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Local Governments and Devolution in the Philippines
... In the Philippines, decentralization shifted decision-making, planning, and administrative authority from the central government to local entities, aiming to democratize governance and stimulate economic growth (Atienza, 2006). This process fluctuated between centralized and decentralized approaches amidst colonization cycles. ...
... Despite challenges such as corruption and uneven institutional development, decentralization has enriched democracy and improved community participation. This reflects a global trend observed across various scales, including small institutional niches like universities (Atienza, 2006). In this context, since the 1980s, Local Government Units (LGUs) in the Philippines have increased community involvement in policymaking and decentralized responsibilities to lower levels of government. ...
... In this context, since the 1980s, Local Government Units (LGUs) in the Philippines have increased community involvement in policymaking and decentralized responsibilities to lower levels of government. This was formalized through the Local Government Code of 1991, which redistributed powers among the different levels of government (Atienza, 2006). Despite challenges such as workforce shortages, unorganized citizen participation, and traditional politics, decentralization has promoted democratization in the Philippines. ...
Climate change is expected to exacerbate extreme weather events in the coming decades, particularly impacting nations with higher social-ecological vulnerabilities, such as the Philippines.
Situated in an active seismic region known as the ‘Ring of Fire,’ the Philippines faces numerous
natural hazards, including typhoons, floods, tsunamis, landslides, earthquakes, and volcanic
activity. With an average of 20 typhoons annually and nearly half of its population residing in
rural areas and are reliant on subsistence agriculture, the nation’s vulnerability to such disasters
is significant. To address these challenges, the Philippines enacted Republic Act No. 10121
in 2010, establishing a robust disaster risk reduction management (DRRM) framework. However, despite such initiatives, disasters continue to pose significant risks to communities, as
illustrated by the landslide case in Barangay (Village) Kantagnos, triggered by Tropical Storm
Agaton/Megi in April 2022. This catastrophic event resulted in numerous casualties and rendered the entire village uninhabitable due to associated risks. The community was initially
relocated to an evacuation center before being transferred to transitional shelters. This case
study provides valuable insights into the challenges faced by the Kantagnos community, the
actors involved in DRRM efforts before, during, and after the landslide, and the lessons learned
from this event. The thesis focuses on the institutional arrangements and strategies adopted in
DRRM and the policies and guidelines governing such initiatives. Examining the roles of four
primary actors—the affected community, local government, university, and NGOs—across the
disaster cycle, the thesis employs a qualitative case study research design. Through 15 in-depth
semi-structured interviews and reflections from focus group observations, it comprehensively
explores the roles of different stakeholders in disaster governance within the Kantagnos case
and their potential impact on community resilience.
... At the local government level, Philippines has the following levels: Provinces, Cities, Municipalities and the village-level Barangays, with the exclusion of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).(Atienza, 2006) ...
The Philippines is a hazard-prone country, with typhoons as the most prevalent types of hydrometeorological hazard. Coastal communities like Nato in the Municipality of Sagñay in Camarines Sur are especially at risk from these hazards. To address this, the Philippine government implemented the Philippine Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act to incorporate plans from the grass-roots level (Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan or BDRRMP) in the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Framework. However, the formulation of the BDRRMP is perceived to be slow resulting partly from the lack of knowledge and skills in drafting the plan. A combination of quantitative and qualitative methods was utilized wherein a household survey for 298 respondents was conducted to gather data on Nato’ s socioeconomic situation, resources, gender roles, community practices and dynamics in relation to Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM). Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) was also conducted in the formulation of the BDRRMP for Nato. Based on the findings, the socioeconomic situation of Nato is characterized by self-perceived poverty where deprivation from non-food needs is experienced more than food needs. The knowledge and practices of the community about DRRM in Nato are generally characterized by a degree of indifference unless the hazards are occurring. Community mobilization and inter-agency cooperation are therefore necessary in the formulation and implementation of the BDRRMP, which is why this study aimed to describe the socio-economic situation of Nato; determine the knowledge and practices of local residents in Nato and draft a BDRRMP incorporating the information gathered from the first two objectives.
