No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Differences between Return and Nonreturn Migration: An Econometric Analysis
... Massey, 1985;Portes and Zhou, 1993;South et al., 2005;Silvestre and Reher, 2014), or as a consequences of the ethnic disadvantage and discrimination (Aguirre et al., 1989;Iceland and Scopilliti, 2008;Reyneri and Fullin, 2011;Silvestre and Reher, 2014), or it can be related to investments in human capital (Sjaastad, 1962;Boman, 2011;Korpi and Clark, 2015), and finally, it may be a way to correct an initial non-optimal choice of the first location (e.g. Allen, 1979;Da Vanzo, 1983;Nogle, 1994;Clark and Davies Withers, 2007;Rashid, 2009). Furthermore, individuals' spatial-mobility choices are influenced by their families (Mincer, 1978;Mulder, 2007;Rashid, 2009;Zorlu, 2009;Clark and Maas, 2015;Coulter et al., 2016). ...
... Following this conceptual framework, the costs of a new migration and the accumulation of (human and social) capital specific to some place play a relevant role. The costs are not only direct costs required to move belongings, but also include "information costs" about alternative destinations, "opportunity costs" (looking for a job) and "social costs" due to the disutility of leaving friends and relatives behind (Sjaastad, 1962;Da Vanzo, 1976;Rashid, 2009). Moreover, the costs are assumed to be higher for those migrants or families who have spent more time in the same location in the host country, because they may have built a strong attachment to location-specific capital (Da Vanzo, 1976;Rashid, 2009). ...
... The costs are not only direct costs required to move belongings, but also include "information costs" about alternative destinations, "opportunity costs" (looking for a job) and "social costs" due to the disutility of leaving friends and relatives behind (Sjaastad, 1962;Da Vanzo, 1976;Rashid, 2009). Moreover, the costs are assumed to be higher for those migrants or families who have spent more time in the same location in the host country, because they may have built a strong attachment to location-specific capital (Da Vanzo, 1976;Rashid, 2009). Benefits refer mainly to increased income or better occupation (Rashid, 2009;Boman, 2011); however, some evidence suggests that consumption, housing, satisfaction or dissatisfaction and changes in prices are also important factors (Sjaastad, 1962;Da Vanzo, 1983;Davies Withers and Clark, 2006;Morrison and Clark, 2011). ...
The internal movements of migrants are less frequently studied than international migration, although they have important labour, social, welfare and immigrant policy implications. By assuming the family as the unit of analysis, this paper examines the mechanism of selection between the foreigners who move internally and who do not, in Italy. Hypotheses are that having a family, improved economic performance, incorrect information about the first location, and discrimination, increase the propensity to move. Data come from the Italian survey “Social Condition and Integration of Foreign Citizens” (Istat 2011–2012). Results of the models show that internal migration is positively associated with family commitment, scant knowledge of the first destination, and no welcoming network. The paper enlarges the literature by stressing the intertwines between internal and international migration and the family commitment as the main driver of internal mobility of foreigners in Italy.
... Migrants seeking better economic opportunities-who often move over long distances and onward to new regions (Morrison & Davanzo, 1986;Mulder & van Ham, 2005)-report a long-lasting boost to overall SWB (Switek, 2014). Individuals who migrate for housing purposes or to be close to family and friends tend to move over short distances or engage in return migration (DaVanzo, 1976(DaVanzo, , 1983, and typically experience a significant and persistent improvement in satisfaction with their housing conditions (Findlay & Nowok, 2012;Nakazato et al., 2011) and with their social networks (Mulder, 2018), but not in overall SWB due to a potential loss in occupational status (Switek, 2014). However, whether this trade-off between social and economic SWB occurs for each migration remains unclear. ...
... A high level of circulation has also been proposed as a substitute for the low level of permanent internal migration in Asia (Bell et al., 2020). However, circular permanent migration has rarely been considered in developed countries as most studies define return migration as a return to one's region of birth (DaVanzo, 1976). This study captures semi-permanent to permanent migration, which is defined by most statistical agencies around the world, including Australia, as a change of region of residence of at least 6 months (Bell et al., 2015). ...
Despite growing calls to analyse internal migration as a life-course trajectory, most studies use the last recorded migration based on a dichotomy between migrants and non-migrants. Leveraging the maturation of longitudinal surveys and methodological advances, this paper establishes the diversity and complexity of individual migration trajectories and their long-term association with subjective well-being. We apply sequence and cluster analysis to the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey data to establish the migration trajectories of millennials from the ages of 15-18 to 27-30 based on the timing, frequency, and direction of migration between regions. We then combine data mining techniques, machine learning algorithms and regression analysis to explore the association between internal migration trajectories and economic and social subjective well-being (SWB). We find that a full third of young adults are repeat migrants split between return migrants, serial onward migrants, and circular migrants. Repeat migrants often exhibit lower levels of life satisfaction. Successive migrations cumulatively shape life satisfaction, as shown by a negative association between serial onward migration and social SWB. Additionally, return migrants are less satisfied with their economic outcomes, particularly when return migration occurs after two consecutive onward migrations or when return migration occurs early in adulthood. Collectively, these results reveal heterogeneity in migration trajectories that are missed when migration is treated as a one-off event while suggesting that internal migrants operate a trade-off between social and economic outcomes over the life course.
... However, 'internal migration is a lower risk strategy' (Bernard & Perales, 2021: 661) since it requires fewer resources especially compared to international migration. Therefore, the choice between internal and international migration seems to be related to the available resources, the presence of location-specific capital (Da Vanzo, 1976;Thomassen et al., 2023) and the presence of social networks, especially close social networks in the place of origin, destination or third countries (Manchin & Orazbayev, 2018). As highlighted by King and Skeldon (2010), there are different migration pathways. ...
... Confirming the findings of previous literature results (e.g., Bernard et al., 2022;Da Vanzo, 1976), the short-term intention to move is strongly related to previous internal mobility in Italy: migrants who have already moved within the Italian peninsula have a higher propensity to move again either internally or internationally. This result highlights the importance of analysing internal and international migration as a continuum (Impicciatore & Strozza, 2016;King & Skeldon, 2010). ...
Secondary internal and international movements of migrants are receiving increasing attention in Europe while research has so far focused on the characteristics of individuals who remigrate or plan to re‐emigrate, the attributes of the place that secondary migrants aim to leave have been less studied compared to other personal characteristics. This knowledge gap is primarily due to the fact that detailed information on the municipality of residence is largely unavailable in nationwide sample surveys. To fill this gap, after considering the time since migrants' arrival in Italy and previous internal mobility, we analyse the relationship between the characteristics of the municipality where migrants live and short‐term migration intentions of return, onward and internal migration in a competing risk framework. We focus on ethnic concentration (community hotspots and coldspots) and classification into central and marginal areas as critical characteristics of municipalities. We used a unique pooled data set that includes seven cross‐sectional surveys conducted between 2010 and 2016 by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity in the Northern Italian region of Lombardy. Municipal characteristics are strongly related to migrants' intentions: migrants who intend to move internally or to a third country are more likely live in urban, suburban, intermediate and peripheral areas and in the mountains. In contrast, the intention to return is not correlated with the characteristics of the municipality. The concentration of co‐nationals is also uncorrelated with short‐term migration intentions. We discuss the limitations of using a concentration indicator to study the relationship with secondary mobility.
... We used multinomial stepwise logistic regression (Long & Freese, 2014) to model migration intention 10 (see Appendix A to see partial models and covariates) due to our dependent variable having three categories and the need, unanimously recognised by scholars, to analyse onward and return migration data in a competing-risk framework (Barbiano di Belgiojoso & Ortensi, 2013;DaVanzo, 1976;Toma & Castagnone, 2015). ...
