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Patients Not Passports-No borders in the NHS!

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PatientsNotPassportsNobordersintheNHS!
Author(s):JessicaPotterincollaborationwithDocsNotCops
Source:Justice,PowerandResistanceVolume2,Number2(August2018)pp.417429
PublishedbyEGPressLimitedonbehalfoftheEuropeanGroupfortheStudyofDeviancyandSocial
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PatientsNotPassportsNobordersintheNHS!

Authors:PotterJL1incollaborationwithDocsNotCops
1DoctoralResearchFellow,CentreforPrimaryCareandPublicHealth,QueenMaryUniversityofLondon
Contact:jessica.potter@qmul.ac.uk
Twitter:@DrJessPotter@DocsNotCops
Introduction
TheNHS,despitesignificantwearandtear,remainsthejewelinthecrownoftheBritishWelfareState
(Timmins,1998)attheripeoldageof70.Itmightbearguedthatitisthestrengthofitsideologythathas
madeitakeyvotingissueforsolong.Asalungdoctormyselfwhoundertakesresearchamongstoften
marginalisedpopulations,deliveryofcarefreeatthepointofservice,toallthoseinneed,irrespectiveof
background,isofcentralimportancenotonlytothepatientsIcareforbutmyownprofessionalidentity.
Thesevalues,however,arebeingeroded.ThatiswhymyselfandothermembersofDocsNotCops‐aUK
basedgroupofhealthcareworkers,NHScampaignersandpatientsareworkingtogetherwithlike
mindedorganisationsoncampaignstoresistsuchattacks.
NHSTrustsinEnglandarenowlegallyobligedtoidentifypeopleineligibleforfreecareandwithholdnon
urgenttreatmentfromthosewhocannotorwillnotpayupfront(DepartmentofHealth,2017b).Such
wasthecaseofSylvesterMarshall(originallygiventhepseudonymAlbertThompson)whocouldnotprove
hiseligibilityforfreeNHScareandconsequentlywasdeniedcancertreatmentbecausehecouldnotpay
the£54,000billpresentedtohim(Gentleman,2018).
Inthispaperwewillevidencetheimportanceoftimelyaccesstopreventative,aswellasacute,health
careandoutlinethechangesinpolicyandlegislationregardingNHSchargingwhichhaverestricted
healthcareaccessforsomemigrants1inEngland.Wesituatethesechangeswithinthespecificsocialand
politicalcontextinwhichtheyhaveevolved.WearguethatconflationoftheNHScrisisandthesocalled
‘migrantcrisis’hasresultedintheconstructionofmigrantpatientsas‘undeserving’‘healthtourists’,
castingmigrantsas‘Other’andthereforeexcludablewhenitcomestohealthcareprovisionintheUK.We
examinethejustificationtochargemigrantsforNHScare,employedbysuccessivegovernments,that“in
orderfortheNHStobefinanciallysustainable,itisvitalthateveryonemakesafaircontribution”
(DepartmentofHealth,2017a).Weconcludebyoutliningtheroleofactivistgroups,includingourown
DocsNotCops‐invoicingtheinjusticesandviolenceinherentintheseexclusionarypoliticsofcare,and
inchallengingabroadernarrativeof‘deservingness’.Usingthelanguageofrights,dutiesandobligations
weinterrogatetheimplementationofthesepoliciestocarveoutpathwaysofresistance.
Restrictinghealthcareaccess:‘Unwiseaswellasmean’
1Inthisarticleweusethetermmigranttomeananypersonresidingin(ratherthantemporarilyvisiting)acountry
theywerenotbornin.
Restrictinghealthcareaccessisharmfulforindividualsandpopulations.Formanyhealthconditions,the
greaterthedelaytodiagnosis(andconsequentlytreatment)themoreunwellanindividualmightbecome,
themorelikelytheyaretobeleftwithlongtermhealthissuesandsomemayevendie.Forthosewho
haveaninfectiouscondition,delayingdiagnosisalsoputsthewiderpopulationatrisk(Potter,2017).
Thus,healthcareprovision,includingaccess,isasocialdeterminantofhealth(Marmotetal.,2012).
Accesstohealthcareisnotsimplyapointintime,itisdynamic,contextualandnegotiated(DixonWoods
etal.,2005).Consequently,restrictingaccesstohealthcareisnotsimplyamatterofshuttingthedoor.
‘Operatingconditions’(DixonWoodsetal.,2005;Mackenzieetal.,2013)suchas,forexample,a‘hostile
environment’(Hiam,SteeleandMcKee,2018),alsoaffectdeterminationsof‘candidacy’(DixonWoodset
al.,2006)inrelationtohealthcare.
Migrantsexperiencespecificchallengestotheirhealthbefore,duringandafterthemigrationprocess
(Bhopal,2007).Populationsonthemoveembodyamultitudeofgeotemporallysituatedsocial,
environmentalandpoliticalexperienceswhichdifferentiallyaffectdiseaseriskacrossthelifecourse
(Krieger,2008).Withoutwishingtoessentialisethemigrantexperience,atapopulationlevelmost
migrantsarriveattheirdestinationingoodhealth‐likelybecausetheprocessofmigrationitselfisaform
of‘survivalofthefittest’.Thishasbeencalledthehealthymigranteffect(Vissandjeeetal.,2004;Anikeeva
etal.,2010).However,thisadvantagedecreasesovertime(AbraídoLanza,ChaoandFlórez,2005).
