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The Challenges of Leadership and Governance in Africa



This paper is a critical analysis of leadership and governance crises in Africa.
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences
September 2012, Vol. 2, No. 9
ISSN: 2222-6990
The Challenges of Leadership and Governance in Africa
Afegbua, Salami Issa
Department Of Public Administration, Faculty Of Management Sciences, Lagos State University,
Ojo, Lagos State, Nigeria
Adejuwon, Kehinde David
Department Of Public Administration, Faculty Of Management Sciences, Lagos State University,
Ojo, Lagos State, Nigeria
E-Mail: Ade_Kennytee@Yahoo.Com
This paper is a critical analysis of leadership and governance crises in Africa. It argues that
Africa’s failures have come about largely as a result of frequent leadership change, lack of
ideology, policy reversal and weak institutional patterns. The paper also examines the
leadership selection process in Africa and that the leadership selection process in Africa takes
the imposition pattern and that African leaders have frequently come to their position with
limited experience. Hence, the decline in moral and discipline caused by bad policies, eroded
professional standards and ethics and weakened the system of governance. The paper lay
emphasis on leadership and governance in some selected African countries. The paper
observes that for Africa to overcome the crises of leadership and governance in the continent,
those on whom the burden of leadership will fall in the future must fully comprehend their
responsibilities, duties and obligation. They must also be exposed and be prepared to face the
challenges of leadership in developing society. Since the long term salvation of developing
countries depends on the quality of its future leaders. The paper concludes that only leadership
that has maximum empathy for the people can be relevant to the qualitative movement of
Leadership is one of the most observed and least understood phenomena on earth. A call for a
focus on leadership and governance is timely, important and no doubt topical, reflecting the
worldwide thrust toward political and economic liberalization. Throughout the whole world,
there has been an urgent desire among various people and government for unity, justice, peace
and stability. The resurgence of this desire is not only explicable through their political policies
alone; but also it is reflected in the social and economic policies (Obasola, 2002:9). In fact, most
constituted governments in Africa have been undergoing serious and deepening politico-
economic crisis. These problems generated by political, social and economic instability and the
prevalence of ethnic, communal and religious crises, which have bedeviled Africa, call our
attention to the problems of leadership and governance in the continent. In other words, the
staggering wave of violence, insecurity, increasing crime wave, economic recession, coupled
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences
September 2012, Vol. 2, No. 9
ISSN: 2222-6990
with the break in law and order are the attributes to the problem of leadership and governance
in Africa. Therefore, the quest for good leadership is a sine-qua-non for governance and
sustainable development.
A governance approach highlights issues of state responsiveness and accountability, and the
impact of these factors on political stability and economic development. For too long, social
scientists dealing with Africa’s development have concentrated on economic issues,
overlooking the highly important political dimension of the process (Bratton and Rothchild,
The use by African state elites of arbitrary and repressive measures and their inability to apply
governmental regulations throughout the national territory is a sign of state weakness or
“softness”. Paradoxically, the independent African states consolidates power at the political
center and extracts considerable economic resources from society; yet it spends much of it
obtains on itself and lack the capacity to spur the country’s development as a whole. It is in light
of this, that Conrnwell (1995:15) summarizes the African leadership and governance crises as
the driving force behind Africa’s experiment with democracy came both from
ideology conviction and the growing impatience of an ever bolder public
consciousness, and from the related manner of the continent’s prevailing
economic woes.
On the other hand, the politically conscious urbanized, professional and studies
bodies began to rail against the continue failure of their rulers to match rhetoric
and promises to economic progress, for much of Africa had experienced a steady
decline in living standards through the 1970’s and 1980’s. On their part, the
World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other bilateral aid
donors also made it quite clear that if further financial assistance was to be
forthcoming. Africa’s governments had to give urgent attention to their human
right’s records. More specifically, they had to become politically more
accountable to their people, and curb corruption.
It is instructive to note that no nation has achieved meaningful development socially, politically
or economically without the input of or effective leadership (Obasola, 2002:10). Thus, in
contemporary discourse, the concept of leadership and governance has attracted a wider
spread interest as they serves as the pivot on which social, political and economic structures
rest. The numerous problems which have been bedeviling African states vis-à-vis ethnic and
communal clashes, increasing crime wave, drug trafficking, advanced fee fraud etc have been
blamed on ineffective leadership. While it is true that there have been apparent leadership and
governance crises in Africa, the last two decades has witnessed struggle to engender effective
leadership and governance in Africa.
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences
September 2012, Vol. 2, No. 9
ISSN: 2222-6990
Statement Of Problem
Despite over forty years of political independence, Africa’s aspiration and hopes remain today
largely unfulfilled. The leadership question has become a recurring issue in the discourse on the
African project. Seteolu (2004:70) pointed out that the governing class has been target of
pillory, vilification, condemnation and disdain in view of the pervasive and persistent socio-
economic and political crisis. He stated further that the economic domain has been
characterized by huge external debt overhang, net capital flight, disinvestments, collapse of
social infrastructure, food crisis and insecurity, over-devalued national currency, pervasive
poverty, unpopular, repressive and alienating economic policies. It was recognized that Africa’s
failures have come about largely as a result of among other things; progressive distancing of
African from the masses of the people; inadequate preparation of the leadership that assumed
the responsibility to govern their countries.
African leaders have frequently come to their position with limited experience. Though most of
them have battled on, confronting their awesome problems of development and nation-
building essentially not only unprepared but unaided, their efforts have been at best only a
qualified success. There are no institutions in Africa devoted to preparing potential leaders with
a global outlook, leaders who will be able to cooperate within and across national, regional and
institutional boundaries. Furthermore, it is difficult if not impossible, in many African countries
to gain access to relevant and timely information on most national, regional and global issues.
Obasanjo (1993) noted that, it need to be realized that the morass of governance in Africa
emerged primarily as a result of lack of checks and balances in Africa’s system of governance. In
effect, for some African leaders, their nation ended up being treated as their individual
personal property. In other cases, a decline in moral and discipline caused or combined with
bad policies, eroded professional standards and ethics and weakened the system of
governance. Poor governance become the major challenge and source of Africa’s predicament
and socio-economic crises. Only a few African leaders have voluntary left office; most others
were assassinated or were disposed by military coups. In the past, many African leaders would
align or threaten to align with the “communist” bloc or “capitalist” bloc in exchange for the
support that allowed them to stay in power. It is against these backdrops, the critical appraisals
of the African crises often identify the leadership and governance as the major variables to
correctly historicize the nature, character and dimensions of the African problem.