... Furthermore, onward migrants are more likely to be men, as found by the vast majority of studies on onward migrations (e.g., Haandrikman & Hassanen, 2014;Monti, 2019;Nekby, 2006;Ortensi & Barbiano di Belgiojoso, 2018;Schroll, 2009;Toma & Castagnone, 2015). As the length of stay in Italy increases, the likelihood of a second migration decreases: along with their permanence in Italy, migrants acquire capital specific to the location and, as the time passes, the cost of a new emigration becomes higher (DaVanzo, 1976;Rashid, 2009 Only for couples. *p < 0.05. ...
Evidence on the relationship between secondary international migration and welfare state (or formal protection) support is currently limited. Also, the experience of financial support from semiformal and informal social protection networks has seen limited inclusion in current reflections on secondary mobility patterns such as onward and return migration. Our study analyses the relationship between support from formal, informal and semiformal social protection and short‐term secondary migration intentions. The study uses open‐access data from the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity of Lombardy (Italy) and adopts a competing‐risk framework through multinomial logistic regression. Our data do not support the hypothesis of an ex‐post “magnetic effect” of the Italian formal social protection on its beneficiaries: individuals on formal welfare are more prone to onward and return migration. However, the positive relationship observed between welfare entitlements and onward migration intentions cannot rule out any effect of welfare magnetism from more generous welfare systems. Monetary aid received from Italian friends is negatively related to return intention. At the same time, economic support from foreign‐born friends is correlated to return migration. We interpret results according to social network theory. Economic support and social capital from bridging networks can act as an ex‐post integration‐driven magnet. Bonding social capital from ties with migrants in Italy cannot secure the migrants' stay in Italy. However, it can support return migration. Networks providing bonding transnational social capital, and expressed in the form of financial support from relatives living abroad, are instead positively correlated to both forms of secondary migration.
... Second, with respect to the effect of previous migration distance, its effect on repeat migration is expected to be positive, because the longer the previous move the greater the probability of disappointment (Grant and Vanderkamp 1985). Although empirical studies support this relationship, its separate effects on return and onward migrations also turned out to be inconclusive (Da Vanzo 1976;Herzog and Schlottmann 1982;Vanderkamp 1985 andNewbold andLiaw 1994 and1995V Regarding the differential impacts of labor market variables on different types of migration, findings from Canada indicate that return migrants are less sensitive to the effects of labor market variables than primary and onward migrants. However, the behaviors of return migrants remain economically rational, and return migration can not be simply viewed as the migration in the "wrong direction" (Newbold andLiaw 1994 and. ...
... In addition to the migration level, another consensus in migration literature is that the quality of migrants turns out to be relatively lower during a recession as opposed to that in an economic boom. To account for the effect of business cycle on the level of migration quality, Vanderkamp (1971) andDa Vanzo (1976) suggest that the declining migration quality during recession is primarily due to a substantial increase in the "lower quality" return migrants, whereas Newbold and Liaw (1994) find that it is due to a substantial decline in the number of the "doubly selected" onward migrants, and that the educational selectivity in return migration is rather insensitive to economic cycle. ...
This thesis consists of three parts. The first part (Chapter 3) is to achieve a
comprehensive understanding of the interrelationships among migration, the evolution ofthe
settlement system, and the socioeconomic development in Taiwan over the past four hundred
years (1600-1990), with an emphasis on the impacts of developmental strategy and
government policy. The major finding is that the migration process in Taiwan appears to be
highly responsive to the changing socioeconomic context.
The second part (Chapter 4-6) involves the studies of (1) life-time migrations and
(2) 1985-90 primary, return, and onward migrations of the labor force in Taiwan, based on
the 1990 Taiwanese census. The main theme ofthese analyses is to assess the responsiveness
of labor migration to the labor market forces and to the economic restructuring and
globalization that took place in the 1980s. The main findings are (1) that primary labor
migration played a much greater role than did onward and return labor migrations in
affecting the transfers of human resources and (2) that the three types of labor migration
responded in a rational way to the effects of patriarchal value system, educational
attainment, location-specific capital, market forces, and economic restructuring and
globalization.
The third part (Chapter 7) is devoted to the analysis of the behaviors of fast repeat
labor migration in Taiwan, based on the linked migration data. The main findings are (I) that
the most important factors of fast repeat migrations turned out to be the chronicity and
patriarchal ideology, (2) that those with a limited labor market knowledge and an
unsuccessful job search are more prone to make a fast return migration, and (3) that the more
experienced and more successful previous migrants are more prone to make a fast onward
migration.
... To accomplish these goals, we identify sequential mobility trajectories of Italian university graduates across different regions using the Istat survey on university graduates' vocational integration 2015 (Istat, 2018). Following the existing literature (Champion et al., 2024;DaVanzo, 1976DaVanzo, , 1983, we distinguish between university stayers (ante lauream mobility only), repeat migrants (ante lauream and post lauream mobility towards a third region), late migrants (post lauream mobility only), return migrants (ante lauream and post lauream mobility towards the region of origin), and non-migrants (no mobility at all). To the best of our knowledge, such a level of detail has never been adopted for the Italian case. ...
The attraction and retention of graduates are crucial for Italy’s regional development, especially given the north–south divide. We investigate the interregional migration patterns of Italian graduates, distinguishing between pre- and post-graduation mobility. Analysing the Istat survey on university graduates’ vocational integration 2015, we identify five mobility profiles: university stayers, repeat migrants, late migrants, return migrants and non-migrants. Through multinomial logistic regression models, we explore the relationship between school-leaving and university graduation marks and the propensity to move. The results show that south-to-north mobility is positively selected based on educational performance, while post-graduation returns to the south are inversely related to these outcomes. Return migrants often come from families with greater socio-economic resources, characterized by self-employed parents. Southern Italy loses its most qualified graduates, with negative impacts on regional growth and territorial disparities. Without targeted policies to attract highly qualified graduates back to the south, selective mobility is likely to deepen the existing economic divide.
... A prospective immigrant is even willing to pay for the information(Grant & Vanderkamp, 1986), however, he will look into it only if the perceived advantages of obtaining more content exceed the expenses(De Haas, 2021). Once a migration choice is made, the realities of income in the receiving country will often vary from those expected(DaVanzo, 1976), because only individuals who expect high returns from migration are more likely to migrate (De ...
The topic of this thesis revolves around the relationship between external voting and return migration. The aim of this thesis was to check if the concurrence of government partisanship with the election results in emigrant constituencies can impact the return migration flows. The literature overviewed in this thesis suggests various reasons for emigrating and returning; however, there have not been many studies on return migration influenced by political participation and election results. As the topic becomes more relevant in the context of globalization, it is essential to consider the possibility of people emigrating as they are dissatisfied with the ruling government and eventually decide to return once the government changes as favored by the citizens residing abroad. The hypothesis of this thesis assumes that the number of returning citizens should increase once emigrants, who voted overseas in the elections, are satisfied with the election results as their favored party formed the coalition of the government. Data was taken from the official sites of countries' or territories' governments or received via email as per request. Years of the elections or return migration are taken since the first time external voting was allowed in each country, thus the time frame varies from 1994 to 2019, and respectfully a change in return migration data is taken from 1994 to 2020 to check whether the migration of returning citizens increased within a year after the election. The sample consists of 66 countries and territories that allow external voting and has data available. After running the final regression, the results of the study suggest the opposite relationship between remigration and election results in the emigrant constituency than was predicted; hence the hypothesis of this study is rejected. Diagnostic tests revealed flaws in the collected data. Thus some recommendations are made to help improve the quality of future studies.
... Therefore, we incorporated the factor of "being the only child" as a background factor in our study. Several studies found that previous migration experience had a significant influence on university-to-employment migration (DaVanzo, 1976(DaVanzo, , 1983Faggian et al., 2007b;Kodrzycki, 2001). In China, university students are very likely to migrate from their hometowns to universities, which can be considered as past experience of migration. ...