Hypothesesforhowthishappensincludetheimpactofsocioeconomicandpsychosocialfactorswhich
accompanymigrationsuchasstressesassociatedwiththeacculturationprocess(Bhugra,2004),language
barriers,employmentandlackofsocialsupport(WilkinsonandMarmot,2003).
AstheInternationalOrganisationofMigrationstates:“Migrants’healthistoalargeextentdetermined
bytheavailability,accessibility,acceptabilityandqualityofservicesinthehostenvironment”(Davies,
BastenandFrattini,2009).Manycountrieshavemovedtowardssystemsthatadheretotheidealsof
universalhealthcoverage:thatpeoplecanaccessthecaretheyneedwithoutsufferingsignificantfinancial
hardship(Marmotetal.,2008).However,inEurope,includingtheUK,provisionofcareforsomemigrant
populationsinparticularundocumentedmigrants‐islimitedtoemergencycarewithcontested
definitionsofwhatthisconstitutes(Davies,BastenandFrattini,2009).Theserestrictionstocareconflict
withevidencethatsuggestsitiscosteffectivetoprovidepreventativeaswellasemergencycareto
undocumentedmigrants(FRA(EuropeanUnionAgencyforFundamentalRights),2015).Considering
thesepoints,restrictinghealthcareaccessformigrantsmightarguablybeconsidered‘unwiseaswellas
mean’(Bevan,1952).
AhistoryofNHSchargingregulations
TheUKNationalHealthServicewasfirstestablishedin1948withtheaimofdeliveringcomprehensive
advice,treatmentandcaretoall,freeatthepointofaccess,“fromcradletograve”(GreatBritainand
Beveridge,1942).Inthatsameyear,healthwasformerlyrecognisedasacentralhumanconcernand
enshrinedintohumanrightslawasthe“righttotheenjoymentofthehighestattainablestandardof
physicalandmentalhealth”(UnitedNations,1948).Today,UniversalHealthCoverageremainshighon
theglobalhealthagenda(Sommerlad,2018).
FounderoftheNHS,NyeBevan,addressedconcernsthattheNHSwouldbeopentoabusefromoverseas
visitorsemployingargumentsthatstillresonatetodayincluding:highlightingthecontributionvisitorsand
migrantsmaketotheeconomy;theinconvenienceofrequestingidentificationaspartofhealthcare
delivery;andthenegligibleimpactonfinancesduetotherelativegoodhealthoftourists(Bevan,1952).
ChargingregulationswerenotformerlyintroducedintotheNHSuntil19822(DepartmentofHealth,1982)
afterwhich“therewerethenthreedecadeswhenverylittlehappened”(HouseofCommonsCommittee
ofPublicAccounts,2017).Duringthisperiod,despitesuccessiveminoramendmentstoNHScharging
regulations,verylittlechangedinpractice:eligibilityforfreecarewasbasedonthetestof‘ordinary
residence’sothatstudentsandimmigrantswhohadmovedtotheUKtostudyorworkwereallentitled
tofreeNHScare(LockQC,2017).Thosewhowerechargeableincludedtouristsandundocumented
migrants(amongstothersforamoredetailedreviewoftheperiod20002010seeChimientiand
Solomos,2016).Agovernmentreviewin2012revealedthatasystemicfailuretochargethesegroupswas
likelybecausetherewas“noincentiveforNHSTruststoidentifyoverseasvisitors”(DepartmentofHealth,
2012).
Duringthisperiod,theimpactoftheglobalfinancialcrisisin2007,theaccompanyingausteritymeasures,
andincreasingprominenceofIslamicfundamentalismandISISinpublicdiscoursehadahugeimpacton
globalandlocalpoliticsandpolicies.TheUK,EuropeandtheUShaveseenariseinAltrightpolitical
parties.Ideologues,mediaorganisations,politicalpartiesandmoreamorphousmovementshavestoked
fearofracialised‘others’(Fassin,2011).Governmentstoohaveutilisedfearinreactingtothesepressures
andindeepeningexistingsystemsofrepressionandcontrol‐tighteningnationalborders,increasing
surveillance,bothingeneraland,of‘foreigners’inparticular(YuvalDavis,WemyssandCassidy,2017),
anddevelopingarangeofantiimmigrationpolicies(foracriticalreviewseeWallace,2018).Inrelationto
healthcare,‘fairness’hasbeenincreasinglydeployedtojustifypoliciesthatrestrictedtheuseofpublic
servicestoUKcitizens(Maughan,2010;DepartmentofHealth,2015b,2017a).Itisinthiscontextthat
thenHomeSecretaryTheresaMayannouncedheraim“tocreate,hereinBritain,areallyhostile
environment”foranyonelivingintheUKwithouttheappropriatedocumentation(KirkupandWinnett,
2012).
