Fuelwood scarcity and its adaptation measures: An assessment of coping strategies applied by small-scale farmers in Dodoma region, Tanzania

Abstract

In Tanzania, the majority of the rural population still relies on fuelwood as their major source of cooking energy. The adaptation measures of small-scale farmers in response to increasing fuelwood scarcity play a key role in altering the course of nutrition insecurity, environmental degradation, and economic instability. This study delivers a classification of coping strategies that does not exist in the literature. Furthermore, it analyses the adaptation measures applied by small-scale farmers in the semi-arid region of Dodoma district in response to fuelwood scarcity. A comparison between two case study sites provides information on the choice of adaptation measures by households. Overall, 28 coping strategies from 24 studies are identified, then differentiated into preventive and acute measures that are arranged into eight clusters. The classification is then used as a codebook to identify applied coping strategies at two case study sites. In total, 23 adaptation measures, including two strategies not cited in the literature, were identified through 39 household interviews. This suggests that the majority of coping strategies applied are independently from regional and social conditions. The majority of the strategies applied at the case study sites and described in the literature are acute measures that do not tackle the underlying problem triggering forest degradation. It is observed that the adaptation measures across the case study sites are widely congruent, thus showing that acute strategies are not replaced by preventive strategies but rather co-exist.

Full text

Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018)095004 https://doi.org/10.1088/1748-9326/aadb27
LETTER
Fuelwood scarcity and its adaptation measures: an assessment of
coping strategies applied by small-scale farmers in Dodoma region,
Tanzania
A Scheid
1,3
, J Hafner
2
, H Hoffmann
2
, H Kächele
1,2
, S Sieber
2
and C Rybak
2
1
Eberswalde University for Sustainable Development (HNEE), Schicklerstraße 5, D-16225 Eberswalde, Germany
2
Leibniz Centre for Agricultural Landscape Research (ZALF), Eberswalder Street 84, D-15374 Müncheberg, Germany
3
Author to whom any correspondence should be addressed.
E-mail: aaron.scheid@hnee.de
Keywords: Tanzania, semi-arid region, fuelwood scarcity, coping strategy, adaptation measure, improved cooking stoves, classification
scheme
Abstract
In Tanzania, the majority of the rural population still relies on fuelwood as their major source of
cooking energy. The adaptation measures of small-scale farmers in response to increasing fuelwood
scarcity play a key role in altering the course of nutrition insecurity, environmental degradation, and
economic instability. This study delivers a classification of coping strategies that does not exist in the
literature. Furthermore, it analyses the adaptation measures applied by small-scale farmers in the
semi-arid region of Dodoma district in response to fuelwood scarcity. A comparison between two
case study sites provides information on the choice of adaptation measures by households. Overall,
28 coping strategies from 24 studies are identified, then differentiated into preventive and acute
measures that are arranged into eight clusters. The classification is then used as a codebook to identify
applied coping strategies at two case study sites. In total, 23 adaptation measures, including two
strategies not cited in the literature, were identified through 39 household interviews. This suggests
that the majority of coping strategies applied are independently from regional and social conditions.
The majority of the strategies applied at the case study sites and described in the literature are acute
measures that do not tackle the underlying problem triggering forest degradation. It is observed that
the adaptation measures across the case study sites are widely congruent, thus showing that acute
strategies are not replaced by preventive strategies but rather co-exist.
Introduction
Globally, around 2.7 billion people rely on solid
biomass as primary cooking fuel (IEA 2016). In order
to supply this demand, nearly half of globally harvested
wood is used for energy production (Bruinsma 2003).
In sum, traditional bioenergy represents approxi-
mately 15% of total global energy use (Creutzig
et al 2015)and is responsible for 1.9%–2.3% of global
CO
2
emissions annually (Bailis et al 2015).Itis
predicted that, through the next decade, the number
of people dependent on it will remain unchanged at
approximately 2.3 billion people (IEA 2017), with the
population of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA)remaining
reliant on woodfuels also for the coming decades
(Iiyama et al 2014). Around 78% of the population in
SSA still relies on solid biomass—especially fuelwood
4
and charcoal—for cooking (IEA 2017). Nearly three-
quarters of those dependent on fuelwood for cooking
live in rural areas (IEA 2014), while those in urban
areas are more likely to use charcoal (Arnold and
Persson 2003).