In recent years, China has witnessed fierce competition for talents among cities. There is evidence that China's first-tier cities are losing their appeal for young talents due to the soaring housing prices and high living costs in first-tier cities, as well as the catch-up of next-tier cities. Therefore, uncovering what factors drive young talents to develop in first-tier cities is important for policymakers to maintain and enhance the attractiveness of first-tier cities. Most previous research on talent migration has focused on demographic and socioeconomic factors, while little research has examined the influence of psychological factors. By adopting the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB), this paper aims to explore what beliefs and background factors influence university students' intention to develop in first-tier cities after graduation. Using the data we collected from 1242 university students across China, we found that two-thirds of university students have the intention to develop in a first-tier city after graduation. The Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) results show that students' migration intentions were most influenced by their attitudes, followed by subjective norms and perceived behavioral control (PBC). Specifically, beliefs such as realizing future dreams, better job opportunities, and higher wages shape students' positive attitudes towards developing in first-tier cities. The supports from family, friends, teachers, and classmates contribute to positive subjective norms of developing in first-tier cities. In contrast, perceptions of high housing prices, high living costs, and family ties discourage students from developing in first-tier cities. Furthermore, being male, being a non-only child, studying in first-tier cities, and attending higher-ranking universities have positive influences on migration intention through the mediating effects of the TPB constructs. Policy implications were discussed to help first-tier cities attract graduates.
... There are convincing theoretical arguments as well as empirical results that remigration does not inevitably follow the same migration pattern we hypothesise or observe with regard to emigration (DaVanzo, 1976;Dustmann, 1996). However, the volume of theoretical work that explicitly examines remigration as a central theme is small compared with the vast number of books and papers on migration theory that explicitly or at least implicitly focus only on emigration (for a literature review on remigration theory, see Cassarino, 2004). ...
This paper presents an investigation of the migration pattern of internationally mobile couples using data from the first wave of the German Emigration and Remigration Panel Study (GERPS). GERPS provides information on more than 5,000 couples from which at least one spouse has recently emigrated from Germany or has recently remigrated to Germany. The analyses are theoretically framed by the so-called trailing wife hypothesis that suggests a clear, gender-related migration pattern following traditional gender roles. Because most research deals with internal migration , we extend understanding of these topics by investigating international migration. The results of multinomial logistic regressions provide clear evidence for the trailing wife hypothesis but only with regard to couples' timing of emigration. In contrast , women have a higher propensity to become the leading spouse when it comes to remigration. These results contribute to the ongoing debate about tied movers and family-related inequalities in migration.
... No obstante, la re-emigración también puede ser interpretada positivamente. La repetición de un movimiento a otro destino puede ser consecuencia del propio proceso de optimización ligado a la decisión inicial de emigrar (Nekby, 2006o Borjas, 2000 o, simplemente, tratarse de una secuencia -programada o no-que se realiza a lo largo del ciclo vital (Greenwood, 2007;Da Vanzo, 1976y 1983Krumm y Kelly, 1988;Costa y Kahn, 2000;Kennan y Walker, 2003o Hunt, 2004. Asimismo, en el marco de la nueva economía de la migración del trabajo, el retorno al origen es parte de la estrategia migratoria del hogar, asociándolo al éxito del proyecto migratorio. ...
España recibió uno de los más grandes contingentes migratorios internacionales en los años previos a la recesión económica. El cambio de ciclo podría haber conducido a una intensa salida de los inmigrantes. Sin embargo, utilizando la Encuesta de Población Activa (EPA) se comprueba que esa expulsión en masa no se produce. El trabajo, además, aborda las razones que puede haber detrás de la decisión de los inmigrantes para permanecer en el país, a pesar del empeoramiento de las condiciones del mercado laboral y del deterioro de sus condiciones de vida.
... The process continues after relocation to the host country (the during migration stage). Finally, there is a third stage that some, but not all, migrants go through in which they relocate to yet another foreign country or repatriate to their home country (the postmigration stages; see DaVanzo, 1976;Tabor and Milfont, 2011;Carling and Collins, 2018). Evidently, goals are changing in the face of the demands and challenges of the specific stages of migration. ...
The purpose of the present research is to shed light on whether and when migrants’ goal pursuit relates to their acculturation and well-being. Previous research has demonstrated the beneficial role of striving for and attaining intrinsic goals on well-being. Yet, the relationship between the pursuit of intrinsic goals and acculturation has hardly been addressed. To fill this void, we investigated whether migrants’ acculturation and well-being can be seen as a function of their pursuit of intrinsic goals. We posited that the attainment of intrinsic goals would positively predict migrants’ level of acculturation and subsequent well-being, particularly when migrants deemed these goals to be important. We tested our hypotheses in two scenario studies and two surveys. In all four studies we confirmed our hypothesis that migrants’ intrinsic goal attainment and well-being is mediated by their acculturation level. However, in only two of the four studies did we find support for our hypothesis that the relationship between intrinsic goal attainment and acculturation is moderated by intrinsic goal importance. We discuss the theoretical implications and the practical consequences of our findings. Furthermore, we outline future research directions that could deepen our understanding of the relationship between migrants’ goal pursuit and their acculturation.
... The remigration of emigrants is a phenomenon that is repeated over and over again and its analysis is a well-known dimension of the migration phenomenon in other countries, as shown in the studies for the USA (Da Vanzo, 1976;Borjas, 2000), Canada (Grant and Vanderkamp, 1984;Hunt, 2004), Australia (Newbold andBell, 2001), Germany (Constant andZimmerman, 2003), Sweden (Hägerstrand, 1957;Edin et al., 2000), France (Courgeau, 1973(Courgeau, , 1985Courgeau et al., 1998) and Norway (Baccaïni and Courgeau, 1996). Many movements are linked to personal events such as marriage, divorce, education, entry into employment, births, housing, retirement or the success or not of a previous migration experience. ...
In Spain, apart from statistical sources such as population censuses or surveys, the Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales is also used to study migration among the population residing, legally or illegally, in the country. The advantage of using this source – which is linked to the Municipal Population Registers – is that it provides
a constantly updated record of inter-municipal migrations among the whole population, through which individual migratory trajectories can be constructed. Despite recent attempts to improve its quality, however, it may provide a distorted perspective of migration, as there is no guarantee that all its registrations are associated with real migrations.
Through the reconstruction of the “migratory lives” of the resident population, this study covers the extent of the false migration phenomenon in Spain in the period 2003-2005.
... Some argue, that integration in the home country is easier because of the existing familial and friendly relationships and because the re-migrant already knows the context in which he or she wants to re-integrate (DaVanzo, 1976). Furthermore, once a migrant already has set out, it might be easier for the second time. ...
According to the estimations, at least half of the Hungarian Jews, who left for Israel go back to Hungary or leave for a third country. One of the goals of this research was to learn more about Hungarians who live in Israel and find out the reasons behind this phenomenon. As no one researched this group to date, another goal was to learn more about them. Being it an exploratory research, I applied qualitative research methods.
According to Judaic tradition, Jews live in the Diaspora, hence Hungarian Jews “go home” when they make Aliyah. Based on my sample, some Hungarian Jews can be considered ethnic returnees, who go home to Israel, but many choose Israel out of pragmatic reasons. Regarding their Jewish identity, the answers were very diverse and there were no clear patterns. This goes hand in hand with the difficulties of the sociologist who can also hardly come to an agreement about the meaning of Jewishness.
Regarding their integration, which was in the focus of this research, Hungarians are well integrated into the Israeli society. As opposed to their Soviet counterparts, who establish a diaspora, Hungarians prefer to do so on the individual level. They keep their identities within the circles of the family and friends. Their self-identification is mostly hybrid. There are very few interviewees who cannot identify with Israeli-ness (hence they are identifying themselves as Hungarians), and a few consider themselves “global citizens”.
Regarding the return migrants, leaving Israel was mostly out of personal reasons, such as love life, career and family. Almost all return migrants have a strong attachment to Israel. In the case of those who served in the army, it can be even stronger.
Apart from learning about the situation of Hungarian Jews in Israel, another goal was to find out what indicators make integration successful according to them. These factors can be grouped into four categories: the hard and soft variables, pre-Aliyah issues and those at arrival.