TheNHSincrisis
NyeBevanestimatedthatthecostoftreatingoverseasvisitorswouldbenegligibleatmost0.4%ofthe
NHSbudget.Yetin2013,priortotherolloutoftheVisitorandMigrantCostRecoveryPlan,deliberate
healthtourismwasstillestimatedatonlyafractionoftheoverallNHSbudget0.3%(Prederi,2013).
2Thefirstlegislationthatallowedchargingthose“not‘ordinarilyresident’intheUKwasintroducedintheNational
HealthService(Amendment)Act1949,althoughthesepowerswerenotformallyenactedthroughregulationsuntil
1982”(Blundell,2014).
Followingnearlyhalfacenturyofcarebeingprovidedallbutfreeatthepointofservice,whathad
changed?
Thecry"TheNHSisanationalnotaninternationalhealthservice"isbutthemostconciseslogantohave
emergedfromabroadreactionaryperspectiveonpublicservicesthathasbeenstokedbyrightwing
populistpoliticiansandmediaoutletsinanattempttoscapegoatandultimatelyexcludepeoplemaking
useofservices(Hope,2015).Thisperspectivehastheconvenientcorollarythatitavoidsandindeed
divertsattentionfromvoiceschallengingthenecessityofausterity,orpointingouttheunfairdistribution
ofwealthinsociety.
SuccessiveBritishgovernmentshaveselectedausterityasaresponsetotheglobalfinancialcrashof2007
(Karanikolosetal.,2013).Globalisation,theexpansionoftheEUtoincludecountriesinCentraland
EasternEuropein2004and2007,climatechange,inequalityandwarhaveallcontributedtoa"migrant
crisis"withincreasingandmorediversepatternsofmigrationtotheUK(Vertovec,2007).Whilecapitalist
economies’demandforlabourreliesonflexible,mobile,andthereforeoftenmigrantworkers,nation
statesinsisttheirresourcesarelimited‐andprioritisecitizensinordertobuildasenseofpatriotismeven
astheywithdrawprovision.Itisinthisambiguoussettingthatafierceimmigrationdebaterages
(Phillimore,2011).WithintheNHSthisisexemplifiedthroughactiverecruitmentofstaffoverseas,often
fromformerBritishcolonies(Crew,2017),whilstthegovernmentplacecapsonearningandenact‘hostile
environment’policiesthatforcepeopleoutoftheUK(Borland,2015;WeaverandCampbell,2018).
Understaffedandunderfunded(SpendingontheNHSinEngland,2017),intheyearofits70thanniversary,
theNHSisincrisis.Asthegovernmentimpose“efficiencysavings”ofover£20billionpounds(arounda
sixthofthewouldbeNHSbudget),theNHScreaksundertheweightof£70billionofpaymentsassociated
withtheconstructionofover100newhospitalsbuiltbetween1997and2008undercostly“Private
FinanceInitiative”arrangements(PollockandPrice,2013)andbillionsarewastedonprivateprofitsand
tenderinginamarketisedNHS(Molloy,2014).AKingsFundreportin2014concludedthat“thequestion
wasnotwhethertheNHSwouldrunoutofmoneybutwhen”addingtheriskof“reachingatippingpoint
whereonlyaminorityoforganisationsareabletosustainacceptablelevelsofperformanceisaclear
andpresentdanger,accentuatedbythepressuresfacingsocialcare”(Applebyetal.,2014).Earlyin2018,
asignificantriseindeathswasreportedcomparedtopreviousyearsandthousandsofroutineoperations
werecancelledsignallyasHiamandDorlingargue,theNHSwas“asystemstrugglingtocope”(Hiamand
Dorling,2018).
Thesuccessivemeasurestorestrictaccesstohealthcareformigrantsandvisitorssincethenhaveformed
partofabarrageofpoliciesdesignedtomakeremainingintheUKuntenableforindividualscaughtinthis
racialisednetof‘others’,whetherwithoutdocumentationorsimplyuncertainoftheirrights.These
policiesinclude,butarenotlimitedto:ariseinimmigrationraids;theprospectofunlimiteddetention;
thethreattohealthandevenlifethatimmigrationdetentionposes(Canning,2017);schoolmeals
withheldbecauseofparents’immigrationstatus(Weale,2018),restrictionstothehousingrentalmarket,
drivinglicensesandbankaccountsinsimilarwaystotherestrictionsappliedtotheNHS(Removalsand
Instructions,2018).Citizens,repeatedlytoldtheirsecurityisthreatenedbyaconstructedmigrant‘other’,
becomeeverydayborderguards(YuvalDavis,WemyssandCassidy,2017)‐unwittinglyifnotwillingly‐as
theyenforceconditionalaccesstoservices,andareencouragedtomakereportstotheHomeOffice.All
thesestrategiesrepresentdiscriminatoryattacksonthesocialdeterminantsofhealthformigrants
(DahlgrenandWhitehead,1993).Byscapegoatingmigrantsas‘healthtourists’whoabuse‘ourNHS’,the
governmentisabletodrawattentionawayfromtheirdecisiontorestrictNHSfunding(Tilford,2015)
whilstfirmlysituatingtheblameamongst‘undeserving’(Willen,2012)‘others’.