With a population of more than 50 million, only 2%
of the Tanzanian population has access to clean cooking
energy, while in rural areas, fuelwood dependency is 89%
(NBS 2014,GTF2017). At the same time, mainland Tan-
zania is affected by deforestation, losing approximately
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Original content from this
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4
Wood in the rough (such as chips, sawdust and pellets)used for
energy generation. It can also be termed as firewood (FAO 2008).
© 2018 The Author(s). Published by IOP Publishing Ltd

370 000 ha per year (FAO 2015),withaforestcoverof
roughly 48 million ha (NAFORMA 2015). The country is
among the top ten countries reporting the greatest annual
loss of forest area between 2010 and 2015 (FAO 2015).
Fuelwood utilization covering domestic fuelwood
demand for cooking could be a major driver of forest
degradation, depending on the geographic context (Bailis
et al 2015,Creutziget al 2015,Maseraet al 2015,
IEA 2017). In this paper, we understand fuelwood scarcity
as something that can be observed when behavioral
changes, such as coping strategies, become necessary.
In particular, due to continued fuelwood scarcity,
rural households are developing strategies to cope with
the added stress, such as increasing labor for fuelwood
collection, collecting fuelwood from non-forest areas, or
using crop residues (Brouwer et al 1997, Jagger and
Shively 2014). In this context, women in SSA generally
carry the majority of this burden, as they are traditionally
responsible for collecting fuelwood and for developing
strategies to respond to its increasing scarcity (Köhlin
et al 2011). There are a wide variety of coping strategies
appliedontheground.Inthisresearchpaper,coping
strategies are defined as adaptation measures applied by
rural households due to a fuelwood shortage occurring.
Studies show that these coping strategies negatively affect
the nutritional and environmental situations of the peo-
ple (Heltberg et al 2000), such as omitting or substituting
dishes with high nutritious value (e.g. dry beans)
(Makungwa et al 2013). According to Heltberg et al
(2000), fuelwood collection and forest degradation are
closely related. An increase in fuelwood collection can
lead to the degradation of forests and forested areas
while, in turn, this degradation can lead to physical fuel-
wood scarcity. Brouwer et al (1997, p 256)attributes a
‘chronic character’to this self-reinforcing process, which
worsens over time, while Matsika et al (2013)refers to the
energy poverty cycle that links high usage of fuelwood to
localized environmental degradation. Although coping
strategies seek to alter or manage the cause of the pro-
blem, often it is beyond the reach of households to
address the root of the problem (Brouwer et al 1989,
p352). From a more theoretical viewpoint, Foeken and
Hoorweg (1988)suggest differentiating coping strategies
between preventive responses and those reflecting an
acute scarcity. For example: planting trees or using alter-
native cooking technologies with higher efficiency can be
understood as preventive responses because they hold
thecapacitytoalterthecauseoftheproblem.Thelatter
includes different technologies, such as using improved
cooking stoves (ICS). As an alternative to the traditional
fuelwood based three-stone-fire stoves (TSF),ICSredu-
ces fuelwood consumption through its higher thermal
efficiency rates (Zein-Elabdin 1997,Ochienget al 2013).
However, acute strategies are more common: these are
short-term adjustments that do not affect the underlying
cause of the problem. Specifically in the context of fuel-
wood scarcity and food security, several authors high-
light that energy-demanding dishes with high nutritional
value, such as dry beans, are omitted or substituted
(FAO 1990,Brouweret al 1996b,Makungwaet al 2013).
To mitigate fuelwood scarcity, Akther et al (2010)identi-
fies several substitutes for fuelwood, including leaves,
twigs, cow dung, and crop residues.
As coping strategies play an intermediary role
between scarcity, societal impact, and environmental
conservation, they must be considered as a leverage
point that can alter the course of nutrition insecurity,
environmental degradation, and economic instability.
However, there is neither a review of coping strategies
from different thematic areas nor a suitable classifica-
tion scheme available. Particularly important are cop-
ing strategies with regard to fuelwood scarcity in
regions that are classified as semi-arid. In Tanzania,
these areas are in the center of the country, with
Dodoma region being one of them. This region is also
characterized by unimodal precipitation (WFP 2013).