This study is another example for the simultaneous use of integration theories together with the lens of transnationalism. Hence, integration theories are not outdated (yet). Having developed a typology about their modes of integration, I hope to contribute to the scholarly literature in integration studies by combining different existing models. Furthermore, this research is a living example of how to produce theoretical contribution with qualitative methodology. And finally, even though there is scholarly literature on key factors for migration but differing in method and showing slightly different results (focusing more on the personal level), I hope to contribute with this dissertation to the field of migration studies as well.
... Scholars argue that migrants returning to their origin country for the first time after a long period of absence are set to find their reintegration more challenging than those who visit and are 'used to the place' (DaVanzo 1976). Study participants visited Ghana periodically during the off-season and were therefore acquainted with the country. ...
This paper extends the literature on return migration by exploring the return decisions and reintegration process of Ghanaian football migrants into the Ghanaian society. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 10 football migrants, we examine their motivations for eventual return, life after return, their challenges and contribution to their country of origin. We adopt the structural approach on return migration as the conceptual framework. Findings show that Ghanaian football migrants return due to their attachment to Ghana, a desire to be with family and a willingness to contribute in a meaningful way toward development in Ghana despite challenges experienced upon return.
... Research on the motivation of repatriates and onward migrants also focused on goal content and its differences across various groups (Şener, 2018). Although researchers have found that for onward migrants economic factors are the main reason to move again (DaVanzo, 1976;Nekby, 2006;Tabor & Milfont, 2011), for repatriates lifestyle and family reasons often outweigh economic motives (see Gmelch, 1980;Tiemoko, 2004;Wessendorf, 2007) and ethnic and emotional motives also play a role in return decisions (Tsuda, 1999). Return migration has been conceived as a mix of motivational patterns: Perceived discrimination, negative job prospects, and children-related concerns (school system, integration, etc.) may push migrants away from the host country, whereas social, cultural and family considerations pull them towards the home country (Kunuroglu, Yagmur, Van De Vijver, & Kroon, 2017). ...
Full text available at:
https://authors.elsevier.com/a/1ZbTaXTj00uR6
... Some research (Lee 1974;DaVanzo 1976) indicates that the propensity of a migrant to return to his or her homeland varies among the population of emigrants. Thus, apart from the question concerning the scale of the recent return migration flow, one may ask what is actually its structure? ...
... First, one strand is related to the literature that deals with the factors closely associated to graduate migration across regions. 1 In most existing empirical studies on that topic, those factors are estimated at one point in time only-typically at labour market entry. Most commonly, it is found that graduates make up a particularly mobile group and that individual migration experience, e.g., migration between high school and university, is positively related to migration when entering the labour market (the so called DaVanzo hypothesis (DaVanzo 1976), see e.g., Faggian, McCann, and Sheppard 2007a for the UK and Krabel and Fl€ other 2014 for Germany). Further, graduates are likely to migrate to regions that have favourable economic characteristics, e.g., high employment opportunities, wage levels and degree of urbanisation (Krabel and Fl€ other 2014;Marinelli 2013), but also similar cultural characteristics compared with their home region (Buenstorf, Geissler, and Krabel 2016). ...
The aim of this paper is to identify migration patterns of the highly educated, placing special emphasis on imbalances across regions. For this, we use data from a representative and longitudinal graduate survey in Germany with information about the work and migration history during the first 5 years after graduation. With regional funding of higher education, the number of graduates who leave the university region and the resulting net balance matter. It is equally important to understand whether economically weak and strong regions are affected differently and if graduates of study programs which are more or less costly to provide display different migration patterns. The findings show that stronger regions are more attractive for graduates. However, graduates of expensive study fields are less attached to their university region than graduates of inexpensive study fields if the university region has an above‐average GDP per capita. There is no evidence, however, that this also holds for regions with a below‐average GDP per capita. These weaker regions thus face a number effect, but there is no composition effect as far as the fields of study are concerned.
... Starting from the human capital model of family migration (DaVanzo, 1976), which assumes that migration is a behaviour aimed at maximizing the total family utility, the decision concerning the geographical mobility of a household can be formalized as follows: ...
This paper studies the integration of migrant women in six European labour markets, highlighting how their migration penalty is related to the family’s migration dynamics and to the husband’s occupational condition. In order to compare the labour market outcomes of native and migrant women, Linear Probability Models are estimated using EU–LFS data. Results show that migrant women are penalized everywhere. However, in the Mediterranean labour markets their employment penalty is lower, while the penalty concerning job quality, conditional on employment, is relatively severe. Regarding the role of family migration, results show that: tied-movers women were disadvantaged with respect to both natives and other migrants; those migrants whose partners were unemployed or had low-quality jobs were more likely to find a job than those whose husbands had a good occupational condition. Both patterns were stronger in Mediterranean labour markets.
... Although the literature examining the two themes separately is well developed, that linking the two is far less so. We utilise the notion of mobility similar to that adopted by DaVanzo (1976DaVanzo ( , 1983. Thus, we consider two distinct individual decisions; mobility from location of initial domicile to university, followed by mobility between university and place of post-graduate employment. ...
This paper uses HESA data from the Destination of Leavers from Higher Education survey 2002/03 to examine whether more mobile students have an earnings advantage over those who are less mobile. We define mobility in terms of both choice of institution and location of employment. A clear finding that emerges is that mobility is associated with superior earnings outcomes, principally through students extending their job search horizon. Our analysis examines the entire earnings distribution rather than focussing solely upon the mean, as in common in much of the existing literature. This will provide a much clearer picture as to the true effect of mobility on earnings. We also confirm, via bivariate probit analysis, that there is a positive correlation between individual mobility decisions with regard to the location of university attended and location of employment. There are important policy implications resulting from these findings. If raising student fees or associated living costs reduces mobility, for example through choosing to live at home, this may affect future earnings with consequent impact on loan repayments. Alternatively, any subsidies provided by the Scottish and Welsh governments for local students may not help their own economies given the incentive for students to leave their country of origin post-study to increase their potential earnings.
... The estimated coefficient for plogit reveals that the likelihood of staying after completing education is closely associated with the past propensity to stay for higher education. This finding is in agreement with the earlier evidence on repeat migration (DaVanzo 1976(DaVanzo , 1983Ciriaci 2013). On the other hand, compared to movers, the decision to move back is predominantly related to the gender, age, marital status, and wage differential. ...
Improvement in human capital stock and regional economic development are associated with migration for higher education as well as with the subsequent migration of graduates. Accumulation of human capital attributable to universities’ contribution is possible not only when students are attracted to the region for their higher education, but also when graduates stay to work in the university region. Previous research makes a strong argument supporting the notion that the better the quality of the university from which a student graduates, the lower the probability that she/he will migrate after graduation. However, the manner in which the quality of the university affects student mobility might differ, given the vast regional disparities. The purpose of this study is to investigate the factors affecting the migration behavior of students and graduates under the prevailing regional dualism in Korea, using the Korean Labor and Income Panel Study. Two-stage recursive models are applied to investigate how migration choice behaviors of students and graduates in the Seoul Metropolitan Area, which has a greater concentration of political, cultural, and financial functions, differ from those in the rest of the country. The empirical results demonstrate that the probability that the student will migrate for higher education is positively affected by the quality of the university. However, the results also show that the better the quality of the university, the higher the probability that graduates will migrate after completing higher education. Such a phenomenon is much more remarkable in the lesser developed areas.
... While many of these studies adopt microeconomic principles, where the migrant is seen as economically rational, some others have indirectly taken into account non-deterministic factors. These econometric analyses have notably identified the impact on migration of variables such as gender, ethnicity, field of study, sense of belonging, etc. (see Faggian et al., 2006;Corcoran et al., 2010) and the differences between return and non-return migrants (DaVanzo, 1976). ...