... A chief provision of this constitution was the 1991 LGC, promulgated the following year, that swiftly decentralized many aspects of government, from financing to agriculture to health, in the hopes of creating a more participatory and locally contextualized-as opposed to the dictatorship's centralized-form of governance (Langran, 2011;Atienza and Go 2023). Yet, three decades later, that vision of a participatory democracy has remained elusive for the country; put simply, one of the consequences of devolution has been the devolution of political power itself-through the proliferation of local, political elites (Atienza, 2006;Atienza and Jrr, 2023). In part, what has been key to the prosperity of these Philippine elites is the fact that there is no real party system-and, implicitly, 'opposition'-to speak of across all levels of government in the country: 'Political parties in the [country have been] candidate-centered coalitions of provincial bosses, political machines, and local clans; anchored on clientelistic, parochial, and personal inducements rather than on issues, ideologies, and party platforms' (Teehankee, 2019, abstract). ...
A long-recognized problem of health care devolution in many developing countries is its inextricability from the influences of local politics. This has been particularly self-evident in the Philippines, where, since the adoption of the Local Government Code of 1991, the devolution of health governance, planning, administration, and service delivery has placed the health system largely under the control of individual provinces, cities, municipalities, and villages or barangays. In this article, we utilize the notion of 'kontra-partido' (the Filipino term connoting 'oppositional politics') to concretize local, oppositional politics as a lived experience of health workers, government officials, and ordinary citizens in in the country. Through multi-sited qualitative fieldwork, we demonstrate how 'kontra-partido' politics ultimately worsens health outcomes in any locality. We show how such politics figures in the relational dynamics of health governance, often resulting in petty infighting and strained relationships among local health authorities; how it leads to the politicization of appointments and prevents the local workforce, especially those at the grassroots, from doing their jobs efficiently amid environments rife with hostile patronage; and how it impedes service delivery as politicians prioritize 'visible' projects (over sustainable ones) and selectively deliver health care to their known supporters. In turn, health workers and ordinary citizens alike have been actively negotiating their roles within this political milieu, either by joining the so-called political frontlines or engaging in the transactional relationships that develop between politicians and their constituents during perennial election seasons. We conclude with a reflection on the vulnerability of health to politicization and the visceral consequences of 'kontra-partido' politics to health workers, as well as an identification of possible areas of intervention for future policy reform, given the deepening political polarization in the country and the upcoming implementation of the recently passed Universal Health Care Law.
... This study focuses on the problems of access to governmentowned hospitals and mitigating measures in ensuring that the COVID-19 facility can still accommodate patients. government relinquishes some duties or creates new government units that are not under its authority (Atienza, 2006). For example, the Local Government Code provides decentralization through devolution, which allows the Local Government units to have power and authority to perform specific functions and responsibilities at the local level (Reyes, 2016). ...
Despite being considered the most aggressive in the Asia-pacific region, the Philippine health devolution has many deficits, particularly financial and personnel resources. Therefore, it becomes a problem to address health issues during the pandemic. This study sought to investigate the implications of challenges and strategies adapted by LGU of the Province of Bukidnon to the nature of Philippine health devolution in the pandemic. This research utilized the qualitative method, conducting open-ended interviews with the provincial health administrator and with the chief of the COVID-19 facility in the province. Also, online news articles and government websites such as their Facebook pages were accessed to provide additional data for the study. The study found that the lack of health facilities is primarily experienced during the pandemic. The mismatch of funding with the cost of the devolved health services and function to the LGUs becomes apparent during this global health crisis. However, the study also revealed that the power and authority to perform specific roles and responsibilities at the local level allow the public health officials to address local conditions. The ability of the local officials to coordinate with private sectors and the other LGUs and their capacity to look into local conditions and have a vast decision space allow them to manage local health problems. This article argues for more effective health governance mechanisms at the local level since devolution itself does not ensure better health-care delivery.
This discussion paper looks at the issues and concerns of decentralization, democratization, and development vis-à-vis local governments in the Philippines. Briefly looking at the relevant concepts as well as historical and legal contexts of local governments and central-local relations, it begins with a review of the reforms introduced by the 1991 Local Government Code (Republic Act No. 7160).