Although fuelwood scarcity in Dodoma can be
observed, the role and the potential of coping strate-
gies are not yet evaluated. Scientific data for the inter-
play between preventive and acute strategies is
missing.
In order to close these research gaps and to provide
more detailed insights into general strategies from the
literature and strategies applied on the ground, this
research paper provides: (1)a literature review of cop-
ing strategies and their classification; (2)an assessment
of coping strategies at two case study sites (CSS); and
(3)a quantitative comparison of the coping strategies
applied by households at the two CSS.
Methods
Review of coping strategies from literature
In a first step, we identify coping strategies that
households in rural areas apply to cope with fuelwood
scarcity in the literature. The review articles by
Brouwer et al (1989)and Sola et al (2016)on energy
access, food security, and nutritional impacts provide
the baseline for this review. Additional literature is
identified using the bibliographic databases Web of
Science, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar. In addi-
tion, relevant reports were searched for on websites of
the FAO, the WFP, and the World Bank. The following
broad search terms and their synonyms were used:
(i)fuelwood and nutrition security; (ii)fuelwood and
food security; (iii)fuelwood and alternative energy;
and (iv)fuelwood and environment. Original and
review articles were both included in the review
process.
In total, we found 46 articles that were preselected
based on their title and abstract. Subsequently, the
articles were screened on the eligibility criteria, ‘coping
strategies due to fuelwood scarcity’. Out of this,
24 articles were identified as eligible for a full review
process (table 1).
In a second step, we classify the identified coping stra-
tegies from the literature. In particular, we differentiate
2
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018)095004

between preventive and acute measures (Foeken and
Hoorweg 1988). The former potentially reduces defor-
estation, while acute measures are used ad hoc in order to
cope with immediate fuelwood scarcity.
Study area
The study was conducted at the two case study sites—
Idifu and Mzula—both located in the Chamwino district
of Dodoma region, Tanzania (figure 1). Dodoma region
is semi-arid, consisting mainly of savannas and grasslands
(Mutabazi 2016)and is part of the unimodal zone with
one long rainy season that lasts from December to April
(WFP 2013). There is a growing perception by the farmers
of a decrease in rainfall that is leading to drought. At the
same time, farms steadily move into new areas, accelerat-
ing the clearing of forest land (Goulden et al 2009),leading
to dilapidated forest and woodland areas (Mutabazi 2016).
Idifu has approximately 1200 households (Hafner 2016),
while Mzula has around 750 households (Mutabazi 2016).
Most of the households are subsistence farmers. Fuel-
wood is the main energy source for cooking and boiling
water in both villages. At the case study sites, two different
cooking technologies are used. In Idifu, ICS have been
introduced and adopted by several households, replacing
TSF. Mzula households rely solely on TSF.
Assessment of coping strategies in the Dodoma
region
Within our assessment, 39 household interviews were
conducted in the two villages of Mzula (n=20)and Idifu
(n=19). The interviews included a mix of unstructured
and semi-structured questions in order to identify a full
range of coping strategies. In the first part, households
were asked about their livelihood, routines, responsibil-
ities, and changes in their daily routine. In the structured
part, direct questions about fuelwood availability and
applied coping strategies were asked.
In Idifu, we only interviewed households using
ICS, while in Mzula only households using TSF were
sampled in order to assess differences in the choice of
coping strategies. In Idifu, households were purposive
sampled; in Mzula households were randomly sam-
pled. In both villages, we only interviewed women,
because women are mainly responsible for fuelwood
collection and food preparation (Lim et al 2012,
Kahimba et al 2015). The interview questions were
professionally translated from English to Kiswahili.
The interviews were transcribed and analyzed using
structured qualitative content analysis, based on the pro-
cedure described by (Mayring 2016, p 115).Threemea-
sures were taken to indicate and rank the coping
strategies that households apply in Mzula and Idifu vil-
lages. First, the classification of the coping strategies from
the literature was used as the codebook. In the second
step, the codebook was used to systemize the applied
coping strategies and to identify additional strategies that
are not yet cited within the existing literature. Multiple
coping strategy responses per household were possible.
In a third step, the extracted strategies underwent a
quantified ranking. The ranking is based on how often
the strategies are mentioned by the households.