This paper addresses migrations taking place during the transition from
higher education to the labour market. It analyses the reasons why graduates
do not return to their rural home region after university, with a case study
in Switzerland. Drawing on the mechanisms identified in the literature on
internal migration, I propose to conceptualize migration choice as a
combination of four logics: utilitarian (job opportunities), calculating
(financial elements), affective (social and love life) and sensitive
(residential amenities). The analysis of the motives reported by graduates
indicates that migration decisions cannot be reduced to a single dimension
(although job opportunities are central), are diverse (even within a
homogeneous group) and depend on a variety of constraints.
... Therefore, employing this type of terminology often causes confusion because it implies that social capital has production function characteristics similar to other production factors, whereas in fact that this cannot be assumed. As such, rather than using the term social capital, it would appear to be more appropriate from an analytical perspective simply to discuss these other notions of capital in terms of 'informal institutions' (Dasgupta 2000), while leaving the original Becker (1964) definition of human capital intact. By splitting up our notions of capital in this manner we are still able to focus on the role played by human capital in regional development, and to identify the additional contribution played by other production factors and other issues. ...
While migration is a largely discussed form of labor mobility, internal return migration of workers has not received much attention. Individuals return to their native or previous place either for reasons related to work, distress, or family. Not only are they returning to a place that is familiar to them in terms of language, culture, and society, but also, they may have acquired some skills before returning. Therefore, labor market outcomes for return migrants are likely to differ from those of nonmigrants, who are otherwise similar to each other in most aspects. Against this context, the paper compares the earnings of internal return migrants with nonmigrants in India using the Periodic Labor Force Survey 2020–21. To this end, the study performs ordinary least square estimation by sector (rural and urban), gender, age cohorts, and employment activity status (self‐employed, regular salaried, casual labor). As part of robustness analysis, it also uses the propensity score matching method. Both the exercises suggest that internal return migrants, on average, experience an earnings penalty in rural areas but a premium in urban areas. Also, a regular salaried internal return migrant experiences an earnings premium irrespective of the location (rural or urban). The earning pattern for men largely imitates the overall pattern. However, the earnings differential between female internal return migrants and nonmigrants is not significant as most of them migrate because of reasons other than work, like marriage. The findings of this study have significant implications, as what individuals do and how much they earn upon their return have direct consequences on the employment and income distribution of any region.
In the Finnish–Russian migratory context, return migration does not exist as such. In this article, we examine the non‐return migration of Russian‐speaking elderly migrants through the lens of the transnational everyday. The transnational everyday of Russians in Finland has, until recently, enabled their back‐and‐forth trips from Finland to Russia. The combination of Finnish and Russian migratory regimes, welfare policies, closeness of places of birth and dwelling, as well as the constantly changing and tightening geopolitical situation can be seen as explanations for the almost non‐existent return migration. This article also questions the concept of the ‘host’ and the ‘home’ society and explains that, in everyday transnational reality, which is lived ‘in between’ the ‘host’ and the ‘home’ concepts do not meet the lived experience of immigrants. The article is based on our long‐term ethnographic work on immigration in the Finnish province North Karelia since the beginning of the 2000s. We have used ethnographic data (interviews, observations, ethnographic and autoethnographic notes) accumulated during our long‐term studies in the Finnish–Russian border area. We are committed to a transnational multisited methodology. Additionally, our view is situated in border and everyday ethnography and in narrative ethnography. As a result of the study, we conclude that the contemporary geopolitical situation with the closure of the border in 2023 forces elderly Russian‐speaking immigrants to become immobile, or at least diminish their travels to Russia. The everyday transnational ties of Russian speakers in Finland are now possible only in virtual forms or through laborious and expensive back‐and‐forth trips through Estonia, Norway, Turkey or some other third countries. This situation has tied elderly Russian speakers even more closely to Finnish society and its welfare system. The closure of the border has affected social ties of ageing Russian immigrants in different ways: Some are keen to keep up social relations despite political disagreement, but some social relations have, however, severed.
Research question: Migration studies have confirmed that migrants are associated with higher lifetime gains and social mobility than non-migrants. As hard-to-reach population, although Taiwan indigenous peoples (TIPs) are much more migratory than the ordinary people, it is contradictory to see that poverty and inequality remain persistent and prevalent among TIPs. Data and methodology: The research utilizes record linkage and geocoding methods to build anonymized population dynamics data, based on household register from 2013 to 2018. Using this longitudinally linked data, the research unveils the entangled features of population dynamics in TIPs. With a focus on the effects of income inequality in the context of systemic barriers and structural factors, the research explores migration dynamics in primary, return, and onward migrations in the context of regional inequality. Main research findings: (1) migration of TIPs is characterized by migration between areas of high income-high inequality and areas of low income-low inequality; (2) TIPs are much more migratory in areas of high income-high inequality than in areas of low income-low inequality; inequality in wealthy areas outweighs income in triggering migration, but migration in areas with high poverty and low inequality is triggered by low income gain; (3) repeat migration, particularly the return type, is characterized by a net gain of migrants moving from low poverty but high inequality areas into areas with high poverty but low inequality; (4) Onward migration of TIPs counters existing findings. The main reason why migration is less likely to promote TIPs social mobility is due to weak ethnic and socioeconomic connections and systemic barriers between TIPs and non-TIPs population.
Are return migrants “losers” who fail to adapt to the challenges of the host economy, thereby exacerbating the brain drain linked to emigration? Or are they “winners” whose return enhances the human and physical capital of the home country? This article analyzes databases constructed from the 1911 Irish population and 1910 US censuses to address these issues for returnees to Ireland from North America more than a century ago. The evidence suggests that returnees had the edge over Ireland’s population, but not those who stayed on in the US in terms of human capital, as proxied by occupation and literacy; returning couples also had fewer children than the stay-at-homes, and their children spent longer at school. It also shows that returnees were less likely to return to the poorer regions of Ireland.
Relying on data of four waves of the German Emigration and Remigration Panel Study (GERPS), it was possible to observe multiple international moves of the same couples during a time span of two years (n = 478). A majority (about 55 %) of second time migrating couples indicated a change in their decision-making pattern. Regression results confirmed that changes in individual negotiation power after the first move was a significant predictor for changes in the decision-making process of female partners migrating multiple times. There is also evidence that migration negotiations between two partners could include binding agreements for multiple subsequent geographical future moves (“package deals”). Taking shifts in the power distribution and the possibility of package deals into account shed new light on the debate about male-dominated family migration decisions.
In previous studies of migration, return migration is usually considered a behavior determined by negative self-selection. This study pools data from three waves of the China College Student Survey (2010, 2013, and 2015) to explore the return migration behavior of Chinese college graduates and its impact on their labor market performance. The results show that graduate return migrants have advantages in terms of family background, although they do not perform as well in terms of human capital. Relative to graduate nonreturn migrants, return migrants have a greater chance of securing positions in governmental organizations, and this advantage is reinforced by family political capital. In addition, income analysis shows that return migrants seem to have an advantage over nonreturn migrants when the effects of migrant selectivity are considered. This study systematically discusses the monetary and occupational returns to return migration of highly educated individuals in a non-Western context, and has important implications for our understanding of the relationship between migration and social inequality.
The extant literature on international immigrants has discussed migrants’ entrepreneurial activities in the context of Western countries but has paid little attention to return-home entrepreneurial intention (RHEI). Rural migrant workers (RMWs) in China, who used to promote rural development by remittances and were characterized by similarities with early international migrants, have gradually returned to their hometowns to initiate entrepreneurial activities. Based on the structured questionnaire conducted in 2015 and 2020 in Anhui Province, China, this article combines the concept of mixed embeddedness with the idea of double-layered embeddedness and analyzes the impacts of the social, economic and institutional context in RMWs’ hometowns and migration destinations on RMWs’ RHEI by using binary logistic regression. The article shows that the social, economic, and institutional environments of RMWs’ hometowns and migration destinations have effects on their RHEI. The embeddedness in the economic and informal institutional context in RMWs’ RHEI is even more important than personal characteristics. Compared with migration destinations, RMWs’ hometowns exert a more influential effect on their RHEI. However, that does not mean that the role of migration destinations can be undervalued. Actually, the better the social, economic, and institutional environments of migration destinations RMWs moved into is, the higher entrepreneurial intention they will have after returning to their hometowns. The article proposes a modified framework in combination of mixed embeddedness with double-layer embeddedness and proves that it is suitable for analyzing RMWs’ RHEI. The framework has important implications for strengthening China’s RMWs to return home to start their own businesses.