Hostileenvironmentorcostrecovery?
In2013thegovernmentlaunchedaconsultationon“migrantcontributiontohealthcare”stating,“The
nextstepincrossgovernmentplanstomakeitmoredifficultforillegalmigrantstoliveintheUK
unlawfully,andtoensurelegalmigrantsmakeafaircontributiontoourkeypublicservices,hasbeen
launchedtoday”(DepartmentofHealth,2013).Widereachingreformsfollowed:TheVisitorandMigrant
CostRecoveryProgramme20142016setoutaseriesofmeasuresdesignedtomorereadilyidentifyand
chargethosenoteligibleforfreeNHScare(Health,2014).In2014,theImmigrationActchangedthe
definitionof“ordinarilyresident”,increasingthenumberofpeoplenoteligibleforfreeNHScare,by
effectivelyexcludinganyonewithoutindefiniteleavetoremain(Blundell,2014).The2015NHScharging
regulationsfollowedintroducingtheImmigrationHealthSurcharge(IHS)andraisingtheamountanNHS
Trustcouldchargeineligiblepatientsto150%ofcostprice(DepartmentofHealth,2015a).
TheIHSisafixed(thereforenotprogressive),mandatory,insurancelikeschemeassociatedwiththevisa
applicationprocessfornonEEAmigrants.Itisnow£400peryear(£150peryearforstudents)meaning
forafamilyoffouronafiveyearvisathiswouldadd£8,000tovisacosts(UKVisasandImmigration,
2016).Thegovernmentclaimedthisistoensurethateveryone‘makesafaircontribution’tothe
(DepartmentofHealth,2015b).Butisitfair?PeopleoftenmovetotheUKbecausethereisademandfor
theirlabour,drawnoftenfromformercoloniesbythepromiseofrelativelyhigherwages.Whilstworking
intheUK,theypayincometaxandNationalInsurance,aswellasVATandconsumptivetaxesevenifnot
workingandintheirprecariousstatusasnoncitizensaremorevulnerabletoabuse.Inaddition,concerns
havebeenraisedthattheIHSwilldeterhighlyskilledmigrantsfromenteringandstayingintheUK.A
furthercritiquecentresaroundhistoricalinjusticeintheformofcolonialismthatpersiststhroughneo
colonialmechanisms.Forexample,activerecruitmentofhealthcareprofessionalsfromformercolonies
totheUKcontributetowideninginequalitiesthroughbraindrainfromcountrieswhoalreadylack
sufficientnumbersofhealthcareworkerstosupporttheirownhealthneeds.Theperceivedbenefitsfor
individualsofworkinadevelopedcountrymakethemvulnerabletolowerwageswhilsttheUKbenefits
fromavoidingthehighcostoftheirtraining.
OnceintheUK,thosemigrantsandvisitorswhohavenotpaidtheImmigrationHealthSurchargemaybe
chargeableforNHScare.Aninitialconsultationidentifieda:“fundamentalfinancialdisincentive”for
hospitalstoidentifyandchargethesegroups(DepartmentofHealth,2013).Thiswasbecausethe
momentanindividualwasidentifiedasineligibleforfreeNHScare,theNHSTrustcouldnotclaimthecost
ofthatcarefromthecommissioner.Ifthedebtwentunpaid,theNHSTrustfootedthebill(Creative
Research,2013).ToincentiviseNHSTruststoidentifyandchargepatients,the2015amendmenttoNHS
chargingregulationsincreasedtheamountnonEEApatientscouldbechargedto150%ofcost
(DepartmentofHealth,2015c).AsaDepartmentofHealthrepresentativehintedat,thiseffectively
positionsnonEEApatientsasasourceofrevenueincomparisonwiththosefromwithintheEEA(Public
AccountsCommitte,2016).Sanctionswerealsointroducedforthosethatfailedtoidentifychargeable
patientsandthecostofanytreatmentofpatientsidentifiedaschargeablewhodonotpaytheirbill,is
splitequallybetweentheNHSTrustandtheirlocalClinicalCommissioningGroup(Health,2014).Tohelp
identifyineligiblepatients,knowledgeoftheirIHSpaymentissharedwithNHSTrustsinanonline
interactivesystem(DepartmentofHealth,2017b).Forfurtherqueries,theHomeOfficehaveestablished
ahotlineforoverseasteamstocontacttheminrelationtoeligibilityqueries,chargingtheNHS80pence
perminuteforitsuse(BeckfordandKempsell,2017).
WithchargingmechanismsestablishedandteamsofOverseasVisitorManagersstrengthened,thenext
stepwastointroduceupfrontchargingofnoneligiblepatientsforallnonurgentcare.InFebruary2017
thegovernmentissuedastatementofintenttochangethelawinApril2017inorderto“requireNHS
organisationstoidentifywhethersomeoneischargeablebeforenonurgenttreatmentisgivenandto
encourageaculturechangesothatapatient'seligibilityforfreeNHScareischeckedmoreregularlythan
iscurrentlythecase”(DepartmentofHealth,2017a).ThiswasdelayedduetoaGeneralElectioninMay
2017butcameintofulleffecton23rdOctoberofthesameyear(Departm,2017).NHSbodiesarenow
requiredbylawtoidentifyapatient’schargeablestatusatthefirstandeachsubsequenthealthservice
encounter.JeremyHunt,SecretaryofStateforHealthstates,“Weshouldallexpecttobeaskedquestions
thatconfirmoureligibilityforfreehealthcarefromtimetotime”(DepartmentofHealth,2017a).