In order to identify differences in the choices of cop-
ing strategies by the households if preventive measures
are applied, a quantitative comparison of the identified
Table 1. 24 articles identified for the full review process on coping strategies applied due to fuelwood scarcity.
Author (Date)Topic
Howes (1985)Rural energy
Shanahan (1986)Woodfuel and rural households
Cecelski (1987)Energy and women
Brouwer et al (1989)Fuelwood shortage and nutritional impacts in developing countries
Dewees (1989)Woodfuel crisis
FAO (1990)Fuelwood scarcity and its impacts
Bradley and Kenya Woodfuel Development Programme (1991)Woodfuel, women and woodlots
Brouwer et al (1996b)Fuelwood and food security
Brouwer et al (1996a)Wood quality and food security
Brouwer et al (1997)Fuelwood availability and its impacts
Madubansi and Shackleton (2006)Energy profiles and consumption
van’t Veld et al (2006)Firewood crisis in India
Akther et al (2010)Fuelwood scarcity and adaptation measures
World Bank (2010)Household cookstoves
Bandyopadhyay et al (2011)Forest, biomass use and poverty
Köhlin et al (2011)Energy, gender and development
Cardoso et al (2012)Use of fuelwood in a semi-arid region
Damte et al (2012)Fuelwood scarcity and adaptation measures
WFP (2012)Firewood and alternative energy
FAO (2013)Firewood and alternative energy
Makungwa et al (2013)Fuelwood and food security
Guta (2014)Fuelwood scarcity and socio-economic factors
Boafo et al (2016)Ecosystem service-sharing
Baudron et al (2017)Forests and dietary diversity
3
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018)095004

strategies between the CSS was completed. Therefore,
both the strategies and the number of applied strategies
are compared.
Results
Classification of coping strategies based on existing
literature
In total, the 24 studies identify 28 coping strategies that
address the problem of fuelwood scarcity. Three
preventive strategies in two clusters and 25 acute
strategies in six clusters are identified (table 2).
Household responses to fuelwood scarcity and
comparison between the CSS
The analysis of data collected in Mzula and Idifu show
that a total of 23 strategies are applied in the villages, 21 of
which are already identified in the codebook. We find
two strategies used to cope with existing fuelwood
scarcity that are not cited in literature:
•Use of improved collection means
Farmers use transportation means, such as wheel-
barrows, oxcarts, or bicycles, to carry the collected
wood. This facilitates the transportation of larger
amounts of wood.
Figure 1. Map of Tanzania (top left corner)and Chamwino district, Dodoma region, including the case study villages of Idifu and Mzula.
4
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018)095004

Table 2. Classification of coping strategies from existing literature including the respective sources.
Clusters Coping strategies Authors
Preventive
strategies
Increased fuelwood
provision
On-farm tree planting Dewees (1989), Köhlin et al (2011)
Improved forest management Köhlin et al (2011)
Decreased fuelwood
demand
Use of improved cooking
technologies
World Bank (2010)
Acute strategies Alternative fuelwood
consumption
Use of private trees instead of trees
from communal land
van’t Veld et al (2006)
Cut down a tree as a fuelwood
source
Shanahan (1986)
Shift to lesser quality of fuelwood Brouwer et al (1989,1997)
Use of trees that produce food and
fodder (fruit, spice or foliage
trees)
Shanahan (1986)
Decrease of stock building in
fuelwood
Bradley and Kenya Woodfuel Development
Programme (1991)
Increased use of substitutes
for fuelwood
Use of crop residues instead of fuel-
wood (rice husks and straw,
maize cobs, etc)
Brouwer et al (1996a), Akther et al (2010)
Use of animal dung instead of
fuelwood
Akther et al (2010), Köhlin et al (2011),
Cardoso et al (2012), Damte et al (2012),
Baudron et al (2017)
Use of twigs and leaves instead of
fuelwood
Howes (1985), Brouwer et al (1989,1997),
Akther et al (2010)
Increased input of time and
effort
Increase in walking distance to col-
lect fuelwood
Howes (1985), Brouwer et al (1989), FAO
(1990), Köhlin et al (2011), Cardoso et al
(2012), WFP (2012), Guta (2014)
Increase in frequency of fuelwood
collection
Brouwer et al (1989,1997), FAO (1990),
Guta (2014)
Increase in time spent to collect
fuelwood
Howes (1985), Brouwer et al (1989), FAO