We explore the relationship between university graduates’ early career decisions and their interregional mobility. We focus on the immediate entry of graduates in the labor market, analyzing the antecedents and relations of their career decisions (self-employment vs. salaried job) and mobility choices (staying in their university region or moving). We use a longitudinal dataset of 3,436 students from 62 Italian universities surveyed at graduation and one year later. We find that self-employment most likely occurs among those who study and stay in their home region, as well as those who study in a different region and return to their home one. Conversely, salaried positions are more appealing to those who, after graduation, move to a region other than their home one. Individual characteristics explain the decision to enter self-employment or accept a salaried job. In contrast, the decision to move or stay is mainly affected by contextual factors.
The chapter includes a discussion of European and Polish academic literature on the sociology of return migration to the mid-1970s and studies on return migration (in a number of disciplines) from that time to the present. The author discusses the pros and cons of several mid-range theories in various disciplines (sociology, economics, psychology, geography, and anthropology). Having determined the real constraints of such theories the author turns to grand theories and provides his own theoretical framework based on an original synthesis of Margaret Archer’s (Making our Way through the World: Human Reflexivity and Social Mobility, Leiden: Cambridge University Press, 2007) social realism and Alfred Schütz’s (1945) phenomenology. Once the theoretical framework has been defined the author discusses his methodological procedure, research techniques, and tools.
The assessment of returns from migration lies at the very heart of migration research. While a growing body of literature examines the links between migration and well-being, dynamic relationships require further elaboration. Using the longest running, nationally representative panel study with information on well-being, the German Socio-Economic Panel (1985–2016) this article addresses two essential, as yet unresolved, questions: How does the favourable self-selection of economic migrants affect their well-being before relocation?How does the well-being of economic migrants develop when individuals approach migration, and thereafter?
Results show that—although favourably selected regarding determinants of well-being—economically motivated migrants are not happier before relocating than those who stay. Furthermore, economic migration has a causal impact on well-being, net of both observed and unobserved differences between migrants and stayers. This impact is transitory for women and long-lasting for men. For men, the results corroborate the view that migration enables access to opportunity structures favouring the pursuit of individual happiness. Results also differ by migration type: While long-distance movers and return migrants show a period of depressed happiness before a move, these findings do not hold for short-distance and onward migrants. Furthermore, moving towards urban areas results in stronger permanent effects than moving towards rural areas.
This paper explores the relationship between human trafficking and geographies of stigma. We introduce post‐trafficking contexts as important settings for understanding how geographical imaginaries underpin the everyday occurrence of stigma for those who have experienced human trafficking. We show how a focus on trafficking can speak back to some of the core migration literatures in Geography, highlighting new agendas with a particular focus on the how, where and why of stigma. The paper draws on qualitative research in Nepal and interviews with 46 women who have experienced trafficking, to explain how geographies of stigma circumscribe the agency of returnees and affect their livelihoods and mobilities. It examines themes of spatial differentiation, territorialisation and scalar processes in relation to the production and navigation of stigma. It shows how post‐trafficking is given meaning and expressed through spatial form and relations, which become manifest in scalar hierarchies of stigma. The argument highlights how these hierarchies are anchored through trafficking routes and destinations. It contrasts village and city settings as potential sites of return, bringing centre stage the role of the city in mediating returnee’s experiences. The analysis indicates how the categories of migrant and trafficked women are co‐produced through bureaucratisation processes. The documents and identificatory practices at the heart of state and non‐state interventions help produce the terms of in/visibility and social recognition for migrant women who often want to remain hidden. At the same time, they also reproduce some of the practices and mechanisms that underpin trafficking, thereby shaping the rejection, harassment and abuse that comes with geographies of stigma for returnee women.
El estudio de la movilidad geográfica no es algo nuevo, más bien el interés se acrecienta en tiempos de crisis económica. Esto es debido a que la movilidad geográfica suele adquirir una importancia central en la búsqueda de empleo cuando las opciones son limitadas, convirtiéndose, para muchos migrantes, en una estrategia de supervivencia. En el presente artículo se repasarán los principios que giran en torno al concepto de movilidad geográfica, un campo de investigación en auge, producto de las innumerables salidas de trabajadores migrantes a causa de la crisis económica acontecida en España en 2008. Para ello, se tendrán en cuenta los distintos tipos de movilidad (retorno, circularidad y reemigración) y las teorías que giran en torno a ella. Posteriormente, se analizará, a partir de los estudios más recientes, la movilidad geográfica internacional como estrategia de supervivencia, haciendo un repaso por el papel de las redes sociales, familiares y la perspectiva transnacional como escenario de análisis. Por último, indagaremos sobre la idoneidad de la etnografía multisituada como modelo teórico-metodológico en el estudio de la misma.
Bilgi, İnsan Kaynakları Ve Ekonomik İklimin İnovasyon Üzerine Olan Etkisinin Araştırılması
Turkish Abstract: Bu çalışmanın amacı bilgi ekonomilerinde rekabet gücü oluşturulması perspektifinde inovasyon kavramının dünya genelinde analiz edilmesi amaçlanmaktadır. İçsel düzeyde olan eğitim ve insan kaynaklarının inovasyona olan etkisi ve dışsal düzeyde ekonomik teşviklerin inovasyona olan etkisi incelenmektedir. İnovasyonun bir bütün halinde bilgi ve dış faktörler ile olan etkilerinin incelenmesi ve ülkeler arasında yapısal farklılıkların ortaya konulması hedeflenmektedir.
(Research Proposal)
English Abstract: Innovation has been become an essential part of the economies after 1990s. The companies which want to lead to markets need to concentrate on its R&D development activities. Hence human capital and economic environment are crucial for companies to gain market and competitive advantage. The aim of establishing competitiveness in the knowledge economy in the world of work is intended to analyze the concept of innovation perspective.
This paper investigates whether migration promotes occupational mobility and whether different types of migrants benefit equally from the migration experience. Results from a lagged regression model of 1970 occupational attainment clearly indicate that recent migrants are substantially more likely to be upwardly occupationally mobile than nonmigrants and, among whites, receive greater returns on educational attainment. Previous migration experiences did not uniformly result in greater mobility among whites, but did among blacks. It is suggested that this racial difference is due to blacks experiencing a substantial increase in opportunities for advancement during the 1965–1970 period.
The purpose of this article is to extend the empirical literature on Chicano return migration by examining earnings differentials between return and onward Chicano migrants. Our approach reflects the complexity of estimating such effects in terms of selectivity biases and the interaction between individual and locational attributes. We use data derived from the public use microdata sample (PUMS) of the 1990 U.S. census. After controlling for migration and labor force self-selection, results indicate that Chicano return migrants are not negatively self-selected. Chicano return migrants have smaller earnings profiles largely due to the negative effects of living in areas with higher concentrations of co-ethnics. Apparently, return migrants, at least in the short run, are willing to accept lower earnings for the nonpecuniary benefits of living in the Southwest.
This study uses an integrated human capital framework to examine the relationship between human capital, employment and ethnic factors and return migration to the Southwest among Chicanos. The sample used in the study is derived from the 1980 Public Use Microdata Samples and contains 1,926 Chicano householders between the ages of 25 and 64 who were born in one of five southwest states, lived outside of this region in 1975, and worked in the civilian labor force at any time between 1975 and 1980. The results suggest that various human capital, employment and ethnic composition variables are important predictors of Chicano return migration.
Hypotheses about remigration by immigrants are investigated using longitudinal data from the 1970s for immigrants to Israel. The main finding is that experience of unemployment during the first year in Israel does not, on the whole, help predict subsequent remigration. The propensity to remigrate varies inversely with age for most groups, and it increases if the immigrant has not acquired permanent housing. Immigrants on temporary resident visas are naturally more prone to remigrate in the short run. The well-educated and the young are more likely to be temporary residents.