Leadership And Governance: Conceptual And Theoretical Commentaries
The problem in an intellectual discourse of this nature is usually concerned with the definition
of terms. It is really very difficult to attempt a definition of leadership, or in other words it is
difficult to define what makes certain persons to be “leader”. For example, some researchers
define leadership in terms of personality and physical traits, while others believe leadership is
represented by a set of prescribed behaviors. Indeed, Rost (1991) found that there were 221
definitions of leadership published in books and articles between 1900 and 1990; a number
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that given the recent interest in leadership, has likely to doubled since his view. It is in light of
this that Ubegbe (1999:282) defines leadership in the following words;
Leadership is the process of creating the subordinates’ identification with
the group’s mission and creating their desires to achieve the group’s goal.
According to Graig (2005:132) leadership is defined as a social influence process in which the
leader seeks the voluntary participation of subordinates in an effort to reach organizational
goals. While Robert et al (2004) affirms that leadership involves a complex interaction among
the leader, the followers, and the situation.
With so many definitions of leadership, Hackman (2006) classified these conceptions into four
primary definitional themes; these are;
(a) Leadership is about what you are: this definitional theme focuses on leader traits and
attributes and is one of the oldest ways of conceptualizing leadership. This emphasis is
on identifying the characteristics that define natural or born leaders.
(b) Leadership is about how you act: From this perspective leadership is defined as the
exercise of influence or power. To indentify leaders, we need to determine who is
influencing whom. For instance Hersey (1984:14) defines leadership as “any attempt to
influence the behavior of another individual or group”.
(c) Leadership is about what you do: This definitional thread focuses on the role that
leaders play.
(d) Leadership is about how you work with others: This definitional theme emphasizes
collaboration. Leaders and followers establish mutual purposes and work together as
partners to reach their goals (Poulin, et al 2007:302).
In the views of Aguda (1995:26) a person may attain the position of leadership in one of several
ways. The first method is self imposition, which is totally devoid of constitutionality. Secondly, a
group of persons may forcefully impose a leader on the generality of people. Nigeria, for
instance have of course become aware of this since 1966. A person may come to the position of
leadership through a demonstration of leadership qualities over a long period of time. Examples
of such are Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Kwame Nkurumah of Ghana, Robert Mugabe of
Zimbabwe, Sertse Khama of Botswana, Kamuzu Banda of Malawi, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, and
Julius Nyerere of Tanzania.
The concept of “Governance” on the other hand is not new. It has been around in both political
and academic discourse for a long time, referring in a generic sense to the task of running a
government or any other appropriate entity, for example a nation. More recently, it has gained
particular significance in the literature on Africa development as a result, among other things,
of the World Bank (1989) identifying the crisis on the continent as one of governance. More
specifically, the Bank refers to such phenomena as the extensive personalization of power, the
denial of fundamental human rights, widespread of corruption, and the prevalence of
unelected and unaccountable government.
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences
September 2012, Vol. 2, No. 9
ISSN: 2222-6990
The concept of governance, in fact, is simple. It is seen as a set of values, policies and
institutions through which the society manages economic, political as well as social processes at
different levels, on the basis of interaction among the government, civil society and private
sector. In essence, the concept of governance is not new and is probably as old as human
civilization. It broadly means the process of decision making and the process by which decisions
are implemented or not implemented. The concept of governance relates to the quality of
relationship between the government and citizens whom it serves and protects. Governance
could be define as one in which the concerned authority if any, exercises power, exerts
influence and manages the country’s social as well as economic resources leading to better
development. In a more precise manner we can say that governance is the way those with
power, use the power. Thus, governance has social, political, and economic dimensions (Sahni,
Governance is defined as the capacity to establish and sustain workable relations between
individual actors in order to promote collective goals (Chazan, 1992:122). It was further defined
by Galadima (1998:117) as;
a process of organizing and managing legitimate power structures, entrusted by
the people, to provide law and order, protect fundamental human rights, ensure
rule of law and due process of law, provide for the basic needs and welfare of the
people and the pursuit of their happiness.
Governance is the conscious management of regime structures with a view to enhancing the
legitimacy of public realm (Hyden, 1992:7). Governance consequently, is concerned with the
uncovering viable regime forms as well as degree of stateness the capacity to entrench the
authority of the central state and to regularize its relations with society. World Bank (1989:60)
defines governance quite narrowly as “the exercise of political power to manage a nation’s
affairs.” To Barkan (1992:263-264), governance involves less in the way of administrative
management and more in the way of political management; with its emphasis on developing
networks of reciprocity and exchange, governance increases the possibilities of accomplishing
more while spending less.
In the view of Srilatha (2003:86) governance means;
…the act and manner of managing public affairs. Through the process of
governance, the essential link between the civil society and state is established,
giving a shape to the way decisions are made for serving public interest. The
constitution and the laws provide the legal framework of governance. The
institutions embodying the governance process include the executive,
legislature, judiciary, army, bureaucracy, political parties and interest groups. It
is the moral principles and rules of conduct, having a bearing on both the legal
framework and the institutions, which basically determine the government and
the governed.
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Governance is legitimate in a positive sense when the government is installed by the people
through institution arrangements that are put in place by the people and when the
performance of the ruler is adjudge good and accepted by the people and when the people
have no power to remove the ruler in case of very grievous offence, such a government is
legitimate and democratic.
Although governance is practiced by political elites, it is manifest in the condition of citizenry.
This implies that a strong state is unlikely to emerge in the absence of a vibrant civil society. It
concerns the institutionalization of the normative values that can motivate and provide
cohesion to the members of the society at large (Hyden, 1992). Hyden’s efforts to
operationalize “governance” inevitably lead to associate good governance with democratic
values and procedures. Although Hyde’s concept of a governance realm is applicable to all
political system, it is addressed primarily to African polities because of breakdown of
governance across the continent (Barkan, 1992:167). It is no coincidence that the diminution of
the governance realm across Africa has accompanied the spread of personal rule.
Leadership is much studied field characterized by a variety of theories ranging from the simple
to the complex. The depth and breadth of theories in the field, as well as their complexity,
make it difficult for individuals to learn and apply leadership theory n meaningful and
productive ways (Callahan, et al 2007:146).