(1990), Bandyopadhyay et al (2011), Köhlin
et al (2011), Guta (2014)
Change in weight of bundle
collected
Cecelski (1987)
Market-based measures Sell or barter food to procure
fuelwood
Brouwer et al (1996b,1997), WFP (2012),
FAO (2013)
Purchase fuelwood Brouwer et al (1997), Madubansi and
Shackleton (2006)
Decrease in sales and exchange of
fuelwood
Brouwer et al (1997)
Utilization of human
resources and social
relationships
Change in who collects (children,
older people, men)
Howes (1985), FAO (1990), Köhlin et al (2011)
Borrowing fuelwood from friends Brouwer et al (1996a), Boafo et al (2016)
Sex in exchange for fuelwood FAO (2013)
Decreased food and health Switch to food of lower nutritional
value
Brouwer et al (1989,1996b), WFP (2012),
FAO (2013)
Undercook food to save fuelwood FAO (1990,2013), WFP (2012)
Eat fewer meals FAO (1990,2013)Brouwer et al (1996a),
WFP (2012)
Replacement of long-time cooking
dishes with high nutritional
value (esp. beans)
FAO (1990), Brouwer et al (1996b),
Makungwa et al (2013)
Omit snacks (maize kernels or
scones)
Brouwer et al (1996a)
Reduced food for vulnerable peo-
ple (infants, toddlers and sick
people)
FAO (1990)
Boiling water insufficiently or not
at all to save fuelwood
Brouwer et al (1989), WFP (2012)
5
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018)095004

•Gathering remains of charcoal production
Farmers report that they produce charcoal as a
business in order to earn money. In most cases,
charcoal production takes place outside of the
villages, near the mountains due to the proximity of
the forest. Two women mentioned that they some-
times go to the charcoal production sites of other
people to collect the remains of the charcoal.
The acute strategies applied to cope with fuelwood
scarcity show the direct negative impact on livelihoods
in the villages. Fuelwood scarcity reduces the number
of daily meals cooked (Mzula 55%; Idifu 37%). Cut-
ting off branches of intact trees or shrubs instead of
collecting dry fuelwood (Mzula 75%)demonstrates
that the scarcity situation leads to further destruction
of forests. The increase of workload to collect fuel-
wood due to extended walking distances (Mzula 70%;
Idifu 79%), leads to a lack of time for domestic work,
including agricultural activities. In addition, the qual-
ity of fuelwood is reduced as villagers cite collecting
twigs instead of proper fuelwood (Mzula 60%;
Idifu 47%).
Our analysis shows that two strategies are used by
more than 50% of the households in both villages:
Increase in walking distances to collect fuelwood and to
ask a neighbor for fuelwood. The identified coping stra-
tegies of both CSS and their respective quantified
rankings are presented in table 3.
Regarding the two villages, 17 different strategies
(including one preventive strategy)are identified for
Mzula and 16 different strategies (including two pre-
ventive strategies)for Idifu (table 3). The preventive
strategies applied are:
•use of ICS; and
•on-farm tree planting.
Comparing the coping strategies between the two
CSS, it can be noted that many of the applied strategies
and the number of used strategies are congruent.
Despite the fact that preventive measures are applied
in Idifu, ten out of the 23 strategies are identical in
both CSS. On average 4.7 strategies are applied per
household in Mzula (N=20)and 4.1 strategies
(excluding ICS)in Idifu (N=19). Our findings show
that acute strategies to cope with fuelwood scarcity are
not simply replaced by preventive strategies, but pre-
ventive strategies are an additional strategy used by
households to manage the scarcity situation.
Discussion
Methodological approach
The applied research design for data collection is based
on two different sampling methods in order to identify
differences in coping strategies if preventive measures,
in this case ICS, are applied. Only female farmers are
interviewed, including female household heads and
wives of male household heads. We select female
interviewees as several studies indicate that women in
SSA, including, specifically, the Dodoma region, are
mainly responsible for fuelwood collection and the
preparation of food. Hence, women are responsible
for developing strategies to respond to fuelwood
scarcity (Brouwer et al 1989, Köhlin et al 2011, Lim
et al 2012, Kahimba et al 2015).