There is particular emphasis on assessing the impact of the 1991 Local Government Code on local governments, central-local relations, people’s participation, and
development after three decades of implementation across different administrations to the present since the enactment of the Code. Then, it discusses development, continuing issues and challenges related to improving local governance, autonomy, and central-local relations in the Philippines. Finally, the study assesses the
different suggested changes or reforms in central-local relations and local governments, including proposed amendments to the Local Government Code and the 1987 Constitution. The study draws from available academic literature, government documents, literature from nongovernment and international agencies, media reports, proceedings of public fora, and focus group discussions.
In the 1980s, it was argued that privatization was to be the cure-all for governments lacking the needed resources to modernize social service deliveries like water, and that the private sector would be in a better position than the government to provide for this. Given this backdrop, the Philippine government in 1997 privatized Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS), its publicly-owned water service provided for Metro Manila. The provision of water was given to two private water concessionaires, Maynilad and Manila Water which failed to deliver on their promises. The Philippine experience is mirrored in other areas of the world which have led toward a movement for local governments to reclaim water as a public service. Because of this, several alternatives to water privatization have emerged, which include the following: (1) Public/non-profit partnerships (PuNPP) or co-privatization; (2) Single non-profit agencies (SiNPs); and (3) Deprivatization and/or remunicipalization.
This chapter introduces the whole volume by citing the context, background of the book, framework of analysis and significance. In the context of the recent debates on the appropriate form of government for the Philippines, the book and its chapters examine central-local relations and decentralization in the country, the 1991 Local Government Code and continuing challenges, and various policy proposals, including a full shift to a federal form of government using various themes, namely social services delivery, urban development, and financing local governance. These themes are contextualized in Metro Manila or the National Capital Region with the major question of how the main metropolis and its component local governments can further promote responsible local governance, decentralization, and equitable development. The main framework of analysis is governance and the various models of governance that can help Metro Manila achieve responsible local governance. A strength of this volume is that many chapters have been written by scholars from various disciplines, adding a multidisciplinary approach to the topic.
Dieses Kapitel analysiert das politische System des malaiisch-islamischen Sultanats Brunei Darussalam. Zunächst wird die historische Entwicklung von der Kolonialzeit bis zur Unabhängigkeit des Kleinstaates im Jahre 1984 dargestellt und die Struktur des bruneiischen Rentenstaats ausgeleuchtet, dessen Wohlstand hauptsächlich auf dem Export von Erdöl und Erdgas basiert. Anschließend werden das Verfassungs-, Regierungs- und Rechtssystem der dynastisch-autoritären Monarchie analysiert. Es folgt die Darstellung des Aufbaus der staatlichen Verwaltung, der Gründe für das Fehlen eines bedeutsamen Systems der politischen Parteien, der zivil-militärischen Beziehungen und des Sicherheitssektors, sowie der politischen Kultur und Zivilgesellschaft Bruneis. Wie die Analyse der politischen Institutionen und Strategien der autokratischen Herrschaftssicherung zeigt, basiert die Stabilität des autoritären Regimes auf der Kombination „weicher“ Repression, der politischen Tauschlogik des Rentenstaats, sowie der Legitimation der autokratischen Monarchie im Rahmen des Konzepts der „Melayu Islam Beraja“. Wahlen, Parteien und Parlamente, denen die aktuelle Autokratien-Forschung große Bedeutung beimisst, spielen in der monokratisch organisierten, absoluten Monarchie eine geringe Rolle.
This chapter provides a systematic overview of the political actors, institutions, and dynamics of Singapore’s political system and summarizes its history and recent developments. The political system of Singapore appears to contradict conventional wisdom in political science. Despite a very high level of social and economic modernization, a small group of administrative and political elites governs the city-state autocratically. Despite its authoritarian regime type, it scores well on established measures for the rule of law, bureaucratic quality, and public goods provision. While PAP has been in power since 1959, the party as organization is almost invisible in daily life. Despite the very substantial and interventionist role of the state in economic development, Singapore ranks among the freest market economies worldwide. The city is an international media hub and home to one of the most connected digital infrastructures and digital societies, yet its media is unfree. Finally, the state tightly administrates and regulates political and social activities, and the government in Singapore, as all authoritarian governments do, relies on repression to guarantee regime survival, its use is highly selective and of low intensity, stressing self-regulation with the mere threat of coercion. Even though genuine opposition parties regularly achieve between 20 and 40% of the total vote, they are barely represented in parliament.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.