In this paper, theories shall be grouped into three broad categories, these are; Leader-focused
theories, Situational theories and Social dynamic theories.
Leader-focused theories are those that attempt to describe leadership through the
characteristics and behaviors of the leaders themselves. Early conceptions of leadership focus
on these behaviors and characteristics and includes trait approaches, leader skills, leadership
style, and power (Callahan, 2007:148). Traits approaches to leadership represent the earliest
attempts to understand why some people emerged as leaders and others did not. This school of
thought is often referred to as the “great man” approach to leadership because it suggested
that leaders had particular characteristics or traits that enabled them to emerged as leaders.
For decades, traits theories of leadership were criticized by scholars and left unstudied;
however, recognition of the fundamental importance of traits in understanding effective
leadership has reemerged, and traits have resumed an important role in the development of
full range leadership theories. The skill approach to leadership is also leaders-focuses; this
approach focuses on developable behaviors and skills that serve as hallmarks of effective
leaders (Sashkin, 2004; Northouse, 2004).
Leader style is another behaviorally oriented approach to understanding leadership that
suggests leadership can be categorized into two types of behavior; task and relationship
behaviors. However, subsequent interpretations have suggested that the most effective leaders
are those who engage in both task and relationship behaviors.
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences
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Power theory according to Callahan, et al (2007:151) is the last leader- focused theory.
Although power is conceptually distinct from leadership, it nevertheless form the foundation
from which leadership emerges. This approach suggest that there are five essential forms of
power; reward, coercive, legitimate, referent, and expert.
Situational theories suggest that the situation itself serves to inform leader behaviors. They
includes contingency theory, path-goal theory and situational leadership theory.
Contingency theory compels leader style; either task or relationship oriented with levels of
control in situation itself serves to inform leader behaviors. This model of leadership suggests
that leaders who tend to be relationship oriented are more effective in situations that are
under control, and those who are task oriented are more likely to be effective when control is
either low or high (Fiedler, 1964).
Situational leadership theory of Hersey and Blanchard suggest that leader effectiveness and
choice of applied style is conditioned upon the task maturity of followers (Northouse, 2004). He
stated further that this maturity or development level, of the follower is based on the extent of
both the competence and commitment of the follower to accomplish a particular task.
Although this approach is widely used and is intuitively appealing, most validation attempts
have revealed little to no support for the theory or measurement instrument for situational
leadership theory.
Like situation and contingency theories, Path-goal theory is concerned with the ways in which
contexts influence the effectiveness of leadership. Because path-goal theory is grounded in
expectancy theory, meeting followers’ motivation needs serves as the catalyst for selecting an
appropriate leadership style in a given context (Callahan, et al 2007, 153). The task related
behaviors in House’s theory include directive and achievement –oriented behaviors identified
through the earlier university studies. The task and subordinate characteristics are influence by
the leader’s behavior.
Social Dynamic theories believe that the social dynamics of interactions between leaders and
followers play an important role in the enactment of leadership; this led to the development of
theories such as transformational leadership, leader-member exchange, and team leadership.
Leader-member exchange originally known as vertical-dyad linkage theory emphasizes the
interactions between leaders and followers, and it is the most effective when it looks
specifically at the relationship between leaders and followers (Northouse, 2004; Antonakis, et
al 2004). As development of theory progressed, the focus shifted to the process of leader
making through interactions with followers.
Transformational leadership is one of the most popular leadership theories in recent years. In
general, a hallmark of transformational leadership is the extent to which the leader influences,
or transforms, followers (Sashkin, 2004). Theories in this new paradigm of leadership center on
traits and behaviors of leaders, the situational context of leadership, and the relationships, and
the relationships between and among leaders and followers in the context.
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Team leadership focuses specifically on dynamics of leadership within the context of groups.
Like many of the other approaches to understanding leadership, the theory is closely connected
to relationship-oriented behaviors (Notrhouse, 2004). The team leadership model suggests that
the leader’s role is to determine when, and how, to intervene in the team’s dynamics to
improve team effectiveness.
Scholars have device a number of models to guide the study of governance. These are;
Monocratic and polycentric governance models. The Monocratic governance model hails from
Hobbes theory of the state, which holds that supreme authority to govern rests in the
Leviathan. In other words, monocratic governance implies a political system that is highly
centralized in terms of centralization of powers at the center. In that type of political system,
the principle of moonlighting takes preeminence as sub-units within the system only serve as
administrative coordinate that function primarily to strengthen the center (Oladoyin, et al,
2004:49-50). The main characteristics of the monocratic model according to them include the
adoption of a one-party state or where one party is the dominant party signifies a monocratic
order. The extent of a military regime is another indication of the existence of a monocratic
political order. Excessive centralization is nevertheless the main index of monocentricism.
Under this model, political centralization is one of the salient parameters to measure
centralization. Political centralization is a situation where there is absence of competitive
political parties. Only one political party dominates the political scene. The civic capacity to
react against policy decisions or influence are greatly minimized or outrightly absent. In political
sense, centralization manifest in military regimes with their policies of unity of command and
unity of control.
The monocratic model help some African political leaders pull a wide array of resources
together to generate a handsome quantum of national wealth for welfare programs. In a
monocratic order, popular participation is at the lowest ebb; might is right and the popular
theories of human right, public morality and legitimacy can be best described as luxuries. Since
the system does not favor popular participation, it is thus characterized by high-handedness,
occasional unrest, lack of press freedom, shrink space for civil society operations and contested
political legitimacy (Olowu, et al; 1995)
The Polycentric model on the other hand recognizes that within a metropolitan area, there exist
a multiplicity of jurisdictions and arenas, which can be appropriately conceived and described
as a polycentric political system. This model comprises diverse independent units that are
formally autonomous of each other and operate in a manner that recognizes the jurisdiction
and functions of other centres (Ostrom et al, 1961).
The polycentric model according to Oladoyin, et al (2004:60), is democratic and favors popular
participation. It is permissive of a multiplicity of decisions and authority centres. It actually
promotes a situation that is congenial for peace, cooperation and institutional integration.
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Under this model government ceases to be the main actor in governance. Instead, the shift is
unto the people. The government only exists and functioning as an umpire.
It is important to state that the features of monocratic order still pervades the political system
in Africa, albeit the practice of democratic governance. Therefore, for effective leadership and
governance in Africa, polycentric model should be applied to Africa’s political system.
