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Comment on ‘The climate mitigation gap: education and government recommendations miss the most effective individual actions’

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Wynes and Nicholas (2017a Environ. Res. Lett. 12 1–9) recently published an article that reviewed academic and grey literature to identify the most impactful individual actions for reducing carbon emissions in developed countries, identifying having 'one fewer child' as by far the most impactful action. This action was recommended with little context considering its controversial nature. We argue that there are three issue-areas that Wynes and Nicholas should have engaged with to improve the clarity of their recommendations and reduced the potential for misunderstanding, which are (1) the extent to which individual actions in one's private life can address climate change in relation to collective actions and actions in the professional sphere (2) the role of overconsumption in driving climate change and (3) the extent to which family planning is a human right. We also suggest that engagement with these issue-areas are a step towards a better practice in academic writing on population as an environmental issue.
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Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018) 068001 https://doi.org/10.1088/1748-9326/aac9d0
COMMENT
Second comment on ‘The climate mitigation gap:
education and government recommendations miss the
most effective individual actions’
Rebecca Laycock Pedersen1,2,4and David P M Lam3
1School of Geography, Geology and the Environment at Keele University, Keele, Staffordshire, ST5 5BG, United Kingdom
2The Department of Strategic Sustainable Development at Blekinge Institute of Technology, Valhallavägen 1, 371 41 Karlskrona, Sweden
3Leuphana University, Faculty of Sustainability, Institute for Ethics and Transdisciplinary Sustainability Research, Universit¨
atsallee 1,
21335 L¨
uneburg, Germany
4Author to whom any correspondence should be addressed.
OPEN ACCESS
RECEIVED
4 January 2018
ACCEPTED FOR PUBLICATION
4 June 2018
PUBLISHED
2 July 2018
Original content from
this work may be used
under the terms of t he
Creative Commons
Attribution 3. 0 licence.
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of this work must
maintain attrib ution to
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E-mail: r.laycock@keele.ac.uk
Keywords: behaviour change, birth control, consumption, climate change, collective action, family planning, sustainability
Abstract
Wynes and Nicholas (2017a Environ. Res. Lett. 12 1–9) recently published an article that reviewed
academic and grey literature to identify the most impactful individual actions for reducing carbon
emissions in developed countries, identifying having one fewer childas by far the most impactful
action. This action was recommended with little context considering its controversial nature. We
argue that there are three issue-areas that Wynes and Nicholas should have engaged with to improve
the clarity of their recommendations and reduced the potential for misunderstanding, which are (1)
the extent to which individual actions in ones private life can address climate change in relation to
collective actions and actions in the professional sphere (2) the role of overconsumption in driving
climate change and (3) the extent to which family planning is a human right. We also suggest that
engagement with these issue-areas are a step towards a better practice in academic writing on
population as an environmental issue.
Introduction
Wynes and Nicholas (2017a) recently published an
article that reviewed academic and grey literature to
identify the most impactful individual actions for
reducing carbon emissions in developed countries.
They then compared these recommendations to those
that were presented in high school textbooks and
government documents, finding that education and
government recommendations miss the most effective
individual actions: having one fewer child, living car-
free, avoiding airplane travel, and eating a plant-based
diet(Wynes and Nicholas 2017a,p.8).
In this comment, we focus on the recommended
action of having one fewer childand offer three sug-
gestions for how Wynes and Nicholas (2017a)could
have written about the aforementioned recommenda-
tion in a more nuanced, clear, and ethical way. We focus
on only one of the four recommended actions because
the reported emissions savings of having one fewer
childwas over 24 times greater than the second highest
emissions-saving action, living car-free.Furthermore,
the extensive media coverage has almost exclusively
featured this recommendation. In spite of being by
far the most impactful individual action they identi-
fied, the recommendation to have one fewer childwas
not unpacked in the paper. This may be because of
the controversial nature of this suggested action (Beck
and Kolankiewicz 2000) and the authors wanting not
to draw attention away from the other recommended
actions. However, regardless of the authorsintentions,
attention was drawn away from the other recommen-
dations by the sheer magnitude of difference between
having one fewer childand the other recommended
actions, and indeed, further clarity on the aforemen-
tioned action could have actually refocused attention
towards the other recommended actions, as we will
outline below.