TheNHSseesoveramillionpatientsevery36hours(NHSstatistics,factsandfigures,2017),thevast
majorityofwhomareeligibleforfreecare,itseemsunlikelythatitwillbecosteffectivetocheck
everyone’sID.Thisraisesthequestionsofthemethodsclericalstaffwillusetodeterminewhichpatients
shouldbesubjecttochecks,andwhichpatientscanbeassumedtobeeligiblewithoutacheck?Ofthose
whoforgetorsimplydonothaveID,whowillbeblockedandwhowillbeallowedthrough?Oneinfour
Britsadmittobeingraciallyprejudiced(Kelley,KhanandSharrock,2017).Earlyevaluationalready
identifiedtheinformalmechanismsbywhichstaffused“signsof‘foreignness’toidentifypotentially
chargeablepatients(CreativeResearch,2013).TheintroductionofIDchecksgrantslicensetoracist
practiceswheretangibleidentifiersofdifference,suchasskincolour,‘foreign’soundingaccentsornames
orthewearingofnonChristianreligioussymbols,arethemeansthroughwhichstaffdeterminewhose
eligibilityischecked.AsEmmaBondandSimonHallsworthtestifyintheiranalysisofyoungpeople’s
experiencesseekingwelfare,determinationsoflegitimacyforhealthcareisyetanother‘degradationritual
designedtofurtherhumiliateandalienate’(BondandHallsworth,2017).
Giventhegovernment’sownconsultationhighlightsthat“costrecoveryisalsocompromisedbythefact
thatundocumentedmigrantsmakeupthelargestgroupofchargeableoverseasvisitorsapprox.
500,000,manyofwhomhavefewresourcestopaychargesincurred”and“thesepeoplewouldbe
exposed“tosignificantfinancialrisk”(DepartmentofHealth,2013),wecontestthatratherthanthetitle
suggests,theOverseasVisitorandMigrantCostRecoveryProgrammeismerelyapunitivetoolofthe
‘hostileenvironment’throughwhichthegovernmentcanpublicallydemonstratetheirintentiontocontrol
immigration.ExcludingmoneyraisedbytheImmigrationHealthSurcharge,thereisnorobustevidence
todemonstratethatNHSchargingmechanismshaveraisedenoughtocoverthecostsofitsown
bureaucracy,letaloneuncalculatedcostsofdelayedcareorthepotentialadditionalpressureplacedon
GeneralPracticeandAccidentandEmergency,bothofwhichremainfreelyaccessibletoall.
#PatientsNotPassports
Fromtheperspectiveofmanyhealthcareworkers,themovementawayfromahealthservicefreeatthe
pointofaccessandavailabletoallisintolerable.DoctorsworkingintheNHS,unlikeprivatisedor
insurancebasedsystems,arelargelyabletoconsiderandtreattheindividualinfrontofthemwithout
considerationofthatindividual’sabilitytoaffordcare.Spendingvaluabletimetryingtodecidewhether
torequestatestbecauseitistherightthingtodoaccordingtobestmedicalpractice,ortoorderacheaper
butlesseffectiveoneisnotsomethingwearetrainedtodoandismorallyunacceptabletomanyofus.
AlsounacceptableandcontrarytotheprincipleslaidoutintheNHSconstitution3isanyformof
discrimination.Inthisarticlewehaveoutlinedthewaysinwhichpoliciesthatrestrictaccesstohealthcare
undermineNHSvalues.ItisfromthisconcernthatgrassrootsmovementssuchasDocsNotCopsand
MedactRefugeeSolidaryGrouphaverisenup.
InassociationwithbroaderrightsbasedorganisationssuchasMigrantsRightsNetworkandMedical
Justiceamongstothers,wehaveemployedthecall,‘healthcareisaright,notaprivilege!’AsMilena
ChimientiandJohnSolomosdetail,therealisationofhumanrightsfornoncitizenscanbeproblematic.
Theyargue“itisthetaskofsociologists(andotherscholarsinthesocialsciences)todistinguishbetween
thediscrepanciesandtheidealsandtomakesenseofthem”(ChimientiandSolomos,2016).Thepotential
spacesandambiguitiesbetweenmoralstandards‐suchasthosethatunderpinhumanrightslawsor
professionalcodesofconduct(forexampleseeGoodMedicalPractice,2013)‐andgovernmentpolicies
andlegislationcanprovidefruitfulgroundforresistance.