The Challenges Of Leadership And Governance In Africa
The problem which troubles Africans most is the failure of political leadership. There are of
course failures in other domains, but these are traceable in the consciousness to political
leadership deficiencies. Seteolu (2004:74) summarizes the challenge from Nigerian perspective
The political elites is not a productive class, but rely on the control of state
structures to access economic rewards. The over politicization of the Nigerian
state is also understood in the context of the unmediated struggle for power,
influence and patronage. The nature of political contest ensured the emergence
of a local governing class without ideological commitment. Rather than pursue
political contests within ideological frameworks, politics became a contested
terrain for shallow, self-centered political gains.
The de-ideologisation of African politics means that aspirant political leaders do not see a
pressing need to state their macro-vision for the continent. There is no explicit formulation of
any systems values. The nature of Nigerian state evolved a predatory political class that was
concerned with power struggle, consolidation, alignment and realignment in the context of
hegemonic control… This is linked to the lack of ideology in the political space, monetization of
the political process, expand the basis of political participation and canvass alternative policy
agenda (Seteolu, 2004; Obi, 2000). Ake and Onoge (1995:53) also pointed out that;
Political leadership is parochial rather than national; and corruptly converts
national resources into its project of primitive accumulation. Ethnic diversity is
manipulated to stay afloat to the detriment of national cohesion. There is an
embarrassing lack of national heroes. The failure was usually explained either by
the easy manipulability of the cultural pluralist background, or by the “two
publics” antagonism.
The personalize nature of rule in so many African countries means not only that public policy
making lacks the logic and empirical content that typically characterizes such an activity in
order contexts but also that governance structures are largely informal and subject to arbitrary
change (Hyden,1992:23). Following the widespread abuses of civil and political rights by such
rulers as Idi Amin, Emperor Bokassa, and Macias Nguema in the late 1970’s, however, Africans
gradually began to recognize their significance. One of the most important messages coming
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out in literatures is that African government can no longer at will, by invoking the demand for
national unity; violate civil and political rights of their citizens.
Nigeria, which is the largest country in the continent of Africa has a dearth of genuine leaders.
Also equally relevant and important is the absence of political will. A political will is the
compelling force for sound leadership quality, the ability to do what is right, what is relevant
and what is attainable within the context of patriotic nationalism. Political will very often means
personal or group sacrifices. It implies the ability to implement policies that have a nationalistic
important and relevant without allowing pockets of interest to detract from what should
naturally be of national benefit. In contemporary Africa, Nelson Mandela represents that model
of leadership by personal sacrifice to redeem his people from servitude (Isekhure,1995:141-
142). In light of the above, Eze (1995:96) has this to say about leadership in Nigeria;
In considering the Nigerian situation, there seem to be certain issues in Nigerian
leadership which require experimental investigations. For instance, it has been
generally asserted that Nigerian management are marked by authoritarian
leadership characteristics and practices. They are said to have maintained a rigid
dictatorial approach, as well as master-servant, rider-horse relationship with
subordinates. In fact, it is been said that a Nigerian man is by nature and training
an autocrat who demands nothing but respect and obedience from his
subordinates, and those younger and lower in status than him. Also in public
sector, the leadership have been associated with certain undesirable traits such
as double- standards, pursuance of selfish goals, lack of seriousness and
Most African leaders assumed their role with limited experience and training in the art and
science of directing and effectively managing the affairs of a modern state (Kamuntu,1993:103).
The challenge to African leaders is thus to develop the capacity that would enable us to strike a
balance between the values of African societies and the governance that our nations must
follow. However, the concern must be to blend the two rather than to treat them as if they
were mutually exclusive.
The political power in Africa became concentrated in one political party and finally in hand of
one leader. Making the rise of the supremacy of the office of the President over all organs of
government, most African Presidents enjoyed re-election in perpetuity without any
competition. Kamuntu (1993) observes further that consequent resistant to the concentration
of power to the hands of one man the President, was brutally suppressed with greater
violations of human rights, resulting in massacres and millions of Africans becoming refugees or
becoming displaced persons and many qualified African’s seeking employment opportunities in
foreign countries in search of personal security. Africa’s continuing crisis presents a tremendous
challenge to the continent and its leadership.
It is most unfortunate that political leadership aspirants in Africa do not see a pressing need to
state their macro vision for the continent. There is no explicit formulation of any systematic
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values. Political leadership in Africa is parochial rather than national; it corruptly converts
national resources into its project of primitive accumulation. Agbaje and Roberts (2002:154),
pointed out that:
post independence leaders in Africa not only personalized power but also
privatized the state for the purpose of primitive accumulation, clientelism,
repression and all forms of opposition. Instead of using the state for initiating
development, African leaders utilized it as a vehicle for terrorizing the
citizenry, thereby leading to the disengagement of the populace from the
public realm.
The above statement shows that leadership and their cohorts in Africa have simply privatized
the state for their selfish interest. Leadership in Africa is characterized by primodial parochial,
personalized and selfish tendencies, political brigandage, ethnic rivalry and cleavages,
clientelism and privatized state apparatuses. Indeed, respected, visionary leaders that are of
proven integrity are needed to captain the ship of the nations of Africa, such a leader of the
people must have vision and mission. He should incarnate all ideals, for which his party stands
and be able to actulise the promises of the party to the electorate (Adeola,2007:110-111).
Leadership or lack of it has been said to be a major bane of Africa. Africas have all agree that
the fundamental problem militating development in Africa is the poverty of leadership making
it the key issue even in the process of democratization. Thus, Adeola (2007:107) argues further
The history of great nation have been linked to visionary and purposeful
leadership, be it in the advanced industrialized countries or developing nations.
Such leaders have played significant roles in the socio-economic development
and political emancipation of their countries. Closely linked to leadership is
ideology. In the absence of visionary leadership to give a clear-cut ideology, a
nation continue to lack orientation and commitment. Consequently, leadership
has failed to harness the resources and the ingenuity of the people for national
The trouble with Africa is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically
wrong with the African character or political system in operation. The character of political
leadership became a problem as most of them lost or lacked control of effective leadership.
This led to the scramble and partition of state resources to suit their purpose.
An Assessment Of Leadership And Governance In Selected African States
In order to have a clear picture or understanding of leadership and governance crises in Africa.
The paper briefly examines leadership and governance in selected African countries.