Qualitative social research offers several approa-
ches to analyze the content of interviews (Barton and
Lazarsfeld 1979, Mayring 2016). Thereby, the develop-
ment of classification schemes based on the literature,
own data, and the revision of previously developed
categories is a common process for empirical-qualita-
tive research (Barton and Lazarsfeld 1979). Addition-
ally, Mayring (2016, p 115)describes structured
qualitative content analysis, which seeks to identify
specific aspects in interview material based on classifi-
cation criteria that were developed beforehand. Both
analytical approaches provide the stringent methodo-
logical framework applied in this study.
Classification of coping strategies
The systematic literature review of 24 articles and the
identification of 28 coping strategies provide a com-
prehensive overview of adaptation measures to fuel-
wood scarcity. Nevertheless, a full systematic review
would enhance our understanding of how farmers
make their choices. Overall, we differentiate between
preventive and acute measures in order to outline the
different characteristics of applied strategies. Measures
are grouped into two and six clusters, respectively,
offering a holistic classification of coping strategies
across the thematic areas. However, other authors use
different clusters. Köhlin et al (2011), Damte et al
(2012), and Schuenemann et al (2018)mainly differ-
entiate between supply side and demand side strate-
gies, while Egeru et al (2014)distinguishes between
short-term and long-term coping mechanisms.
Brouwer et al (1997)divides coping strategies into fuel
collection, type of fuel used, and fuel use. In contrast,
our approach offers practitioners direct strategic path-
ways to select appropriate strategies, depending on the
cluster from which a strategy is needed.
Applied coping strategies at the CSS
Context-dependency of coping strategies
Literature reveals a wide variety of coping strategies
when fuelwood is scarce. The fact that more than 90%
of the identified strategies at the CSS are similar to
those mentioned in the literature underlines the
context-independence of coping strategies. This
means they are applied autonomously from regional
and social conditions. However, exceptions must be
carefully considered. For example, the use of animal
6
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018)095004

Table 3. Coping strategies derived from the household interviews of both CSS including a quantified ranking. The ranking is based on how frequently they were mentioned by the households. Multiple responses are possible.
Clusters Coping strategies
Coping strategies applied in
Mzula (N=20)
Coping strategies applied in
Idifu (N=19)
Preventive strategies Increased fuelwood provision On-farm tree planting 15 % 58 %
Decreased fuelwood demand Use of improved cooking stoves (prerequisite)0 % 100 %
Acute strategies Alternative fuelwood consumption Cut wet fuelwood instead of collecting dry fuelwood 75 % 0 %
Cut down a tree as a fuelwood source 5% 5%
Use of private trees instead of trees from communal land 5% 5%
Use of wet fuelwood instead of dry fuelwood 0% 3%
Use of fuelwood with less quality 0% 5%
Increased use of substitutes for fuelwood Use of twigs instead of fuelwood 60% 47%
Use of crop residues instead of fuelwood (esp. maize residues)15% 21%
Use of cow dung instead of fuelwood 0% 11%
Increased input of time and effort Increase in walking distance to collect fuelwood 70% 79%
Increase in frequency of fuelwood collection 25% 32%
Increase in time spent to collect fuelwood 10% 0%
Change in weight of bundle collected 5% 0%
Market-based measures Use of improved collection means (wheelbarrow, oxcart,
bicycle)
1
0% 37%
Purchase fuelwood 5% 11%
Purchase charcoal 5% 0%
Hire someone to collect fuelwood 5% 0%
Utilization of human resources and social relationships Ask a neighbor for fuelwood 85% 53%
Involve children in fuelwood collection 10% 0%
Gathering remains of charcoal production
1
10% 0%
Ask relatives for fuelwood 0% 5%
Decreased food and health Eat fewer meals 55% 37%
1
Newly identified coping strategies.
7
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018)095004

dung as a source of fuel for cooking is described and
evaluated by several authors (Akther et al 2010, Köhlin
et al 2011, Damte et al 2012). Its use has strong cultural
and taste connotations (Köhlin et al 2011), but can
only be applied if livestock farming is practiced. The
two newly identified strategies, use of improved collec-
tion means and gathering remains of charcoal produc-
tion, can also be considered as context-dependent
strategies, since they are not yet mentioned in the
literature.