The recommendation to have one fewer child
waspickedupinthemediaandsubjecttoconsider-
able controversy. Some of the attention was celebratory
(Carrington 2017,Edmiston2017,Perkins2017), and
© 2018 The Author(s). Published by IOP Publishing Ltd
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018) 068001 R L Pedersen and D P M Lam
some was critical (Lane 2017,Laurence2017,Lu2017,
Lukacs 2017). While scholars cannot control how their
work is taken up by the media, they do have control
over the information they provide in their own pub-
lications. Scholars faced with interdisciplinary topics,
such as climate change, can inadvertently find them-
selves engaged in debates without being able to provide
the contextual information that such interdisciplinary
topics require. This can be due to publication require-
ments, the complexity of interdisciplinary topics, or
the limit of the authorsown expertise and knowledge.
There was some contextual information about the
recommendation to have one fewer childthat wasnt
acknowledged in Wynes and Nicholas(2017a)arti-
cle. The missing contextual information included: (1)
the limits of individual actions in ones private life
to address climate change, (2) the role of overcon-
sumption in driving climate change, and (3) the extent
to which family planning is a human right. Some
of these gaps were picked up on in a frequently
asked questionsinformation sheet made available
following the media attention (Wynes and Nicholas
2017b). However, the omission of this information
from the article came across as being underpinned
by a range of unintended unspoken (and even politi-
cised) assumptions, which have now been made
visible by the media:
in some ways (the article) will just reinforce the sus-
picion of the political right that the threat of climate
change is simply a cover for reducing peoples freedom
to live as they want(Carrington 2017)
(as an individual, you are) responsible for bearing the
burden of potential ecological collapse(Lukacs 2017)
the study obscures the single most salient fact about
individual carbon emissions, namely that wealthy peo-
ple produce way more(italics in original, Roberts 2017)
the [...] study is very obviously politicized science(Lu
2017)
We dont foresee an end to disagreement and con-
tention within discussions about the growing global
population as an environmental issue, but we also feel
that treating this issue as a taboo subject increases
polarisation of viewpoints. Therefore, we assert that
through providing necessary contextual information
more nuanced debates can take place, resulting in bet-
ter clarity on the subject, as well as more sensitivity,
tact, and compassion.
The remainder of this comment will be spent out-
lining contextual information Wynes and Nicholas
(2017a) would have benefitted from accompanying
their recommendation to have one fewer childwith.
More broadly, these suggestions to Wynes and Nicholas
(2017a) will also double as useful guidelines for other
scholars discussing population as an environmental
issue. They will enable scholars to clarify their argu-
ments and findings in order to mitigate potential
misunderstandings, while also enabling them to be
straightforward and transparent about their assump-
tions and beliefs and how these shape their research.
What we offer in this comment is a starting point
of how to write about population as an environmental
issue by considering three suggestions we will outline
below, and striving for nuance, higher-level under-
standing, and ultimately, a better world to live in.
These suggestions arent intended to be prescriptive,
but rather to start a conversation on how to engage in
the population debate in the context of environmental
degradation in both a scholarly and ethical manner.
Suggestion 1: Acknowledge the limitations to
addressing environmental challenges using individ-
ual actions in the private sphere
Our first suggestion for Wynes and Nicholas (2017a)is
that their article would have benefitted from acknowl-
edging the limitations of reducing carbon emissions
using individual actions in the private sphere. Actions
to address climate change (as well as other environ-
mental issues) can be taken by independent individuals
or collectively by groups, and they can be taken in
private life or professional life (see table 1). Wynes
and Nicholas (2017a) have written specifically about
individual actions that could be taken in private life,
however, effective actions can also be taken collectively
by groups and/or in professional life.