ThistensionwasemployedparticularlyeffectivelyinacampaignleadbyDoctorsoftheWorldtogetNHS
Digitalto#StopSharingdataaspartofaformalisedprocessthatallowstheNHStopassindividual
demographicdata,includingaperson’slastknownaddress,totheHomeOfficeImmigrationEnforcement
Team(madepublicinJanuary2017butactivebeforethen;GOV.UK,2016).UnderthisMemorandumof
Understanding(MoU),theHomeOfficemade8,127requestsfordatainthefirst11monthsof2016alone,
leadingto5,854peoplebeingtracedbyimmigrationteams(Travis,2017).Thethreatofdeportation
deterspeoplefromseekinghelpwhentheyareunwell(Seedat,HargreavesandFriedland,2014;Poduval
etal.,2015).Evenwhendataiskeptconfidential,thesimpleprocessofhavingtoprovideidentification
documentscandeterpeoplefromaccessinghealthcare(Hackeretal.,2015).Inahearingonthisissueby
thecrosspartyhealthcommitteechairedbySarahWollastonMP,thefundamentalissueatdebatewasa
publicinterestinprovidingaconfidentialhealthserviceconfidentialityasoutlinedbyprofessional
medicalbodiessuchastheGMCandtheBritishMedicalAssociationversusthepublicinterestin
3Inparticular“TheNHSprovidesacomprehensiveservice,availabletoall”and“AccesstoNHSservicesisbasedon
clinicalneed,notanindividual’sabilitytopay”
immigrationcontrolwhichsawfittobreakconfidentialitysimplybecauseanindividualcommitsan
immigrationoffence(Wollaston,2018).Combiningvoicesandexpertiseacrossmultipleorganisations
includingbutnotlimitedto:DoctorsoftheWorld,MigrantsRightsNetwork(currentlyinvolvedinajudicial
reviewonthisissue),NationalAidsTrust,andVoicesofDomesticWorkersinasmallbutsignificant
campaignwinthegovernmentfinallyagreedtolimitdatasharingtoseriouscrime.Whatthismeansin
practiceremainstobeseen.
ResistanceagainsttheMoUstrengthenedwhen,despitedatasharingalreadyoccurring,thepracticewas
maderealintheformofpublishedpolicy(HomeOffice,DepartmentofHealthandNHSDigital,2016).In
asimilarway,thecomplexitiesoftheimplementationguidancerelatingtoupfrontchargingregulations
providessomething‘toshoot’at(HaywardaandLukesb,2008).Thisallowsadefenseofvalues,thatcan
perhapsbedeflectedaswoolly,tobegroundedinrealworldpracticesandmaterialharms.Organisations
suchasDocsNotCopsandMedactRefugeeSolidarityGrouparoseduetoconcernsregardingthewaysin
whichsuchpoliciesattackvaluesimportanttothoseworkingin,andinneedof,healthcare.Itisthe
experiencesofthoseonthegroundthatrevealwhoisharmed,when,howandbywhatmechanisms,
arguablyprovidingamoredirectlinkbetweenpolicyandthoseaccountableforit.
DocsNotCopshaveraisedconcernsoftheracialisationofpoliciesthatrestrictaccessmostoftentonon
white‘others’(foranexampleseeDexter,2017).WiththerecentrevelationoftheWindrushscandal,
suchconcernshavebeenrealisedaspeoplewhoareinfactBritishCitizensarerefusedhealthcarebecause
theycannotproveit.Whilstthishasprovidedaplatformfromwhichtoraiseourconcerns,thenarrative
of‘deservingness’hasagaincomeintoplayacrossbothsidesofthepoliticaldivide.SylvesterMarshall
waspresentedasdeservingevenbeforehisstatusasBritishhadbeenacceptedbyvirtueofthefacthe
hadpaidtaxesandhismotherhaddedicatedherlifetoworkingfortheNHS(Gentleman,2018).
Increasingly,careisrationedthemost‘feckless’(Foges,2018)placedatthebackofthequeue.Whether
itisnoncitizensorsimplytheoverweight,wewillcontinuetochallengethesenarrativeswhichundermine
amoralpositionthathealthcareisahumanright,feedjustificationsforexclusionandconvenientlyignore
thestructuraldeterminantsofhealth.
Conclusion
Workingwithotherorganisationscampaigningagainstthewidereffectsofthe‘hostileenvironment’
(includingbutnotlimitedtoMedicalJustice,AsylumMatters,Migrants’RightsNetwork,JointCouncilfor
theWelfareofImmigrants,AgainstBordersforChildrenandMigrantsOrganise)hasensuredabroad
appealandanevidencingofthewidereachingharmsthesepoliciescontinuetoinflict.Thestrengthof
thisresistanceisitsdiversemembershipwithnonethelessacollectivevoice,underpinnedbybroadly
sharedvaluesofsolidarityandsocialjustice.
In2014theWorldHealthOrganisationandRockerfellerFoundation,representingmorethan500different
organisationslaunchedthe“GlobalCoalitiontoAccelerateAccesstoUniversalHealthCoverage”.