Identification process of applied coping strategies
In total, 23 coping strategies are identified at the CSS.
One major difficulty in identifying coping strategies is
the fact that farmers themselves do not necessarily
define their adaptation measures as coping strategies.
Therefore, the methodology of structured interviews
and questionnaires are not suitable for directly identi-
fying coping strategies from different thematic areas.
For example, the strategy increase in walking distances
to collect fuelwood, described by several authors
(Howes 1985, Brouwer et al 1989, Köhlin et al 2011,
WFP 2012)and applied by more than 70% of the
farmers at the CSS, is a strategy that is not considered
as an adaptation measure by farmers but rather as a
necessity due to the situation. This corresponds with
the findings of Schindler et al (2016,p42)that farmers
consider indirect linkages taking their complex liveli-
hoods into account while scientists rather focus on
direct casual impact chains. On the other hand, not
every adaptation measure described in the scientific
literature can be identified as such on the ground.
Damte et al (2012)proves that Ethiopian households
use dung and crop residues as a source of energy for
cooking, however these are not considered as substi-
tutes for fuelwood. Hence, an open and participatory
process is needed to identify and understand the
adaptation measures applied by the farmers when
fuelwood is scarce.
Using coping strategies from the scientific litera-
ture as a codebook to identify similar strategies on the
ground in a specific social and cultural context is an
approach that must be implemented carefully. Some
authors use generic terms to describe strategies, whilst
others describe specific and context-dependent strate-
gies. In their articles, Brouwer et al (1989,1997)
describe the generic strategy shift to lesser quality of
fuelwood. Typically, twigs, leaves, crop residues, and
animal dung are considered to be inferior energy
forms. Our study identifies that the strategy to cut and
use wet fuelwood instead of dry fuelwood can also be
considered as using inferior energy forms. However,
to cut branches off intact trees or shrubs as well as the
use of wet fuelwood as a change in fuelwood supply is
not mentioned in the reviewed literature. One reason
could be that in many cultures the cutting and drying
of wet fuelwood is a common process. However,
households at the CSS define collecting fuelwood as a
process of collecting dry wood from the ground or
cutting off dead branches without any drying proce-
dure. Cutting and drying wet fuelwood instead of col-
lecting dry fuelwood was described as a very recent
development due to the degradation of the forests.
Hence, it is important to assess and clearly define cop-
ing strategies within their contextual dependencies.
Preventive versus acute strategies
The findings of this research show the multidimen-
sional impact of fuelwood availability on rural liveli-
hoods. The scarcity of fuelwood negatively affects food
and nutrition security, soil fertility, and labor avail-
ability (Sola et al 2016). Only 9% of the identified
coping strategies at the CSS can be considered as
preventive. The same holds true for the literature
review with preventive measures making up around
10% of the options. Our findings show that the
statement by Brouwer et al (1989, p 352),‘in most
cases, because of lack of access to resources such as
land, labor and cash, it is beyond the reach of
households to alter the cause of the problem,’is still
valid. Identified coping strategies due to a fuelwood
shortage are mainly short to mid-term adjustments
that do not offer a sustainable solution for a positive
feedback loop of fuelwood collection, degradation of
forests and forested areas, and physical fuelwood
scarcity. Although strategies such as improved collec-
tion means (e.g. wheelbarrows)(Idifu 37%)might have
a short-term impact on reduced workload and time to
collect fuelwood, these do not solve the situation of an
imminent fuelwood scarcity. We base our results
solely on the perception of local farmers due to the
fact, that no historical data for the region is available.
Comparison of coping strategies between the CSS
Our assessment shows that preventive and acute
measures to cope with fuelwood scarcity are applied at
the CSS. In both villages, households use an average of
about four strategies to cope with fuelwood scarcity
(excluding ICS). Although ICS were introduced in
Idifu village in 2015, the average number of coping
strategies was only slightly lower than in Mzula, where
TSF are used. This indicates that the number of applied
adaptation measures was not at all, or only insignif-
icantly, reduced due to ICS usage in Idifu. Hafner et al
(2018)show that the fuelwood savings of ICS in Idifu
is between 15.6% and 37.1% compared to TSF. Hence,
we would expect that the overall number of coping
strategies in Idifu to be lower than in Mzula due to the
reduced demand for fuelwood in Idifu. The findings
suggest that the reduction of fuelwood demand for
cooking purposes does not automatically lead to a
reduction in the number of applied coping strategies.
