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Brexit and Fisheries: A Question of Conflicting Expectations
Abstract
The UK fishing sector has been under the spotlight since the beginning of the Brexit debate. Political commentators claimed that up to 90 per cent of British fishers supported Brexit as they considered the UK was disadvantaged compared to other EU Member States. Their main grudge is about the equal access that all Member States have had to all EU waters – with the exception of territorial waters, up to 12 nautical miles from the coast – since the formal inception of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) in 1983. Combined with what they perceive to be an unbalanced allocation of fishing quotas, this legal framework is thought by the UK fishing industry to be the main reason for the poor management of EU fisheries, which could be terminated following Brexit thus regaining the UK's status as an independent coastal state. The key issue addressed in this article is the possible reallocation of fishing opportunities within British waters. It outlines the current allocation system and summarises the views of major stakeholders. This is complex as historical fishing rights may or may not be acknowledged but it remains that the UK fishing industry needs access to EU markets and EU labour to bring the fish to value. © 2018 Agricultural Economics Society and European Association of Agricultural Economists (EAAE)
... For stocks shared and co-managed with non-EU countries, TACs are agreed upon with non-EU countries. For fish stocks not managed under the TAC system, such as seabass in the English Channel, which may account for up to 50% of the fishery's catch, fishing opportunities need to be determined in a somewhat different and sometimes complex system [11]. ...
... The intensity includes spatial and temporal components, such as the number of days at sea dedicated to an activity in a given area. Fishing opportunities are determined, to some extent, by historical rights, i.e., the fishing status of each country prior to the establishment of the EU CFP [11]. ...
... The EU CFP-based quota system fails to ensure the sustainability of fish stocks and has long met with opposition from UK fishermen. Given significant differences between the estimates based on Za and the current quota shares across all stocks, the United Kingdom advocates allocating quotas based on Za, i.e., quotas or catch shares should correspond to the share of the fish stock biomass present within a country's EEZ [15], whereas the EU-27 sector supports the status quo, arguing that historical fishing patterns should be respected [11]. After the assessment of twelve of the fourteen essential fish stocks, it was found that the valuation of the UK regional attachment was significantly higher than the current quota allocation, and the share allocated to the EU was higher than the regional attachment of the EU stocks [15]. ...
The North Sea fishery has maintained sound and stable cooperative management over the past four decades. European Union (EU) countries exchange quotas with Norway for fish stocks in their respective fisheries jurisdictions within the framework of the EU Common Fisheries Policy (EU CFP) and the Agreement on Fisheries between the European Economic Community and the Kingdom of Norway. After beginning the Brexit process with a concomitant transitional arrangement, the United Kingdom remained in the EU CFP until the end of 2020. From 2021 onward, the United Kingdom became a completely independent coastal state outside the EU CFP framework. In this context, the long-standing and stable fisheries access and quota exchange system between Norway and the EU will face tensions. The differences among the United Kingdom, the EU and Norway in fisheries also involve quotas and access to the Svalbard Protection Zone. Norway even intends to expand the fisheries conflict to the Arctic Council. To prevent the adverse consequences of conflict spillover and to achieve sustainable development of fisheries and win–win cooperation in fisheries management, the United Kingdom, the EU and Norway launched a series of actions on fisheries issues. In tripartite negotiations, each party has its advantages. Ultimately, win–win cooperation in the fisheries game is the three parties’ expected outcome.
... Ever since the referendum in 2016, the British fishing sector was a strong proponent of Brexit. British fishermen felt disadvantaged by the regulations of the CFP for years and opposed it since the early 90s (Le Gallic et al., 2018;Phillipson and Symes, 2018). With Brexit, they expected re-negotiations of fisheries management of the Northeast Atlantic and the North Sea, substantially improving their fishing opportunities. ...
Blue Growth has become one of the key topics of ocean management. It is defined as a holistic framework for an environmentally friendly and socio-economically sustainable development of ocean-related activities with a special emphasis on technological innovation. Capture fisheries are widely considered to have no substantial growth potential and consequently are not subject to the European Union’s Blue Growth strategy. In our review, we, however, argue that capture fisheries should play an essential role in national Blue Growth strategies. We identified two interconnected management strategies to foster Blue Growth in fisheries, a) the implementation of Community Development Quota (CDQ) systems and b) the support of small-scale fisheries (SSF). They hold the potential to benefit fishery-dependent coastal communities and therefore counteract consolidations in the fishing sector. Additionally, they provide the possibility to improve quota access for small-scale fishermen. Besides having better access to quota, the future of SSF depends on sources of public funding for technical improvement and innovation as well as increased representation in the management. In this perspective, we present different cases that successfully implemented CDQs (the Alaska pollock fishery) or have considerable potential to implement CDQ programs or improve their current approaches (United Kingdom, Ireland, and Iceland). We further discuss examples for successful management strategies to support SSF directly. If these aspects are considered in a Blue Growth strategy, the survival of fishery-dependent communities could be assured, and SSF could develop from predominantly part-time or subsistence fisheries to a full-time occupation. By those means, they would be part of a fostering Blue Economy and strengthen environmentally friendly and socio-economically sustainable fishing practices in Europe.