First we will draw attention to the importance of
collective actions and how they interact with individ-
ual actions. Wynes and Nicholas (2017a)choseto
focus on individual actions because national policies
and major energy transformations often take decades
to change locked-in infrastructure and institutions,
but behavioural shifts have the potential to be more
rapid and widespread(p. 1). While it is true that
individuals have an important role to play in address-
ing climate change, professional organisations, such
as governments, businesses, and professionalised non-
governmental organisations, as well as groups of people
acting collectively in the private sphere, such as social
clubs and community groups, need to take leadership
in this arena as well. Changing behaviour to miti-
gate climate change is a complex challenge (Brekke
and Johansson-Stenman 2008, Gneezy et al 2011),
as is the relationship between individual and col-
lective actions. Recommending individual actions to
reduce carbon emissions without showing the relation-
ship between individual and collective responsibilities
could be insufficient and even lead to adverse effects
(Obradovich and Guenther 2016, Stoll-Kleemann et al
2001, Markowitz and Shariff 2012).Therolethat
individual choices play within the wider landscape of
transitioning to a low-carbon future was insufficiently
explored in Wynes and Nicholas(2017a)paper,and
as a result it has been interpreted that Wynes and
Nicholas (2017a) were suggesting that (as an individ-
ual, you are) responsible for bearing the burden of
potential ecological collapse(Lukacs 2017).
2
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018) 068001 R L Pedersen and D P M Lam
Table 1. The actors that can take action to reduce their carbon emissions and spheres of life in which they can reduce their carbon emissions.
Private life Professional life
Individual actions Individuals acting independently in their private lives
(i.e. an individual switching off the lights at home, an
individual choosing rail rather than air travel for a
holiday)
Individuals acting within or on behalf of an
organisation in their job roles
(ie. a purchasing manager of a company writing a policy
requiring all staff to choose rail travel rather than air travel
for trips within 1000 km, an IT worker setting up
auto-sleepon their companys computers to save energy)
Collective actions Groups of people acting together in their private lives
(i.e. an environmental club organising an Earth Hour
campaign, a community association choosing a green
energy supplier for their community centre)
Groups of people acting together in a professional
organisation
(i.e. a university divesting from fossil fuels, a company
investing in solar panels for the roof of their building)
Now we will draw attention to the role of individual
actions in the professional sphere.WynesandNicholas
focused on lifestyle choices,and only acknowledged
individual actions in the professional sphere in their
analysis of recommended actions in government doc-
uments (p. 2). Influence employers actionswas
classified as a civic action,and this action was only pre-
sented in figures and not in the main text (Wynes and
Nicholas 2017a, p. 5–6). Choosing to focus on lifestyle
choices may have been pragmatic, because individuals
job remits and agency in their job roles vary so dra-
matically that any calculation of the carbon emission
reduction potential of professional actionson a broad
scale would be meaningless. However, many of the
more substantial contributions individuals can make to
reducing carbon emissions happen in select individuals
professional lives. For example, the head of purchas-
ing of a large organisation may be able to make much
more substantial reductions in their organisationscar-
bon emissions through changing their organisations
purchasing guidelines than they could ever make by
reducing the number of children they choose to have.
In spite of the difficulties in quantifying civic actions
and actions in ones professional life, these actions
play a important role in a transition to a low-carbon
future. Wynes and Nicholas (2017a) paper would have
benefited from at least a passing acknowledgment of
their contribution, and providing rationale for their
exclusion from their study.
In summary, while collective and individuals
actions in the professional sphere may be difficult
to quantify in the way Wynes and Nicholas (2017a)
have in their article, their potential impact should be
acknowledged given the scope of their potential impact
and the complex landscape in which individual and
collective action in our private and professional lives
takes place.
Suggestion 2: Recognize the role of overconsumption
in environmental degradation
Wynes and Nicholas(2017a) paper would have also
benefited from recognising the role of overconsump-
tion when discussing their recommendation to have
one fewer child, and we will highlight two salient
facts related to this. Firstly, birth rates in developed
countries are typically below the replacement level with
population growth depending on migration. For exam-
ple, in Canada the fertility rate was 1.6 children per
woman in 2011 (Statistics Canada 2017). What this
means is that adolescents living in developed coun-
tries (the target group of Wynes and Nicholas(2017a)
recommendations) are largely irrelevant actors when
considering how to reduce the population given that
the population they are a part of is already declin-
ing. The second salient fact is that different lifestyles
and consumption patterns result in dramatically differ-
ent amounts of carbon emissions (Weber and Perrels
2000). Carbon footprints vary not only bet ween nations
(Hertwich and Peters 2009), but also between house-
holds within nations (Druckman and Jackson 2009),
with evidence that there is positive relat ionship between
wealth and carbon emissions (Oxfam 2015). What
this means is having children is only part of what is
driving climate change because consumption patterns
play a decisive role. Following the publication of the
article, Wynes commented to LifeSite that although
every person added to the planet adds more emis-
sions, the central issue is not having more children, but
the high-consumption society that those children are
born into(Laurence 2017). This is the sort of contex-
tual information that the article would have benefitted
from, because it would have clarified why this action
appears to be so much more impactful than the rest,
and the role such an action should have in relation to
the other lifestyle choices one could choose to make.