Around 43% of the applied coping strategies
between the two CSS are congruent, even if preventive
measures are applied in Idifu. This shows that small-scale
famers do not cope with fuelwood scarcity by simply
replacing acute strategies with preventive strategies. Pre-
ventive strategies are applied as an additional strategy by
8
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018)095004

households in order to manage and adapt to the scarcity
situation. Preventive strategies, such as planting on-farm
trees or using ICS, might have a greater potential to
reduce fuelwood scarcity than acute measures. The usage
of ICS and local tree plantations might improve the fuel-
wood situation in deforested areas of Mzula and Idifu in
the mid- to long-term. However, measures such as tree
plantations need several years before fuelwood is pro-
duced; thus deforestation is not reduced in the short
term (Egeru et al 2014).Uckertet al (2017)indicate that
limited financial capacities and a lack of awareness are
bottlenecks for adopting energy-efficient fuelwood con-
sumption solutions. Our findings, regarding the com-
parison of coping strategies between the CSS, suggest
that if the aim is to reduce forest degradation, then
decreasing fuelwood demand alone may not be effective.
This corresponds with the findings of Damte et al (2012)
that supply side strategies alone may not be effective at
addressing the problem of forest degradation. Further
research analyzing the interplay of preventive and acute
measures is needed in order to understand the choice
behavior of households with regards to coping strategies.
Identifying and disseminating additional local strate-
gies to cope with fuelwood scarcity is not enough to solve
the problems of degraded and deforested areas in Tanza-
nia. Likewise, leap-frogging from fuelwood based forms
of cooking toward non-fuelwood based energy forms
cannot be expected in the near future (Grimsby
et al 2016). In this context, Maes and Verbist (2012)sug-
gest focusing on enhancing the efficiency of traditional
energy systems instead.
Conclusion
The adaptation measures of small-scale farmers to
fuelwood scarcity play a key role in altering the course
of nutrition insecurity, environmental degradation,
and economic instability. In this study, a classification
of coping strategies in line with existing literature was
completed. A total of 28 coping strategies from 24
studies are identified, differentiated into preventive
and acute measures, and then grouped into eight
clusters. This classification scheme is then used as a
codebook to identify applied coping strategies in
Mzula and Idifu villages, Dodoma region, Tanzania.
During this process, we identify 23 strategies, includ-
ing two measures not cited in the literature. This
suggests that the majority of coping strategies have a
context-independent character. Both the majority of
the applied strategies in the CSS as well as those
described in the literature are acute measures that do
not tackle the underlying problem of deforestation
and forest degradation. We observed that the type, as
well as the number, of coping strategies between the
CSS are widely congruent, suggesting that acute
measures are not replaced with preventive strategies,
but rather these co-exist. Therefore, decreasing
fuelwood demand alone may not effectively address
the problem of forest degradation.
In order to enhance the understanding of the
choice behavior of households with regards to coping
strategies, not only does further research need to ana-
lyze the interplay between preventive and acute mea-
sures, but it must provide a full systematic literature
review for different thematic and regional areas.
Acknowledgments
This work was financially supported by the German
Federal Ministry of Food and Agriculture (BMEL),
based on the decision of the Parliament of the Federal
Republic of Germany through the Federal Office for
Agriculture and Food (BLE). It is embedded in the
Scale-N project (http://scale-n.org/). Special thanks
go to the Leibniz Centre for Agricultural Landscape
Research (ZALF)in Müncheberg, Germany, for their
logistical support in conducting the research in
Dodoma region, Tanzania. Our gratitude extends to
the many scholars in Tanzania and Germany who
supported the collection and processing of the data.
Finally, this paper would not have been possible
without the friendly residents of Mzula and Idifu, who
helped us to understand their world.
ORCID iDs
A Scheid https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7447-432X
J Hafner https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2447-6268
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