This piece aims to assess the potential contribution and the scope and structure of a Catalan Centre for Business and Human Rights to supervise the fulfilment of the corporate responsibility to respect human rights and to hold businesses operating in Catalonia accountable for human rights abuses within the autonomous community and abroad. It also examines how this proposal fits into the regional and national regulatory landscape for mandatory human rights due diligence.
Este trabajo realiza una ordenación y un análisis sistemáticos de las decisiones adoptadas por el Tribunal Constitucional sobre el conjunto de las actuaciones de la Generalitat de Cataluña conducentes a la consecución de la independencia de esta Comunidad Autónoma, a partir del año 2013. Se trata de autos y sentencias que han producido una doctrina constitucional relevante, tanto sobre aspectos directamente afectados por el proceso independentista catalán —la soberanía de la nación española, la primacía de la Constitución, el referéndum—, como con respecto a otras cuestiones tangenciales. La conclusión del Tribunal Constitucional es que ni las mencionadas actuaciones de la Generalitat de Cataluña conducentes a la consecución de la independencia de esta Comunidad Autónoma, ni los instrumentos jurídicos utilizados hasta el presente con ese fin, tienen cabida ni en la Constitución Española de 1978 ni en el vigente Estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña que de aquélla se deriva.This article realizes a systematic organization and analysis of the decisions taken by the Spanish Constitutional Court concerning the measures adopted by the Generalitat of Catalonia conducive to the attainment of independence by this Autonomous Community since 2013. The decisions analyzed here are final judgements and procedural judicial orders that have established relevant constitutional jurisprudence, as much on substantial issues directly affected by the Catalonian independence process — the sovereignty of the Spanish nation, the primacy of the Constitution, the referendum — as on other peripheral issues. The Constitutional Court concludes that neither the mentioned activities of the Generalitat of Catalonia conducive to the attainment of independence by this Autonomous Community, nor the legal instruments used so far for this purpose may be accepted within the framework of the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, which is a constitutional offspring.
This article aims to inform the long-standing and unresolved debate between voluntary corporate social responsibility and initiatives to impose binding legal obligations on multinational enterprises. The two approaches share a common feature: neither can fully specify its own scope conditions, that is, how much of the people and planet agenda either can expect to deliver. The reason they share this feature is also the same: neither is based on a foundational political analysis of the multinational enterprise in the context of global governance. Such an analysis is essential for providing background to and perspective on what either approach can hope to achieve, and how. This article begins to bridge the gap by illustrating aspects of the political power, authority, and relative autonomy of the contemporary multinational enterprise. The conclusion spells out some implications for the debate itself, and for further research.
Countries need active, equitable and profitable private sectors if they are to graduate from conflict and from post-conflict aid-dependency. However, in the immediate aftermath of war, both domestic and international investment tends to be slower than might be hoped. Moreover, there are complex inter-linkages between economic development and conflict: in the worst case private sector activity may exacerbate the risks of conflict rather than alleviating them. This paper calls for a nuanced view of the many different kinds of private sector actor, including their approaches to risk, the ways that they interact and their various contributions to economic recovery. Policy-makers need to understand how different kinds of companies assess risk and opportunity. At the same time, business leaders should take a broader view of risk. Rather than focusing solely on commercial risks and external threats such as terrorism, they also need to take greater account of their own impacts on host societies. Meanwhile, all parties require a hard sense of realism. Skilful economic initiatives can support—but not replace—the political process.
Intrastate war is now the predominant form of armed conflict. The civil wars of the last decade have scarred the world’s poorest countries, leaving a legacy of more than five million dead, many more driven from their homes, billions of dollars in resources destroyed, and wasted economic opportunity. Meeting the challenge of curbing such civil wars—and preventing their re-ignition—requires a radical readjustment. Restructuring must reach beyond traditional institutional mandates and methodologies. New players—particularly the private sector, as well as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)—must be enlisted in a new approach to economic peace building.
Natural resources and armed conflict; citation_author=Le Billon, Philippe
War
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Oriol Martinez Alòs-Moner
Vicent Pastor
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De Conjuntura
Econòmica
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