... This was decided as part of the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) reached on 24 December 2020 between the European Union and the UK government. While this aspect of Brexit had long been anticipated Le Gallic et al., 2018), the modalities of the UK's withdrawal from the EU's institutions have remained unclear. Also for the Belgian fishing sector, it is yet unclear what Brexit will mean exactly, and how much bargaining power Belgian shipowners and their representatives (including administrators) will have in negotiating a bilateral agreement with the UK government (Hans Polet, pers. ...
The aim of this PhD research is to provide a baseline study of who currently owns the means of production in the French Atlantic fishing sector, with a specific focus on the fishing vessels and associated fishing opportunities. This ‘who owns what’ question is approached from different angles which crystallize into four sub-questions: (1) what is the organizational structure of multi-vessel fishing firms and what are the main drivers behind their evolution?; (2) who ultimately owns the fishing capital?; (3) does concentration of fishing capital and production occur?; (4) has the fisheries management system created any injustices towards artisanal fishers in the way fishing opportunities (fishing rights) are allocated and redistributed?
The research finds that the commonly used ‘artisanal vs. industrial’ classification is unable to capture the organizational diversity of modern-day fishing firms. In fact, French Atlantic fishing firms have evolved into an array of types which currently coexist in a complex institutional environment. This environment, and most notably the quota management system, appears to have catered mostly to the needs of established fishing companies, while making it hard for young entrants and/or small-scale fishers to establish themselves. A moderate trend of concentration of production means and production is furthermore apparent in the French Atlantic fishing sector. Other than providing valuable insights into the ownership structure of the French Atlantic fishing industry, this PhD research contributes to the field of ownership analysis through the development of a methodological framework that can be readily applied to analyze ownership and concentration in the EU fishing industry.
... Under the CFP a central TAC for quota species in the EU combined EEZ, based on scientific advice and political negotiation is agreed. The United Kingdom (UK) had, until 31st December 2020, been given, along with other member states, a share of this as an annual TAC to utilise in line with its own national fisheries management strategy [12][13][14][15]. ...
This paper presents the results of interviews conducted with stakeholders in the North East Scotland commercial fishing industry who operate with Fixed Quota Allocation (FQA) units under the United Kingdom's (UK's) fisheries management system. The results derived from these interviews provide a view of the FQA system from those operating within it and identify strengths and weaknesses of the system. The implications of these results are that the FQA system, and the introduction of FQA units, led to increased investment and efficiency within the North East Scotland 'over 10 m ′ sector. This, however, has led to a consolidation of quota and the raising of barriers to entry. These may threaten the future of the industry and its traditional links to its coastal communities but the situation is complicated by concerns that any changes to the system to address these threats risks destabilising the economic structure of the industry which is built on the asset value of FQA units. The UK Government has indicated that the system will endure post-Brexit so it may be that any additional quota realised from exiting the European Union (EU) is applied to a system where those who will benefit most understand that it may risk the industry's future. This paper calls for more research into the FQA system, with those who work with FQA units and those who do not, to ensure that the socioeconomic impacts of this system are better understood in order that future management safeguards the stability of the industry into the future.
Our study investigated discarding patterns by bottom otter trawlers over 17 years prior to the full implementation of the Landing Obligation. A generalized additive modelling approach was applied to at-sea sampling data to examine the most important drivers of the discards per unit effort (DPUE) of cod, whiting, hake, and haddock in the Celtic Seas ecoregion from 2002 to 2018. Many operational, environmental, regulatory, and spatio-temporal factors were tested. Fish above and below the minimum conservation reference size (MCRS) were modelled separately to compare drivers of discarding of these categories of unwanted catch. In the full time period analysis, the three most important factors in determining DPUE were geographic location, an interaction between geographic location and year, and year interacting with month. Further analysis of a subset of the time series indicated that quota availability significantly impacted the DPUE for <MCRS haddock, <MCRS whiting, and >MCRS hake, while the quota allocated for one species often significantly influenced the DPUE of other species and size classes. Quota interacting with abundance had a significant impact for all >MCRS species and <MCRS hake. This indicates that changes in relative abundance compound discarding under quota constraints. Collectively, these results empirically demonstrate that single-species quotas majorly contribute to discards in a mixed-fisheries context.