Historically,theNHShasbeenanexemplarymodelofUHCbut,throughtheintroductionofmarketforces
andchronicunderfunding,successivegovernmentshavemadepoliticaldecisionsthatsetitsfuture
hanginginthebalance.Byconflatingaglobalfinancialcrisiscausedbytheneoliberalagendaoftherich
intheglobalNorthandthemigrantcrisisfueledbyinequality,warandclimatechange,thecurrent
governmenthavedrawnalinearoundhealthallowingdeservingcitizensinandkeepingundeserving
‘others’out.Thesepoliciesarepoliticallydriven.Thefactsareclear:restrictingaccesstohealthcareis
badforindividualsandbadforpopulations.Healthcaremustbearightandnotaprivilegeanduntilthis
rightisrealisedwewillcontinuetodemandtosee#PatientsNotPassports.
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... We are campaigning to restore the values that built our NHS of universal care and compassion. ' 5 In this way, DNC and other similar activist networks of healthcare workers have utilised, 'the potential spaces and ambiguities between moral standards -such as those that underpin human rights laws or professional codes of conduct … and government policies and legislation' as the basis for building resistance to the 'hostile environment' within the NHS (Potter, 2018). ...
... In response, a number of organisations including Doctors of the World and Migrants Rights Network have lobbied the government highlighting the risks of migrants being deterred from accessing health care due to the threat of deportation. This joint campaign was successful and the government eventually acceded to demands to limit data sharing to instances of conviction for serious crime (Potter, 2018). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
The case studies that will be presented in this book illustrate the extent to which a ‘punitive turn’ across a number of policy domains is a prominent and pervasive feature of neoliberalism in the UK. However, before we turn to these examples of policy implementation, this first chapter will outline a broader understanding of this phenomenon and its implications for activist strategy. Consequently, the chapter has two main aims. The first is to locate these punitive tendencies as a feature of the ‘integral’ state under contemporary neoliberalism, which utilises increasingly draconian and divisive means to maintain a degree of legitimacy for this system. These threats to consent-making processes are an effect of neoliberal reconfigurations of the interrelated spheres of production and social reproduction that underpin harmful and detrimental processes such as work intensification in the former and crises of care provision in the latter. However, neoliberal reforms have also resulted in demographic shifts both within labour markets and across society more widely that are engendering new patterns of contestation and resistance. Our second major aim in the chapter is, therefore, to explore the strategic implications of these shifting contexts and demographics for strategies of resistance and the development of oppositional currents and coalitions. In particular, and building on our analysis of these shifts, we propose a framework for activist strategy which we call the ‘integrative transitional’ approach (ITA). ITA takes account of these wider changes in social conditions by incorporating political demands that span productive and reproductive concerns and in so doing, we argue, has the potential to enhance activist efforts to build and strengthen diverse and broad-based alliances of resistance to punitive state-corporate policy agendas.
... We are campaigning to restore the values that built our NHS of universal care and compassion. ' 5 In this way, DNC and other similar activist networks of healthcare workers have utilised, 'the potential spaces and ambiguities between moral standards -such as those that underpin human rights laws or professional codes of conduct … and government policies and legislation' as the basis for building resistance to the 'hostile environment' within the NHS (Potter, 2018). ...
... In response, a number of organisations including Doctors of the World and Migrants Rights Network have lobbied the government highlighting the risks of migrants being deterred from accessing health care due to the threat of deportation. This joint campaign was successful and the government eventually acceded to demands to limit data sharing to instances of conviction for serious crime (Potter, 2018). ...
Book
Full-text available
To examine government policy and state practice on housing, welfare, mental health, disability, prisons or immigration is to come face-to-face with the harsh realities of the 'punitive state'. But state violence and corporate harm always meet with resistance. With contributions from a wide range of activists and scholars, Resist the Punitive State highlights and theorises the front line of resistance movements actively opposing the state-corporate nexus. The chapters engage with different strategies of resistance in a variety of movements and campaigns. In doing so the book considers what we can learn from involvement in grassroots struggles, and contributes to contemporary debates around the role and significance of subversive knowledge and engaged scholarship in activism. Aimed at activists and campaigners plus students, researchers and educators in criminology, social policy, sociology, social work and the social sciences more broadly, Resist the Punitive State not only presents critiques of a range of harmful state-corporate policy agendas but situates these in the context of social movement struggles for political transformation and alternative futures.
... The NHS is funded through general taxation and national insurance contributions with access free at the point of service. In the early years of the British welfare state, concerns people might travel to the UK in order to 'access everything they need' were raised, eventually resulting in the introduction of legislation to restrict access to the NHS for people not usually resident in the UK (Potter, 2018b). While the NHS was founded upon the idea it would be freely accessible to all, it has been restricted to those who are 'ordinarily resident' in the UK. ...
Article
Full-text available
This article considers how distanciation, understood as the active production of different forms of distance as a method of control, is used to manage people racialised and criminalised as migrants within the UK's hostile environment. Analysing different policies introduced under the hostile environment agenda, as well as the more recent New Plan for Immigration, we argue distanciation is a key tactic that shapes these policies and their implementation as well as offers us insight into changing forms of governing migration. Drawing on the analysis of a wide range of policy documents, the paper attends to different forms of distanciation used as a method of control within the UK's wider hostile environment and then presents the results of a case-study of how distanciation is mobilised within the English National Health Service, under the Migrant and Visitor Cost Recovery Programme in particular, which was introduced in 2014 to ensure the NHS receives ‘a fair contribution’ from people racialised as migrants. Addressing different forms of distanciation such as – spatial, legal and emotional – we argue that the lens of distance can offer insights into how detachment – increasing distance between different agents in immigration law and border enforcement is an intentional design to control empathy, solidarity and resistance. Tracing ways these forms of distanciation are designed into legislative and administrative measures helps us better understand how hostile environment policies work as well as locating agencies and possibilities of resistance within different spaces, agents and subjects of bordering.