Furthermore, it would have shifted the readersfocus
back to the other recommended actions.
Suggestion 3: Outline the extent to which you under-
stand family planning to be a human right
As we have highlighted in the section above, consump-
tion is a decisive factor in carbon emission production
in developed countries, therefore discussing having
one fewer childin these countries is much less rele-
vant than is made out in Wynes and Nicholas(2017a)
article. However, it is notable that in the article family
planning is presented in a utilitarian fashion; its utility
being a strategy to reduce carbon emissions. A util-
itarian approach to family planning has been widely
criticised (Hagenfeldt 1991), given that birth control
has been used as a form of coercion and control (Con-
nelly 2006,Wanget al 2016).
3
Environ. Res. Lett. 13 (2018) 068001 R L Pedersen and D P M Lam
The United Nations Population Fund has declared
family planning as a human right (Green et al 2012),
while others have outlined how family planning is
embedded within other rights from the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, such as the right to
health (Newman and Feldman-Jacobs 2015). However,
there is still an unmet need for family planning for
12% of women aged 15–49 globally (United Nations
Population Fund 2017).Theprivilegingoftheenvi-
ronmental implications of having one less childas
Wynes and Nicholas (2017a) have done has a prob-
lematic logic embedded within it. It privileges the
rights of future generations over those who have their
rights compromised at present. Presenting reproduc-
tion as a sustainability issue (putting future generations
at risk) without its discussion as a (present day)
human rights issue can be interpreted as a values
statement: my childrens rights being violated in future
are more important than your rights being violated
now. For this reason, Wynes and Nicholas(2017a)
article could have benefitted from a clarification of
the extent to which they believe people should have
the right or not have the right to choose whether
and how many children to have.
Conclusion
We feel that if Wynes and Nicholas (2017a)hadtaken
on board the above suggestions their article would
have been presented more sensitively in the con-
text of a highly charged debate. It would have also
provided insight into the debates that their research
was engaging with, thereby improving the clarity of
their recommendations and reducing the potential
for misunderstandings. The interpretation of results
from studies focusing on mitigating the environmental
impact of an expanding population is a collective chal-
lenge which incorporates values, emotions, different
worldviews, and the alignment of different interests.
For these reasons, we encourage scholars to engage
with the suggestions outlined in this comment when
writing on population as an environmental issue, as
well as to strive for a better practice in academic writ-
ing about these issues. We would like to commend
Wynes and Nicholas (2017a) for their bravery in spark-
ing a conversation on an important and poignant,
however challenging and contentious topic, as well
as to encourage other scholars to also risk engaging
in discussions about population as an environmen-
tal issue with an open mind, sensitivity, tact and
compassion.
ORCID iDs
Rebecca Laycock Pedersen https://orcid.org/0000-
0002-5966-5141
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5
... Many of the studies above refer to the calculations presented by Wynes and Nicholas (2017). In a comment to these calculations, Pedersen and Lam (2018) suggested that their way of measuring ecological impact represents a limited view on pro-environmental behaviours, since their explicit exclusion of emission reductions from civic actions means that only individual actions in the private sphere are taken into account. Pedersen and Lam (2018) presented an approach that also includes individual and collective actions in both private and professional life, arguing that these actions also play an important role in the transition to a sustainable future. ...