The fishery sector has a unique position within the European Union regulatory system. Being in the joint competence of supranational and national authorities, it has a complex transnational nature, characterized by an active participation of non-governmental organizations and associations, as well as a number of coordinating international authorities. Additionally, the fishery is of particular importance for nation states since it is linked to issues of sovereignty and social stability. The paper examines possible applications of the multi-level governance (MLG) theory to the study of the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy (CFP), its history, current state and prospects for development. The first section outlines the key provisions of the MLG theory and describes its general applicability to the study of the EU institutions. In order to provide a better understanding of strengths and weaknesses of the MLG theory, the author compares it to a number of related approaches traditionally used in integration studies in general and the European integration studies in particular. The author concludes that the multi-level governance framework is particularly suitable to the study of complex regulatory processes that involve different actors, like in the case of the EU CFP. Such an approach allows the author to identify certain specifics of the EU political practices in this area of regulation. For example, the author highlights a clear desire of the supranational bodies to acquire additional competences and to bring about redistribution of power in their favor through mobilizing the support of sub-national actors and think-tanks and at the expense of national actors. However, the author concludes that in order to provide a truly comprehensive understanding of the EU CFP, the traditional focus of the MLG approach should be expanded to encompass yet another level of analysis — the global one.
This chapter reflects on a set of methodological considerations that can arise when undertaking fisheries social science research, specifically when engaging face-to-face with fishers and the wider fishing community. Challenges include, the (often) geographical remoteness of fisheries fieldwork, the dangers of a busy harbourside, the male-dominated nature of the industry and the discontent of fishers with policy. We reflect on the challenges faced in conducting this work to prompt constructive dialogue and practical suggestions to inform methodological practice for those working in this area.
Brexit, the UK’s planned withdrawal from the EU, has significant implications for UK fisheries, potentially creating both opportunities and challenges regarding future governance of some of the most important fisheries in the EU. This paper presents findings of discussions with key industry representatives from two of Scotland’s largest ports – Peterhead and Fraserburgh. The views of these stakeholders give a unique perspective on the opportunities and challenges provided by Brexit. Views are reported on the current management system, the importance of the EU as an export market and how industry stakeholders believe fisheries should be governed if the UK leaves the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP). Despite the view from stakeholders that the current distribution of fishing rights in UK waters is unbalanced, and the view that the CFP has moved from a positive to a negative for the industry, the implications of these results suggest that this part of the industry is not focussed solely on a quick removal from the CFP that returns 100% of fishing rights and control of UK waters, but instead seeks an improved management system that allows for the long term sustainability of the sector.
The aim of this study is to present a description of the bilateral trade between the UK and the EU-27 in different possible scenarios, based on relevant case-studies. Also the study describes the main markets of fish and fisheries products and economic-related issues. It provides an economic analysis of the expected consequences of Brexit.
Cod and haddock are two of the “big 5” UK supermarket fish species and intrinsic to fish and chip shops nationwide. UK whitefish fleets produce a significant amount, however there is a reliance on imports to maintain supply. The UK is in a strong position to compete for raw material from Iceland and Norway given high prices paid for imports and investment by Icelandic and Norwegian companies in the UK. Regarding UK production of whitefish, the European Common Fisheries Policy landing obligation has introduced significant uncertainty. To avoid discarding of any quota stock, fishing may be stopped before all target stocks quota is reached. For demersal fleets, there is a transition period between 2016 and 18 where target stocks are introduced according to Advisory Council and EU agreement and Article 15, with all quota stocks from 2019. As the capacity of the fleets balance to the new regulations, supply will likely return and if maximum sustainable yield (MSY) is reached in 2020 then an increase in TACs from current levels is likely too. However, markets and industries can change in a short period. Particularly, most processing companies are small to medium size enterprises and those that concentrate on cod and haddock may have to adjust their business. Fleets could be resilient to such short term reductions in landings however this cannot be assumed. The competitiveness of producers will surely be affected in the short to medium term as a result.
This article examines the evolution of foreign ownership in the UK fishing fleet in the context of policy developments at European and national levels. We argue that the characterisation of all foreign ownership as "quota-hopping" is misleading because it oversimplifies the means by which foreign access to fish quotas has been obtained. The paper considers the incentives for foreign ownership and the likely economic impact on the UK. It is concluded that the net impact may be rather small, but that the issue nevertheless raises questions for the allocation of fishing rights under the European Community's Common Fisheries Policy.
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