Nigeria, is the “Giant of Africa”, the country became independent in 1960. Out of 48years of
independence, the country has been under the control of tyrannical and autocratic military
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dictators for about thirty years. The military employed all sorts of intimidation, aggressive and
elimination methods to remain and withhold the political power. Under the new dispensation,
the country seems to be experiencing nascent democracy though leadership into public and
political office still follow imposition pattern.
The political situation in Ghana is similar to that of Nigeria, for instance, since the country’s
independence in 1957; Kwame Nkurumah ruled the country until 1969 when his government
was toppled. Since then military ruled the country for almost twenty years (1979), Jerry
Rawlings ruled the country from 1981 and changed to President after 12 years in power
through a series of less-than-legitimate election before he handed over to John Kufor in 2001.
Zaire, formerly Congo-Kinshasa is a country in Africa that never experience stable democratic
governance as a result of despotic and tyrant leader. In 1960 Mobutu Sese Sekou terminated
the government of Patrick Lumumba in a bloody and gruesome manner. Mobutu a self
acclaimed life President of Zaire is one of the African leaders that overstayed their glorious day
in office until he was chased out of the country. While the present administration in Zaire is not
ready to give room for popularly elected leader.
Malawi is a small country in Africa where Kamuzu Banda became the head of state in 1966, and
proclaimed himself as “Life President” for the country and life Chairman for his party. The
human right records of the regime was so bad that Amnesty International (human rights group)
alerted the whole world on the frightening repression melted to opposition in the country.
In Zambia, President Kenneth Kaunda ruled for 27years, from 1977-1991 when his ambition to
become life president was cut short. Before President Frederick Chiluba was popularly elected
in the general election.
In Kenya, after the dearth of President Jomo Kenytta in 1977, Daniel Arap Moi became their
leader and ruled for years, he ruled autocratically and reject any reform that can pave way for
democracy in the country.
Also in Central African Republic, Emperor Jean Bedel Bokassa toppled the regime of President
David Dacko in 1966, since then he refused democracy to operate in the country. The
government of the country was nothing but family compound. He was sentenced to death and
later reversed to life imprisonment as a result of world leaders and international organizations
Liberia was founded in 1847 by Americans for freed slaves. The country was described as the
oldest in democracy in Africa until 1980 when Samuel Doe killed William Tolbert who have been
in government since 1951 with President Tubmen in a bloody coup. Samuel Doe ruled for ten
years and turned Liberia to a personal courtyard, until 1990 when he was brutally murdered by
Prince Yormie Johnson version of rebel. Then rebel version of Charles Taylor ruled the country
in a tyrannical and despotic manner, until recently when peace returned to Liberia, and the
country became the first country in Africa to produce female President in a general election.
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The foregoing is a pointer to the fact that in Africa, most countries are still been ruled by the
tyrants, as a result of this, development is very far from the continent. This menace has dogged
almost all African countries since independence that the whole continent is riddled with
despots. Most of the leaders have decided to remain in power and aim to retain number one
seat of their countries. Most of these despotic leaders have intentionally render democracy
useless in their countries simply because they want to remain in power.
This study has highlighted a number of leadership challenges in Africa. It is sad to observe that
Africa’s leadership selection process takes the imposition pattern directly or indirectly.
Worrisome too is the fact that the Africa’s political formation is along tribal groupings and
ethnic aggregations thus visionary leaders are dropped while mediocres are often selected or
imposed on the masses. In view of the above, therefore, the following suggestions are
proffered to help to ameliorate the seemingly endemic leadership and governance problems in
the continent so as to achieve a measure of credibility and purposeful leadership.
The immediate task of leadership in Africa is to restore hope. To pull our people out of the pit in
which they have found themselves. To rescue the people from the ravages of military
dictatorship and from the ruling clique. The challenges before leadership in Africa are
enormous, serious urgent and important. A leader of Africa has work to do. He will need vision,
organizing ability, wisdom, administrative skills and more.
The search for leadership in Africa is a search for social justice, which automatically, eliminates
social injustice. The principle of justice is to give each person or group what is his/her due and
to demand the contribution of each on the basis of equal consideration.
Africans should learn to deal sincerely and honestly with one another so that the question of
mistrust and suspicion amongst the various ethnic groups in the continent would be wiped
away. It is only then that any qualified African can be elected into leadership positions without
mistrust, suspicion, acrimony or reference to his/her ethnic or religious background.
The leadership search as opined by Seteolu (2004:75) should interrogate the option of
independent candidature as a basis to attract professionalism, intellectual, business and
industrial elite to contest political office without partisan platform. This option will likely
enhance the quality of politicking, promote issue-based politics and recruit new entrants into
the political class with somewhat personal integrity and pedigree, and reduce the cost of
political power. The independent candidate as a political type will more likely suit the local
levels of governance where community attachment, honor and integrity as opposed to party
influence or domination are the determinants of political choice.
Africa needs leadership which has the “mental magnitude” to decode the crisis and the ideological
commitment to uplifting the material and cultural aspirations of the broad spectrum of the people.
The challenges for Africa and its leadership endowed with courage, determination, tolerant and
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honesty and the creation and promoting the process of endowing political institutions with
necessary legitimacy which is their ultimate safeguard against violent overthrow (Kamuntu,
1993:109). Africa cannot afford to continue with ill-prepared and unassisted leaders. Those on whom
the burden of leadership will fall in future must fully comprehend their responsibilities, duties, and
obligations. They must be exposed and there must be a carefully planned preparation for leadership
if they are to meet the challenges that will face them. As recommended by African Leadership Forum
(1993), that one solution is to hold periodically the “African Leadership Forum”- a series which may
be national, sub-regional, regional, and international in dimension and may vary in duration. The
purpose is to acknowledge the awareness of young, potential African leaders, playing special
emphasis on diagnosing apparent failures of the past; as well as an understanding of multiple
dimensions and complex interrelations of local, national, regional and global problems; and seeking
possible approaches at proffering solutions to them.
The crucial elements in the good governance being called for in Africa are
transparency, predictability, human rights etc. African can develop the common values
necessary for the governance of Africans societies which in essence must be rooted in the spirit
of cooperation, tolerant and adherence to constitutional rules and procedures
The long term salvation of African therefore, depends on the quality of its
future leadership. In this context, apart from improved quality of education so as to secure able
future leadership
, the present leader of Africa have
a special responsibility to develop a new
generation of leaders, tested in our era. This is the new challenge to Africa’s leaders and a
necessary measure for Africa’s future that can sustain stability and development.