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Solutions to environmental and social problems are often framed in dichotomous ways, which can be counterproductive. Instead, multiple solutions are often needed to fully address these problems. Here we examine how framing influences people’s preference for multiple solutions. In a pre-registered experiment, participants (N = 1,432) were randomly assigned to one of four framing conditions. In the first three conditions, participants were presented with a series of eight problems, each framed with multiple causes, multiple impacts, or multiple solutions to the problem. The control condition did not present any framing information. Participants indicated their preferred solution, perceived severity and urgency of the problem, and their dichotomous thinking tendency. Pre-registered analyses showed that none of the three frames had a significant impact on preference for multiple solutions, perceived severity, perceived urgency, or dichotomous thinking. However, exploratory analyses showed that perceived severity and urgency of the problem were positively correlated with people’s preference for multiple solutions, while dichotomous thinking was negatively correlated. These findings showed no demonstrable impact of framing on multi-solution preference. Future interventions should focus on addressing perceived severity and urgency, or decreasing dichotomous thinking to encourage people to adopt multiple solutions to address complex environmental and social problems.
... Other actions to mitigate GHG have been proposed to substantially reduce 'personal emissions' such as having one fewer child, living car-free, avoiding airplane travel, and eating plant-based diets (Wynes and Nicholas, 2017). Needless to say, the provocative 'having one fewer child' action was not well received (Pedersen and Lam, 2018;van Basshuysen and Brandstedt, 2018). Furthermore, although White and Hall (2017) indicated that eating plant-based diets could reduce GHG emissions in the U.S. ...
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This paper provides a data-driven perspective on the relevance of the beef herd in the U.S. to our society and greenhouse gas (GHG) contribution to climate change. Cattle operations are subject to criticism for their environmental burden, often based on incomplete information disseminated about their social, economic, nutritional, and ecological benefits and detriments. The 2019 data published by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency reported that U.S. beef cattle emitted 22.6% of the total agricultural emissions, representing about 2.2% of the total anthropogenic emissions of CO2 equivalent (CO2e). Simulations from a computer model developed to address global energy and climate challenges, set to use extreme improvements in livestock and crop production systems, indicated a potential reduction in global CO2e emissions of 4.6% but without significant enhancement in the temperature change by 2030. There are many natural and anthropogenic sources of CH4 emissions. Contrary to the increased contribution of peatlands and water reservoirs to atmospheric CO2e, the steady decrease in the U.S. cattle population is estimated to have reduced its methane (CH4) emissions by about 30% from 1975 to 2021. This CH4 emission deacceleration of 2.46 Mt CO2e/yr 2 might be even more significant than reported. Many opportunities exist to mitigate CH4 emissions of beef production, leading to a realistic prospect of a 5% to 15% reduction in the short term after considering the overlapping impacts of combined strategies. Reduction strategies include feeding synthetic chemicals that inactivate the methyl-coenzyme M reductase (the enzyme that catalyzes the last step of methanogenesis in the rumen), red seaweed or algae extracts, ionophore antibiotics, phytochemicals (e.g., condensed tannins and essential oils), and other manipulations. The proposed net-zero concept might not solve the global warming problem because it will only balance future anthropogenic GHG emissions with anthropogenic removals, leaving global warming on a standby state. Recommendations for consuming red meat products should consider human nutrition, health, and disease and remain independent of controversial evidence of causational relationships with perceived negative environmental impacts of beef production that are not based on scientific data.
... The authors found that the biggest potential for CO 2 reduction lies in having fewer children (one child fewer being equivalent to 58.6 t CO 2 -eq per year). This specific aspect has been subject to methodological criticism for double counting (van Basshuysen & Brandstedt, 2018), as well as to ethical criticism, since family planning is a human right (Pedersen & Lam, 2018). Nevertheless, the basic idea of the study is compelling: the authors argue that it is most meaningful to primarily push forward the actions with the highest impact on reducing GHG-instead of those that are often promoted by government agencies, NGOs and also in science textbooks for students as ecofriendly behaviour (e.g. ...
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In a world of increasing awareness of the many drivers of anthropogenic climate change, all of which fall under the larger rubric of global capitalism with its emphasis on profit-making, economic growth, and a strong dependence on fossil fuels, many universities, particularly in developed societies, have proclaimed a staunch commitment to the notion of environmental sustainability. Conversely, the growing emphasis on internationalisation of higher education, particularly in Australia, entails a considerable amount of air travel on the part of university staff, particularly academics but also support staff, and overseas students and occasionally domestic students. Australia is a generally highly affluent country which is situated in the driest inhabited continent and increasingly finds itself functioning as a “canary the coal mine” with respect to the ravages of anthropogenic climate change. Ironically, climate scientists and other observers often refer to various regions, such as the Arctic, low-lying islands, the Andes, and Bangladesh, inhabited by indigenous and peasant peoples as the canaries in the coalmines when it comes to the adverse impacts of anthropogenic climate change. It is often said that those people who have contributed the least to greenhouse gas emissions are the ones suffering the most from climate change, a more than accurate observation.