Onward migration is a rising issue in migration studies as a consequence of the growing complexity
in migration patterns worldwide. This paper analyses historic and economic reasons behind the
recent surge of onward migration from Southern European countries and, more specifically, Italy.
Using 2014 ORIM data about short‐term onward migration intentions and a logistic regression
model, the paper explores factors that select aspirant onward migrants from Italy. The model tests
the effects of socio‐demographic and economic factors. The results of the study question the idea
of citizenship as the highest level of integration in the host country and suggest that the recent
wave of onward migration from Italy is mainly a reactive phenomenon triggered by the economic
crisis. Most of all, this study explicitly underlines the role of gender in shaping intentions of
short‐term onward migration in Italy. The gender‐sensible approach adopted in the present study
shows the important role of women in the decision‐making process of couples: female unemployment
significantly increases intentions of onward migration, and the migration is also considered as
an opportunity for the spouse and a gain in the economic prospects of the entire family.
Conversely, female employment has a significant role in preventing onward migration.
Using panel data from a German graduate survey, we analyse determinants of graduates’ decisions to out-migrate from a region and how the importance of these determinants varies over job changes. Estimating Heckman and fixed-effects Heckman selection models, we find that the propensity to out-migrate significantly varies with graduates’ migration experience as well as individual, study-related and regional characteristics. While previous migration remains a strong determinant of migration over job changes, the importance of other covariates decreases. The origin-region perspective of our study provides insights into the public provision of higher education as its returns depend on graduates’ interregional migration.
The labor market adaptation or performance of immigrants is of concern to policymakers for several reasons. Immigrant adjustment determines, in part, their income, and hence their economic well-being level of poverty, receipt of public transfers, and tax payments, among other variables of policy relevance (see, for example, Blau, 1984; Simon, 1989). Their adjustment also determines the level of skill they supply to the destination labor market, and this, of course, has implications for the relative supply of factors of production, and hence on relative factor prices and the impact of immigrants on the macroeconomy (see, for example, Chiswick, Chiswick, and Karras, 1992). Furthermore, the labor market performance of immigrants in the destination is an important determinant of the supply of immigrants; immigration responds positively to higher wage rates and greater employment opportunities in a destination (see, for example, Jerome, 1926; Sjaastad, 1962; Schwartz, 1976; Greenwood and McDowell, 1982).
This study aims to clarify U-turn migration, i.e., the return migration of people who once left peripheral regions for metropolitan areas in Japan. U-turn migration has been widely discussed, but it has not been satisfactorily substantiated due to a lack of adequate data. We conducted a questionnaire survey of male graduates from 12 highschools in Nagano Prefecture (1956-1958, 1966-1968, and 197.6-1978 graduates). We investigated their migration histories and, in those cases in which the relocation was a U-turn, their reasons for migrating. Twelve thousand questionnaire sheets were distributed, and 3, 825 were returned.
The analysis of the survey results revealed, first, that the rate of U-turn migration from the three largest metropolitan areas to Nagano was progressively higherr for the younger generation. Among the younger generation, the return migration at graduation from university accounted for the largest proportion of all the U-turn migration, reflecting a rise in educational background.
Second, the majority of the U-turn migrants returned to the municipalities where they had grown up, and the tendency gradually became stronger. Although U-turn migrants contributed to the population growth of the leading cities in the prefecture, attention must be paid to the role of the migrants who came directly from other municipalities in the prefecture to the leading cities.
Third, our analysis confirmed that a man's decision to U-turn was affected by his academic background and by whether he was the eldest son, as suggested by previous research. This study, however, also demonstrated that the wife's birthplace was a much stronger factor in U-turn decisions. In other words, graduates who married women born and raised in Nagano Prefecture were more likely to return than those who married women from other prefectures.
Fourth, among the graduates whose U-turn migration was accompanied by a job change, the obstacles to relocation were perceived to be the shortage of desirable jobs in Nagano Prefecture and the accompanying decrease in income. These obstacles were verified by analyzing the respondents' objective conditions, such as the actual change in their income level.
Finally, in terms of the timing of a U-turn migration with job change, it was revealed that the majority of the migrants studied had returned to Nagano within five to eight years after first getting a job. This indicates that U-turn migration mostly took place in a relatively early phase of their lives in metropolitan areas. Therefore it can be concluded that U-turn migration is an option that the young migrant population who once migrated from rural regions may choose at the first turning-point in their careers, with relatively little restrictions due to occupational and residential choice.
Estimating False Migrations in Spain
In Spain, apart from statistical sources such as population censuses or surveys, the Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales is also used to study migration among the population residing, legally or illegally, in the country. The advantage of using this source – which is linked to the Municipal Population Registers – is that it provides a constantly updated record of inter-municipal migrations among the whole population, through which individual migratory trajectories can be constructed. Despite recent attempts to improve its quality, however, it may provide a distorted perspective of migration, as there is no guarantee that all its registrations are associated with real migrations. Through the reconstruction of the « migratory lives » of the resident population, this study covers the extent of the false migration phenomenon in Spain in the period 2003-2005.
Out-Migration of Immigrants in Spain
Almost 5% of immigrants residing in Spain took the decision to leave the country in 2009. Spain has recently become a receiving country for international immigrants and the phenomenon of out-migration of this type is on the rise. However, not all out-migration involves a return to the country of origin. The aim of this paper is to provide some insights into the analysis of out-migration of Spanish immigrants, classifying it as either return or non-return out-migration, for the period 2002-2009. The effects of the available socio-demographic variables, and certain destination and origin variables of the migrants, on the probability of a return outflow of Spanish immigrants are analysed. The main results are that Asian, African and Latin-American out-migrants residing in Spain have lower probabilities of returning to their birth country. At the same time, an increase in GDP per capita in the destination country or an increase in the unemployment rate of the origin region increases the probability of non-return out-migration, which is usually more motivated by economic factors than return migration. Additionally, the greater the share of migrants in the population of the region of residence, the greater the probability that out-migrants will return home.
This research has two purposes. First, it examines individual- and household-level factors related to the propensity to move.
The findings reveal that mobility is largely a matter of habitual movers changing residence repeatedly and frequently. The
second objective is concerned with strengthening the foundation for projecting aggregate levels of mobility: (1) how does
repeated movement manifest itself at the metropolitan scale? and (2) for predictive purposes, which aggregate indices capture
the most important features of local population composition? Mobility rates were found to vary principally with the prevalence
of chronic movers in an SMSA. These findings have several implications for policies designed to guide future population distribution.
First, an SMSA’s capacity to correct local manpower imbalances by exchanging human capital with other areas may depend partially
on its relative abundance of habitual movers. Second, the likelihood that new cities would attract disproportionate numbers
of hypermobile persons might enhance their role within the framework of a broader distribution policy. The question posed
here is whether high intrinsic levels of population turnover in some cities might fit into a larger strategy for realigning
population growth and distribution nationally.
The differential characteristics of streams of migration are regarded as consequences of social and cultural constraints upon the head of a household. These constraints are expressed in terms of occupation of head of household. Environmental and structural factors will be mediated by the degree of future orientation and the degree of local orientation characterizing various occupations. Deductions for several characteristics of streams are made and supporting data are included.
