pollution, and marine life wherein humans govern beings in water to enhance life for humans on land. Both terms are elaborated on in the chapter. Furthermore, the book’s main characters are introduced; marine scientists who map ongoing pollution of water and sediments, and trash scuba divers who collect waste from below water, bring it up, and make installations from it to push the public and authorities into action. As the story is centered on Stockholm, Sweden, the chapter further provides a background to Stockholm’s waste management system, as well as to environmental developments in the Baltic Sea and Lake Mälaren, two bodies of water that meet and mix in and around the capital.
who has drawn attention to the gendered scripts through which capitalism is known. Th ey urge that we do not take the narrative of capital as complete and totalizing. More recently
  • Bruce Braun
Bruce Braun (2005) asks why nonhuman natures remain static and passive in accounts of urban water. Arguing that the properties of water also infl uence urban politics, Braun suggests that human geographers pay closer attention to these "more-than-human" relations. 14. See also J. K. Gibson-Graham (1996), who has drawn attention to the gendered scripts through which capitalism is known. Th ey urge that we do not take the narrative of capital as complete and totalizing. More recently, Anna Tsing (2015) suggests we see capitalism as "patchy" and always needing an outside to colonize.
For work arguing for an attention to the contingent expansion of cap ital ist life, see Mitchell (2002) and Tsing
  • Hart
Hart 2002). For work arguing for an attention to the contingent expansion of cap ital ist life, see Mitchell (2002) and Tsing (2015).
Mukerji (2010) for accounts of the rise of engineering in nineteenth-century Egypt and France, respectively
  • See Mitchell
See Mitchell (2002) and Mukerji (2010) for accounts of the rise of engineering in nineteenth-century Egypt and France, respectively.
Th ere is a rich lit er a ture in anthropology on the relation between national citizenship and cultural diff erence. See, for instance
Th ere is a rich lit er a ture in anthropology on the relation between national citizenship and cultural diff erence. See, for instance, Clarke (2013), Herzfeld (1992), Ong (1996), Rosaldo (1994), and Zérah and Landy (2013).
has urged an attention to the po liti cal work of disrepair (see also Graham and Th rift
  • Julie Chu
Julie Chu (2014) has urged an attention to the po liti cal work of disrepair (see also Graham and Th rift 2007).
In more recent years, urban po liti cal ecologists have shown how water networks are constitutive of the po liti cal fi eld in the city
  • L Mehta
South and Southeast Asian scholarship has been particularly attentive to the ways in which water infrastructures are generative of state institutions and po liti cal relations. See, e.g., Geertz (1972), Gilmartin (1994), Hardiman (1996, 2002), Lansing (1991), L. Mehta (2005), Mosse (2003), Schwenkel (2015), and Whitcombe (1972). In more recent years, urban po liti cal ecologists have shown how water networks are constitutive of the po liti cal fi eld in the city (Carroll 2012; Gandy 2002, 2014; Kaika 2005; Kjellén 2006;
Extending and complicating his account of Eu rope as the center of this form of rule, Ann Laura Stoler (1995) and Peter Redfi eld (2005) have since demonstrated how these techniques of government were fi rst produced and improvised through relations with its colonial subjects
  • Foucault
Foucault (2008) described the rise of biopo liti cal government in Eu rope (particularly France). Extending and complicating his account of Eu rope as the center of this form of rule, Ann Laura Stoler (1995) and Peter Redfi eld (2005) have since demonstrated how these techniques of government were fi rst produced and improvised through relations with its colonial subjects.
2015) for the relation between energy and biopolitics. Notes to Introduction-243
  • See Boyer
See Boyer (2014, 2015) for the relation between energy and biopolitics. Notes to Introduction-243
See McKay (2012) for a description of how subjects make claims to state resources using differ ent temporal frames. 42. For research on water infrastructures, see Bjorkman
  • See Limbert
See Limbert (2010) for an account of the temporalities of energy production. See McKay (2012) for a description of how subjects make claims to state resources using differ ent temporal frames. 42. For research on water infrastructures, see Bjorkman (2015), Ranganathan (2014), and von Schnitzler (2013). Hannah Appel (2012a, 2012b), Andrew Barry (2013), Leo Coleman (2014), and Timothy Mitchell (2011) have generated critical insights through their work on energy infrastructures. For housing, see Fennell (2015) and Schwenkel (2013).
Ashley Carse (2012) have demonstrated how infrastructures produce disconnections and rescale geographies. 43. As theorists have pointed out, infrastructures have been used as a heuristic device (by social scientists and politicians alike) to mea sure and map the pro gress and development of nations
  • Penelope Harvey
  • Hannah Knox
  • Jeremy Campbell
Penelope Harvey and Hannah Knox (2015) and Jeremy Campbell (2012) have researched roads in Latin Amer i ca. Th rough her research on the Nile and his research on the Panama Canal, Jessica Barnes (2014) and Ashley Carse (2012) have demonstrated how infrastructures produce disconnections and rescale geographies. 43. As theorists have pointed out, infrastructures have been used as a heuristic device (by social scientists and politicians alike) to mea sure and map the pro gress and development of nations (see Graham 2010; Gupta 2015).