As noted by Oputa (1995), leadership in an multi-ethnic and multi-religious society like Africa
should adopt secularism as its magna carta. It should not be seen to unduly attached to a
particular religion. The necessary distinction should be drawn between the private religions life
of the leaders and his public image as a leader of many different religious groups. This will give
the leadership the credibility it so much requires to inspires and win the confidence of the
entire citizenry. He goes on to say that leadership should pursue useful economic policies which
will benefit the continent. The acid test of any policy or program is the extent to which it
conduces to the welfare of all.
Leadership is complex and, in practice, it is not as clear cut as the present analyses may seem to
indicate. As Collins (2001) noted a paradoxical combination of humility and professional will are
important in leadership success. When we talk about leadership, it must be understood purely
in the context of its capacity to resolve problems and lead the people to their destined goal and
national objective. Africa in this context does not have any identifiable goal and objective. So,
when people stumble into leadership positions in this kind of climate, they find themselves
dazed and appear as a flotsam in the sea whose destination cannot be determined. Even when
such a leaders has reasons for assumption of leadership which may appear patriotic at first
instance, actual implementation often turns out to reveal all the hidden motives
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It has been said that the trouble in Africa is with leadership. People have agreed that there is
nothing wrong with our climate, with our environment, our rich endowments in natural
resources. A relevant leadership concerned with the people as the centerpiece will have to
raise the value and equality of citizenship. Such a leader will, of necessity, require the constant
deepening of the democratic milieu for co-leading with the people. Only leadership that has
maximum emphathy for the people can be relevant to the qualitative movement of Africa. The
leadership qualities we have indicated above as relevant to contemporary African situation,
have not been pulled out of the magician’s hat neither the products of an imaginative
There is no gainsaying the fact that the quest for leadership is an undeniable fact in human
history, especially in matters relating to the management of both human and material
resources. Therefore, it should be noted that the success or otherwise of any country depends
on the effectiveness or otherwise of its leaders. This shows that leadership is of essence in any
human setup and it is tantamount to a stable polity and development. Therefore it is our belief
that democracy has a role to play in helping to salvage Africa from the nagging problem of
leadership. The quality of leadership in Africa leaves much to be desired. There is very urgent
need now for able, true and efficient leadership. Such leadership must be in the hands of
qualified, competent, enlightened and honest persons for the overall development of Africa.
That search may not end until we get principled followership and principled leadership resulting
into principled governance of Africa.
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... "Governance" has gained excessive usage in contemporary public administration (UNESC, 2006). The concept of governance relates to the quality of the relationship between the government and the citizens whom it serves and protects (Afegbua & Adejuwon, 2012). Governance has been around in political and academic discourse for a long time, referring in a generic sense to running a government or any other appropriate entity, for example, a nation (Afegbua & Adejuwon, 2012). ...
... The concept of governance relates to the quality of the relationship between the government and the citizens whom it serves and protects (Afegbua & Adejuwon, 2012). Governance has been around in political and academic discourse for a long time, referring in a generic sense to running a government or any other appropriate entity, for example, a nation (Afegbua & Adejuwon, 2012). However, the shift from the notion of governance to good governance implies an additional normative dimension of the quality of governance (Friedle & Silke, 2006). ...
... It also entails formulating and implementing public policies across organizational and sectoral boundaries through coalitions, contracts, and networks (Page, 2013). It is also seen as a set of values, policies, and institutions through which society manages its economic, political, and social processes at different levels, based on interaction among the government, civil society, and private sector (Afegbua & Adejuwon, 2012). Despite its growing importance to researchers and policymakers, governance is not an end product (Asaduzzaman & Virtanen, 2016). ...
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The purpose of the study was to assess the practices and challenges of urban land governance in the Tigrai Region. This study employed a concurrent nested design. Data were collected from 177 officeholders and customers through questionnaires. Besides, interviews were conducted with purposefully selected officeholders. The results of the data analysis were presented using mean, standard deviation, Pearson correlation, and logistic regression to see the relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable. The major findings showed that the elements of good urban governance (participation, responsiveness, accountability, transparency , equity, and efficiency and effectiveness) are not practiced appropriately. The major challenges in good urban land governance are lack of resources, commitment, human resources, clear rules and regulations, modern service delivery, materials, budget, and rent-seeking behavior. As a result, citizens are not satisfied with the urban land governance system and implementation process. Thus, the government should reconsider strengthening urban land institutions.
... Past studies on the effects of good governance and corruption focused on enhancing the democratic process of checks and balances to attain good governance and reduce corruption (Afegbua & Adejuwon 2012, Otoghile, et. al, 2014, Ogundiya, 2009, Ogbeidi, 2012, Mohammed, 2014. ...
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... The new generation of African leaders face a number of challenges, not least the overall substandard, poor and malignant nature of leadership (Afegbua & Adejuwon, 2012;Naidoo, 2019;USB-ED, 2018) and the inability to confront its own leadership weaknesses (Wafawarova, 2015), affecting the search for (new) Afrocentric leadership identities in institutions. The need for leadership in Africa to evolve and look inwardly as well as outwardly calls for a critical examination of the practice of leadership. ...
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With the policy windows open for decolonial practices, educational leaders in Africa have much to ponder on as they examine and transform their leadership practices to suit the current climates. All progressive leaders seek to lead institutions where they could motivate followers, enhance performance as they utilise relevant leadership qualities. Conscientious leaders in Africa would be eager to know what it means to combine Western epistemology and indigenous knowledge to achieve the institution's goals. Arguably, today's institutions require leaders who will be able to study their contexts and utilise leadership strategies for effectiveness.
... An unsurprising yet worthy point to mention is that the existential problems of leadership and resource management in Africa (Afegbua and Adejuwon 2012) hamper the trust and confidence of partners that provide financial support for healthcare systems in the continent. One participant's comment reflects this premise: ...
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The aim of this study is to develop a model describing the interactions and interdependence between the obstacles to effective implementation of a collaborative model of pandemic preparedness and response. A comprehensive review of the relevant literature highlighted 15 key variables. The contextual interactions between these barrier variables were identified based on the opinions of experts with COVID-19 pandemic experience and analyzed to determine their driving and dependence powers using interpretive structural modeling. The findings indicate that the lack of guidelines and procedures for coordinated actions, differences in organizational culture (working habits) and funding constraints are the most critical barriers to effective multi-stakeholder collaboration. Managers of collaborative programmes, policymakers and researchers should carefully focus on these hindrances because any improvement in them can significantly affect the overall system.