... There is already evidence to show that migrants in the UK are often not aware of their entitlements to care [24]. This is further complicated by recent legislative changes that have altered who is eligible for care and who is not, including the introduction of an immigration health surcharge that accompanies visa applications [25]. Previous research has shown patients' concerns about being charged for care delay healthseeking, even before a diagnosis has been made [26][27][28]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background: In April 2014 the UK government launched the 'NHS Visitor and Migrant Cost Recovery Programme Implementation Plan' which set out a series of policy changes to recoup costs from 'chargeable' (largely non-UK born) patients. In England, approximately 75% of tuberculosis (TB) cases occur in people born abroad. Delays in TB treatment increase risk of morbidity, mortality and transmission in the community. We investigated whether diagnostic delay has increased since the Cost Recovery Programme (CRP) was introduced. Methods: There were 3342 adult TB cases notified on the London TB Register across Barts Health NHS Trust between 1st January 2011 and 31st December 2016. Cases with missing relevant information were excluded. The median time between symptom onset and treatment initiation before and after the CRP was calculated according to birthplace and compared using the Mann Whitney test. Delayed diagnosis was considered greater or equal to median time to treatment for all patients (79 days). Univariable logistic regression was used to manually select exposure variables for inclusion in a multivariable model to test the association between diagnostic delay and the implementation of the CRP. Results: We included 2237 TB cases. Among non-UK born patients, median time-to-treatment increased from 69 days to 89 days following introduction of CRP (p < 0.001). Median time-to-treatment also increased for the UK-born population from 75.5 days to 89.5 days (p = 0.307). The multivariable logistic regression model showed non-UK born patients were more likely to have a delay in diagnosis after the CRP (adjOR 1.37, 95% CI 1.13-1.66, p value 0.001). Conclusion: Since the introduction of the CRP there has been a significant delay for TB treatment among non-UK born patients. Further research exploring the effect of policies restricting access to healthcare for migrants is urgently needed if we wish to eliminate TB nationally.
... There is already evidence to show that migrants in the UK are often not aware of their entitlements to care (24). This is further complicated by recent legislative changes that have altered who is eligible for care and who is not, including the introduction of an immigration health surcharge that accompanies visa applications (25). Previous research has shown patients' concerns about being charged for care delay health-seeking, even before a diagnosis has been made(26-28). ...
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Background In April 2014 the UK government launched the ‘NHS Visitor and Migrant Cost Recovery Programme Implementation Plan’ which set out a series of policy changes to recoup costs from ‘chargeable’ (largely non-UK born) patients. In England, approximately 75% of tuberculosis (TB) cases occur in people born abroad. Delays in TB treatment increase risk of morbidity, mortality and transmission in the community. We investigated whether diagnostic delay has increased since the Cost Recovery Programme (CRP) was introduced. Methods There were 3,342 adult TB cases notified on the London TB Register across Barts Health NHS Trust between 1st January 2011 and 31st December 2016. Cases with missing relevant information were excluded. The median time between symptom onset and treatment initiation before and after the CRP was calculated according to birthplace and compared using the Mann Whitney test. Delayed diagnosis was considered greater or equal to median time to treatment for all patients (79 days). Univariable logistic regression was used to manually select exposure variables (p value
... There is already evidence to show that migrants in the UK are often not aware of their entitlements to care (24). This is further complicated by recent legislative changes that have altered who is eligible for care and who is not, including the introduction of an immigration health surcharge that accompanies visa applications (25). Previous research has shown patients' concerns about being charged for care delay health-seeking, even before a diagnosis has been made(26-28). ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Background In April 2014 the UK government launched the ‘NHS Visitor and Migrant Cost Recovery Programme Implementation Plan’ which set out a series of policy changes to recoup costs from ‘chargeable’ (largely non-UK born) patients. In England, approximately 75% of tuberculosis (TB) cases occur in people born abroad. Delays in TB treatment increase risk of morbidity, mortality and transmission in the community. We investigated whether diagnostic delay has increased since the Cost Recovery Programme (CRP) was introduced. Methods There were 3,342 adult TB cases notified on the London TB Register across Barts Health NHS Trust between 1st January 2011 and 31st December 2016. Cases with missing relevant information were excluded. The median time between symptom onset and treatment initiation before and after the CRP was calculated according to birthplace and compared using the Mann Whitney test. Delayed diagnosis was considered greater or equal to median time to treatment for all patients (79 days). Univariable logistic regression was used to manually select exposure variables (p value
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https://academic.oup.com/jpubhealth/article/39/2/219/3866869/Border-control-in-a-healthcare-setting-is-not-in
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