... The authors found that the biggest potential for CO 2 reduction lies in having fewer children (one child fewer being equivalent to 58.6 t CO 2 -eq per year). This specific aspect has been subject to methodological criticism for double counting (van Basshuysen & Brandstedt, 2018), as well as to ethical criticism, since family planning is a human right (Pedersen & Lam, 2018). Nevertheless, the basic idea of the study is compelling: the authors argue that it is most meaningful to primarily push forward the actions with the highest impact on reducing GHG-instead of those that are often promoted by government agencies, NGOs and also in science textbooks for students as ecofriendly behaviour (e.g. ...
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First we discuss how extrinsic incentives may come into conflict with other motivations. For example, monetary incentives from principals may change how tasks are perceived by agents, with negative effects on behavior. In other cases, incentives might have the desired effects in the short term, but they still weaken intrinsic motivations. To put it in concrete terms, an incentive for a child to learn to read might achieve that goal in the short term, but then be counterproductive as an incentive for students to enjoy reading and seek it out over their lifetimes. Next we examine the research literature on three important examples in which monetary incentives have been used in a nonemployment context to foster the desired behavior: education; increasing contributions to public goods; and helping people change their lifestyles, particularly with regard to smoking and exercise. The conclusion sums up some lessons on when extrinsic incentives are more or less likely to alter such behaviors in the desired directions.
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Various studies of public opinion regarding the causes and consequences of climate change reveal both a deep reservoir of concern, yet also a muddle over causes, consequences and appropriate policy measures for mitigation. The technique adopted here, namely integrated assessment (IA) focus groups, in which groups of randomly selected individuals in Switzerland looked at models of possible consequences of climate change and questioned specialists as to their accuracy and meaning, revealed a rich assembly of reactions. Respondents were alarmed about the consequences of high-energy futures, and mollified by images of low-energy futures. Yet they also erected a series of psychological barriers to justify why they should not act either individually or through collective institutions to mitigate climate change. From the viewpoint of changing their lifestyles of material comfort and high-energy dependence, they regarded the consequences of possible behavioural shift arising from the need to meet mitigation measures as more daunting. To overcome the dissonance created in their minds they created a number of socio-psychological denial mechanisms. Such mechanisms heightened the costs of shifting away from comfortable lifestyles, set blame on the inaction of others, including governments, and emphasised doubts regarding the immediacy of personal action when the effects of climate change seemed uncertain and far away. These findings suggest that more attention needs to be given to the social and psychological motivations as to why individuals erect barriers to their personal commitment to climate change mitigation, even when professing anxiety over climate futures. Prolonged and progressive packages of information tailored to cultural models or organised belief patterns, coupled to greater community based policy incentives may help to widen the basis of personal and moral responsibility.
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Looking to the future, why not err on the adventurous side? Accordingly, I would like to promote two ‘geographies of population relations’, which can be framed as post-disciplinary, inter-science initiatives: namely, population–environment relationships, and migration–development–environment interactions and relationships. Population geographers may therefore need to reposition themselves to become involved in inter-science research and participate with environmental, natural and physical scientists and GIS specialists in an evolving realm that is ‘post-disciplinary’ rather than within our longstanding (and quite comfortable) subdiscipline. And, we can embark on team efforts and such post-disciplinary projects in the firm knowledge that the global scientific community has at last recognised the central importance of population study in the pursuit of answers to how we might make today's and tomorrow's world more sustainable and healthy. Finding paths to human and environmental sustainability must be one of our academic missions, because it is public health that is under threat, not just environmental deterioration. Population–environment geographers, therefore, have common cause with medical geographers and those in the public health sphere, as well as environmental scientists, development geographers and political ecologists, among others. Population–environment–development interactions and interrelationships are an ‘inter-science’, effort, and tomorrow's population geographers should be encouraged to join. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.