... According to Sheppard et al. (2013) and Wang et al. (2011), due to globalization, organizations nowadays are dealing with unpredictable shifting external and internal issues such as huge customer demands, constantly changing markets, talent management problems, and organizational structural adaptations. Thus, adapting and coping with organizational changes in turbulent and uncertain international environments should be top priorities for today's leaders (Afegbua and Adejuwon, 2012;Bledow et al., 2011;Kabasakal et al., 2012;Lloyd-Walker and Walker, 2011;Masango, 2002;Sheppard et al., 2013). ...
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Purpose The purpose of this embedded case study is to have a deep insight into the transformational leadership and how it can be applied in African businesses to promote organizational change. Research method A qualitative approach to gather data from a literature review and through interviews of C-level leaders in a Moroccan holding was used in the study. Unstructured interviews were conducted and the research questions will be addressed based on the data collected and its analysis. Findings This research makes a novel contribution by proposing a transformational leadership model to be used in African companies based on Kotter's model of change. Limitations: This study has some limitations regarding the research design, the sample, and the findings. A qualitative approach might not be enough, and a future quantitative approach might be conducted to elaborate more our findings. Originality/Value There is scant research on how a transformational leadership approach to organizational change in western companies can be successfully employed in African companies.
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This chapter begins by examining the debates around policy paradigms in the study of the changing context of public policy making and policy change. It recognizes that policy ideas are embedded in policy paradigms and that these paradigms form the basis for framing, articulating and implementing public policy. It examines such concepts as pluralism, internationalization and globalization, and polycentricism in the study of public policy. Furthermore, it examines the changing focus and locus of policy discussing such issues as the state versus market, the growing complexity and scale of government and the special concerns of Africans relating to the debate around the issues. Based on the above theoretical debates, certain issues and the competing tools for addressing them are identified for closer scrutiny. These contextual issues include the economic issues in public policy; health issues and public policy; security issues and public policy; the environment and natural resources policy issues; governance and policy issues; and exclusion, vulnerability and public policy. The chapter concludes by drawing out the implications of policy paradigms on policy change and policy performance.
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The chapter examined the nature of, and the connection between public policy and good governance in Nigeria.
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The research question explored in this thesis concerns how globalization affects the missional journey of the Wycliffe Global Alliance (WGA) and how this is influenced by paradigm shift theory applied to the missio Dei. Together, these contribute to a theoretical model for a new paradigm for global mission leadership. The research is conducted through a qualitative enquiry of the journey of WGA. Its journey involves 100+ organizations from over 60 nations. These factors influence how WGA is developing leadership with a global mission mindset. Unique factors that inform the research and its methodologies include literature reviews, an analysis of WGA’s practices and processes, and case studies from within WGA. These include its missiological consultative processes, as well as a grounded theory investigation of WGA’s leadership team’s personal leadership philosophies. Important concepts that enlighten and enrich the study include: missio Dei and missional, globalization, and paradigm theory. Each contributes to understanding the journey of WGA. Furthermore, the journey is influenced by other ideas including the generous funding of God’s mission; and the influences of spirituality, friendship, community and polycentrism in global mission leadership. The research draws from broad sources and is presented through missiological and theological perspectives. The findings inform the paradigm, which is described with phrases, concepts and themes derived from the entire research. The paradigm also informs missional movements and organizational structures that can become global in their viewpoint and actions.
This chapter concludes the book by discussing some of the key findings of the study. The findings are discussed as they relate to insights that are relevant for practitioner and scholarly communities. The chapter is about inspiring African millennials. It is also about helping the current and outgoing generation of African leaders to see the benefits of working to suppress those practices that continue to speak to the idea of obstructing a new generation of young visionary leaders in formal and informal spaces. The discussion lays bare the opportunity cost for African economies. The chapter illuminates the real power of African millennials and explains how that power can be better organised. The chapter concludes with a practical discussion about how African millennials can avoid repeating the mistakes of the past by intelligently mobilising their energy, intellect, and passion for the greater good of Africa and the world at large. There must be a deliberate consciousness and willingness to circumvent traps such as ethno-religious bigotry, which have been masterminded by the current political class. Compromises and alliances are two key components for lubricating and sustaining effective and competitive political movements. When forming youth political movements, young Africans must recognise that it is not possible for everyone to lead at the same time. Compromises imply that stakeholders of youth movements are prepared to sacrifice some of their ambitions to obtain something more important in the collective interest.
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Many Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in Africa face challenges that require the intervention of national governments, development partners and other stakeholders. HEIs also require new investment paradigms to maximize students’ acquisition of work-ready skills, knowledge and attitudes to enable students to contribute effectively to the workforce. The objective of this study was to identify reforms and investments needed to strengthen Higher Education (HE) in Africa and to inform the design and implementation of future investments and policy for sustainable development. A systematic review approach, involving a synthesis of literature on this theme in Africa in recent years, by African governments, education networks, academia and international bodies, was employed. The study used data from UNESCO and World Bank databases which were blended with the synthesis of the literature. The obtained literature was analysed and synthesized on the basis of its relevance and value to the HEIs study discourse. Textual and thematic analysis tookcentre stage with a view to establishing current reforms in HEIs and the concomitant investments that national governments and other key stakeholders need to make to have robust HEIs. The study used the Human Capital Theory that postulates that the most efficient path to the national development of any society lies in the improvement of its population, which is considered as the human capital. Despite criticisms of the human capital theory at the individual level on the extent to which education is directly related to improvements in occupation or income, human capital theorists generally assume that after all the known inputs into economic growth have been explained, much of the unexplained residual variance represents the contribution of the improvement of human capital, of which education is seen as most important (Merwe, 2010). The results of the study show that HEIs have done very little to promote Intra-Africa Academic Mobility and nurture HEI-industry partnerships to address demand and supply aspects of the labour force. The massification of higher education, resulting in a democratization of education, and the advent of the knowledge economy and globalization, among other factors, are being experienced without commensurate planning and with no corresponding accompanying increase in resources to enable the HEIs cope with the increased student population. HEIs in Africa are sub-optimally capacitated to combat Africa’s pressing challenges such as unemployment, climate change and COVID-19 pandemic. The study points out that HEIs need to evolve in tandem with continental and global market needs to achieve Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) number 4 on quality education. Further, it recommends that HEIs should encourage Intra-Africa Academic Mobility and foster HEI-industry partnerships to address demand-and-supply aspects of the labour force. In this respect, HEIs in Africa should be developing curricula aimed at building capacity of leaders and professionals to respond to the need to decarbonize and dematerialize development in Africa and leverage on the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Consequently, HEIs must prepare students to be entrepreneurial and resilient; able to continue to learn and reinvent themselves and their careers throughout their lives. Indeed, HEIs should view themselves as creative hubs where partners come together and harness each other’s synergy to innovate and solve societal problems.