The purpose of this discussion is to develop the concepts and tools with which to determine the influence of migration as an equilibrating mechanism in a changing economy. Some of the important costs and returns to migration--both public and private--are identified and to a limited extent methods for estimating them are devised. This treatment places migration in a resource allocation framework because it deals with migration as a means to promoting efficient resource allocation and because migration is an activity which requires resources. Within this framework the goal is to determine the return to investment in migration rather than to relate rates of migration to income differentials. The studies of net migration conducted thus far partially reveal the functioning of the labor market yet they provide little more than the fact that net migration is in the "right" direction. The estimated response magnitude of net migration to gaps in earnings is of little value in gauging the effectiveness of migration as an equilibrator. There are several alternative approaches. 1 simple approach is to compare rates of (gross) migration with changes in earnings over time. Numerous compositional corrections would be required and this approach would still have to answer the difficult question of how much equalization of earnings should be brought about by a given amount of migration. A better alternative at least analytically is to cast the problem strictly as one of resource allocation. To do this migration is treated as an investment increasing the productivity of human resources an investment which has costs and which also renders returns. The private costs can be broken down into money and nonmoney costs. The money costs include out of pocket expenses of movement and the nonmoney costs include foregone earnings and the psychic costs of changing ones environment. For any particular indivdual the money returns to migration will consist of a positive or negative increment to his real earnings streams to be obtained by moving to another place. This increment will arise from a change in nominal earnings a change in costs of employment a change in prices or a combination of these three. It was found that psychic costs of migration can be ignored since they involve no resource cost. Likewise nonmoney returns arising from locational preferences should be ignored to the extent that they represent consumption which has a zero cost of production. In sum migration cannot be viewed in isolation. Complementary investments in the human agent are probably as important or more important than the migration process itself.
Application of human capital concepts to migration holds promise, not only for calculating “gains and losses,” but also for conceptualizing and analyzing empirically both individual and social investment choices regarding the locus, duration, and sequences of schooling and experiential learning.In discussing aggregative measures, stress is placed upon the desirability of assessing gross flows, of properly disaggregating migrant populations (including attention to locus of schooling and experience) before attaching human capital values, and of sorting out the substantial remigration component in migration figures. Taking into account the existence of differentiated markets in which people sell their services leads to speculations concerning the role of “package migration” and remigration in diffusion of skills and know-how.The cost-benefit models presented are human investment models which begin with an individual viewpoint but which are transformed into social decision models as parameters are readjusted to allow for cost and income transfers, as individually expected earnings are replaced by socially expected or realized productive contributions and as probability values are applied to allow for rates of return or nonreturn of migrants. They are illustrated with respect to choices among training alternatives and choices among policies for importing manpower.Suggestions are made throughout the article for new census tabulations which would allow more sophisticated application of human capital concepts to migration.
In the study of rural migration, the primary focus has been on rural to urban movement. Recent evidence suggests that for many areas of the US a dramatic shift in migration patterns has occurred in which the counterstream migration has increased greatly. In this article an assessment is made of the current state of knowledge concerning counterstream migration. The available literature is reviewed concerning 2 components of counterstream migration: return and primary. For each of these types, propositions concerning the volume and characteristics of the migrants are drawn and given ratings depending on the amount of evidence available. The literature about counterstream migration in total is limited. Primary migration has been studied very little, while return migration has been examined a limited number of times. Findings support the conclusion that a large amount of research remains to be done in the area. (5 p ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Argues that Black migration to the South has progressed from a little noticed movement to a major migrative stream. Attempts are made to show the significance of the migration through a careful description of the migrant's characteristics. Small families and younger people with fewer responsibilities were more likely to return to the South. Higher level of education and income also were cited as relating positively to the trend to migrate. Social factors followed by economic factors were most often given as reasons for migration to the South. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Las datos tomados de una tablo especial delcenso de 1960 en la cual se clasifican en forma cruzada lo sestados de nacimiento
y de residencia en 1955 y el estado de residencia en 1960, permiten examinar las inferencias relacionadas con el papely las
características de las migraciones de retorno y su in fluencia en las tasas de migración neta. Estas inferencias se desarrollan
a base de análisis anteriores de las series históricas de las migraciones interestatales durante el periodo comprendido entre
1870 y 1950 y de las estadísticas sobre la migración bruta durante ciertos períodos recientes. Los nuevos datos, la mayoría
de los cuales debe analizarse por divisiones, indican que:
1.
Los migrantes primarios (personas que en 1955 residían en su estado de nacimento y en cualquiera otra parte en 1960), forman
el grueso de las migraciones interestatales e intraestatales y constituyen el principal elemento determinante de la dirección
dominante de los corrientes migratorias.
2.
Los migrantes de retorno (personas que en 1955 vivían fuera de su estado de nacimiento, pero que en 1960 residían en él),
tienden a moverse en contra de la dirección dominante o prevaleciente de las corrientes migratorias.
3.
Las migraciones de retorno constituyen una proporción mayor de las migraciones de sentido contrario que de las migraciones
dominantes.
4.
Los migrantes secundarios (personas queen 1955 vivían fuera de su estado de nacimiento y en un estado distinto en 1960), se
mueven preponderantemente siguiendo las corrientes migratorias dominantes, pero, al igual que los migrantes de retorno, pesan
más en las migraciones de sentido contrario que en las migraciones dominantes.
5.
Los migrantes secundarios y de retorno son más viejos que los primarios. Un migrante no puede ser un migrante de retorno o
un migrante secundario sino deepués de haber sido un migrante primario.
6.
Debido a queen conjunto los migrantes de retorno y los migrantes secundarios constituyen una mayor proporción de las migraciones
en sentido contrario que de la migraciones dominantes, las migraciones en sentido contrario presentan una edad media algo
más elevada que las migraciones dominantes y las tasas alcanzan su ápice en un grupo de edad más avanzada, siendo el diferencial
de los máximos resultado directo de las migraciones de retorno.
7.
La diferencia entre las tasas de migración dominante y de migración de retorno, tasas de corriente neta en el sentido de las
corrientes dominantes, muestra un máximo acentuado en la edad de movilidad máxima (20–24 años en 1960) y una depresión en
la edad en que las tasas de retorno alcanzan su máximo (25–29 añ en 1960).
Estas comprobaciones tienden a confirmar las hipótesis anteriores, pero la existencia de importantes corrientes migratorias
unidas al movimiento de ingreso a las fuerzas armadas y de retiro de las mismas y de una considerable migración vinculada
al retiro, constituyen condiciones especiales que arrojan algunas dudas acerca de aquellos elementos de los datos de 1960
que son confirmativos con respecto a las hipotesis y aquellos queno lo son. Se espera queel análisis de los datos relativos
a las mujeres y a los migrantes de color, quienes se ven menos afectados por estas condiciones, y el análisis de los movimientos
dominante y de retorno en corrientes individuales entre divisiones internasde los estados permitan conocer mas a fondo el
problema que significa medir la importancia y los efecioe de las migraciones de retorno.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri--Columbia, 1968. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Microfilm.
Thesis--University of California, Los Angeles. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-119). Microfilm.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri, 1973. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
Thesis--University of Michigan. Bibliography: leaves 179-184. Photocopy of typescript.
The rate of return migration to the South rose by nearly 19 percent between the late 1950's and the late 1960's and was an important factor in changing the South's overall migration pattern. But an increase in the rate of return migration was somewhat less important in changing Southern migration than (1) a decline in the rate of out-migration of native Southerners and (2) an increase in the rate at which non-Southern-born persons move to the South. The probability of former migrants returning to the South was over four times greater for whites than for blacks in the 1955-1960 period and three and one-fourth times greater in the 1965-1970 period. Since 1970 the rate of return migration has apparently continued to rise at a faster rate for blacks, but the black rate of return migration is still below the white rate.
“Migration as Investment: Some Further Considerations,”
- William C Apgar
A Study of the Economic Consequences of Rural-to-Urban Migration
- Daniel O Price
“Counterstream Migration of Black People to the South: Data from the 1970 Public Use Sample,”
- R R Campbell
- D M Johnson
- G J Stangler
An Analytical Framework for Assessing the Potential Effects of An Income Maintenance Program on U.S. Interregional Migration, R-1081-EDA
- Julie Davanzo
“The Effect of Income and Education on Inter-Regional Migration,”
- O' Neill
The Causes of Rural-to-Urban Migration Among the Poor. Berkeley: Institute for Urban and Regional Development
- Frederick C Collignon
Black Return Migration to a Southern Metropolitan Community
- M Johnsondaniel