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This article critically examines the depth of the reforms and elections that underpinned Nigeria's recently concluded political transition. It also analyses the important challenges confronting democratic consolidation in the face of the "imperfect" nature of the political transition, revolutionary pressures from below and factional struggles within the hegemonic elite—all of which have direct implications for the social contract and the national question. At the end it is argued that this transition is Nigeria's last chance—and except it transfers real power to the Nigerian people, the current struggles could signpost grave portends for the Nigerian Project.
Quantal density functional theory (Q-DFT) is a new local effective potential energy theory of electronic structure. The definition of a local potential energy theory is the following. Consider a system of N electrons in an arbitrary time-dependent external field F ext (rt) such that F ext (rt)-∇v(rt). This system of interacting particles and its evolution in time is described by the non-relativistic time-dependent Schrödinger equation. Q-DFT is the construction of a model system of noninteracting Fermions whose density p(rt) is the same as that of the interacting system described by Schrödinger theory. The equivalent non-conserved total energy E(t) of the interacting system is also thereby obtained. The model system of noninteracting Fermions is referred to as the S system. As these Fermions are noninteracting, the effective potential energy of each Fermion is the same,and can therefore be represented by a local or multiplicative potential energy operator v s (rt). The operator v s (rt) is the sum of the external potential energy operator v(rt), and an effective electron-interaction potential energy operator v ee(rt) that accounts for all the quantum many-body correlations. The corresponding S system wave function is a single Slater determinant of the noninteracting Fermion orbitals. The construction of such a model system is what is meant by a local effective potential energy theory. Thus, Q-DFT is a theory that describes the physics of transformation from the interacting Schrödinger system to one of noninteracting Fermions with equivalent density.
Allusions to the “problem of metropolitan government” are often made in characterizing the difficulties supposed to arise because a metropolitan region is a legal non-entity. From this point of view, the people of a metropolitan region have no general instrumentality of government available to deal directly with the range of problems which they share in common. Rather there is a multiplicity of federal and state governmental agencies, counties, cities, and special districts that govern within a metropolitan region. This view assumes that the multiplicity of political units in a metropolitan area is essentially a pathological phenomenon. The diagnosis asserts that there are too many governments and not enough government. The symptoms are described as “duplication of functions” and “overlapping jurisdictions.” Autonomous units of government, acting in their own behalf, are considered incapable of resolving the diverse problems of the wider metropolitan community. The political topography of the metropolis is called a “crazy-quilt pattern” and its organization is said to be an “organized chaos.” The prescription is reorganization into larger units—to provide “a general metropolitan framework” for gathering up the various functions of government. A political system with a single dominant center for making decisions is viewed as the ideal model for the organization of metropolitan government. “Gargantua” is one name for it.
American policies on Iraq have undergone important modifications over the more than two years since the U.S. intervention there in March 2003. Slow to admit mistakes, the U.S. administration has been quicker to recognize and adjust for them.
This article is a study of political economy of Gujarat in the context of the issues pertaining to ‘good governance’. The article reviews Gujarat’s socio-economic development with respect to key indicators of environment, health, education and welfare programmes. It presents an argument that overall economic growth alone is not the adequate criterion for assessing good governance. Rather, broader issues of human development, reach and depth of welfare programmes and the approach informing the economic policy constitute the core bases for the assessment of a state’s claims to good governance. Gujarat, one of the states of the Indian union, is seen as a developed state that has made considerable progress in more recent times in the direction of good governance. This article seeks to critically examine this impression.
Despite a large number of studies concerned with leadership and leadership succession — of which more than 200 have addressed the latter — results have been inconsistent and inconclusive. One suggestion from the literature was to conduct more qualitative case research as a supplement to the many empirical survey studies which have been published. The present study explored, at first hand, eight firms that opinion leaders had identified as successful (six in New Zealand, one in Canada, one in the United States) and another seven US firms studied by others that had once been touted as successful. Two patterns emerged: (1) socialized leadership relationships succeeded in transforming the firm by applying leadership and management principles to serve the needs of others, and enlisting support throughout and beyond the firm; and (2) personalized leadership relationships promised much and either achieved success, narrowly defined, or failed completely. The conclusion: socialized leadership relations matter critically. Recommendations are offered for leadership succession and future research.
The aim of this chapter is to offer a synthesis of current research-based knowledge about top-level leadership. The author includes in this review most of the major approaches to transformational leadership. The integration of these varied approaches centers on the author's own approach. This approach, "visionary leadership theory," which the author now more often refers to as "leadership that matters" (Sashkin & Sashkin, 2003), is itself a synthesis of research and theory by those within as well as distant from the field of leadership research. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The leader is an individual in the group, who directs and coordinates task-relevant group activities, or who, in the absence of a designated leader, automatically performs these functions in the group. This chapter provides an overview of the framework for the understanding of factors which determine a leader's personality attributes and its impact on group performance, the development of integrative model, and empirical support for the model. A leader is either appointed by a representative of the larger organization of which the group is a part; or is elected by the group; or in case there is neither an elected nor an appointed leader, he can be identified as most influential on task-relevant questions of a sociometric preference questionnaire. The leader and member abilities are among the most important predictors of group performance, and a high correlation between the leader's ability score and the group's performance presumably reflects the degree of leader influence over the task itself. The negative correlations suggest that the leader's influence, or his contribution to the task is minimal. A leader can be trained to modify these attitudes, but considerable effort might be required on the part of many individuals to make them. The leader's task functions and his therapeutic attitudes are highly speculative, and extensive future research is required to elucidate the role, which these therapeutic attitudes play in the group process.
Democracy, Good Governance and Constitutionalism in Africa
  • S References Adejumobi
References Adejumobi, S. (2004). "Democracy, Good Governance and Constitutionalism in Africa", in Odion-Akhaine, S (eds), Governance: Nigeria and the World, Lagos: CENCOD.