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Investigação Experimental em Metacontingências e Práticas Supersticiosas: um caminho para estudos mais complexos.
Abstract
A investigação de dinâmicas sociais, mais especificamente os estudos experimentais sobre metacontingências tem se deparado algumas vezes com padrões supersticiosos. Esse estudo foi baseado no modelo Meta, criado para um conjunto de pesquisas e acidentalmente produziu um padrão supersticioso. Não houve a seleção do padrão de contingências entrelaçadas desejado. A consequência cultural produziu um padrão supersticioso nos comportamentos dos participantes; um dado que pode sugerir que os padrões supersticiosos descritos, podem ter dificultado a seleção por metacontingências. A investigação de comportamentos supersticiosos, de regras supersticiosas, bem como os efeitos desses operantes em dinâmicas sociais, pode ser feita, em procedimentos como esse, de forma conjunta, compondo um fenômeno de maior complexidade.
... For the other group, an FR1 produced the highest rate of APs, and the AP was nearly extinguished on the FR10. Caldas and Andery (2016), in a simple exploration of the selective effects of CCs on culturants, replicated the results of previous experiments Fig. 6.3 Sample experimental strategy and arrangement for metacontingency studies conducted with the numbers task with two participants. In this example, the CC is contingent on P1 inserting a sum smaller than the sum inserted by P2 in one of two microcultures studied. ...
... Fourth, culturants are sensitive to aversive control (e.g., Guimarães, Leite, et al., 2019;Guimarães, Picanço, & Tourinho, 2019;Saconatto & Andery, 2013) as well as other parallels of basic operant principles such as schedules of reinforcement (e.g., Angelo & Gioia, 2015;Soares et al., 2019;Soares et al., 2015) and extinction (e.g., Angelo et al.;Baia et al., 2015b). Finally, culturants have been selected when operant and CCs are nonconcurrent (e.g., Baia et al., 2017;Caldas & Andery, 2016) and in conditions in which the operant consequence of higher magnitude is concurrent with the production of the CCs (e.g., Borba et al., 2017;Ortu et al., 2012). ...
... 8 in this volume;Todorov, 2013). Similarly, people may continue to engage in cultural practices that no longer contact the direct acting contingencies (e.g., Baia et al., 2017), have never contacted the direct acting contingencies (e.g., Marques & Tourinho, 2015), and/or may even describe the contingencies responsible for the maintenance of cultural practices that are irrelevant to the actual contingencies that are in effect (e.g., Caldas & Andery, 2016). As previously mentioned, the transmission of cultural practices across generations has been explored, but additional work is needed. ...
The experimental analysis of metacontingency manipulations is a recent addition to behavior-scientific efforts. Since the first experimental analysis of the metacontingency was published, numerous scholars have constructed new experimental strategies and tactics focused on identifying basic processes regarding cultural phenomena (e.g., when two or more people are working on a collaborative task). The purpose of this chapter is to review the basic laboratory research on the metacontingency that has been published in English or Portuguese. Studies are grouped by experimental strategy and tactic such that the basic features of the strategy and tactic are introduced before the major themes and findings of each group of studies are presented. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the importance of this body of research and several suggestions for future research.
... O critério de estabilidade adotado no presente estudo é diferente do que geralmente é utilizado na literatura experimental de metacontingências. Em geral os estudos que programam metacontingências utilizam como critério de estabilidade uma única observação da produção de CC em dada porcentagem (Baia, Azevedo, Segantini, Macedo, & Vasconcelos, 2015;Caldas & Andery, 2017;e.g.,, Cavalcanti, Leite, & Tourinho, 2014;Sampaio et al., 2013;Vieira, Andery, & Pessôa, 2016) ou uma única (ou apenas parte) sessão (e.g.,, . O critério de estabilidade aqui empregado envolve todas as tentativas de duas sessões. ...
Este estudo investigou os efeitos da programação e suspensão de metacontingências sobre operantes e culturantes. Participaram 12 universitários distribuídos em quatro tríades. Duas tríades foram expostas a um procedimento em que a mudança entre condições foi sinalizada por diferentes cores do fundo de tela. Outras duas tríades foram expostas a um procedimento em que não havia sinalização. A tarefa experimental utilizada foi a inserção de números. Todas as tríades foram expostas ao delineamento ABAB. Durante a condição A apenas contingências operantes estavam em vigor. Na condição B, contingências operantes e metacontingências estiveram em vigor. Os resultados demonstram que operantes ocorreram em mais de 90% das tentativas em todas as condições. Já os culturantes ocorreram em menos de 35% das tentativas durante a condição A. Na condição B os culturantes ocorreram em mais de 90% das tentativas. O retorno à condição A e a reexposição à condição B replicaram os resultados encontrados na primeira exposição de cada condição. A ausência de sinalização não produziu efeitos diferenciais em operantes e culturantes. Conclui-se que houve seleção de operantes e culturantes. São discutidos possíveis efeitos do critério de estabilidade utilizado.
... They joined Sampaio, Pereira, Fernando Cassas (a student from the social psychology program), and Maria Wang (also in the experimental psychology program, but supervised by Maria Eliza Pereira) in the BAC study group and developed the first version of the "numbers task" preparation to study the selection of culturants. In the following years, researchers at PUC-SP, UnB, and the Universidade de Rio Verde (UniRV) used this task in many experiments (e.g., Baia et al., 2015Baia et al., , 2016Caldas & Andery, 2015;Saconatto & Andery, 2013; see also , for a review of the task and work published with this preparation). ...
In this article, a history of behavior-analytic studies on culture in Brazil is presented, beginning with the pioneering work of Fred S. Keller and following its development through different phases, starting with PhD dissertations supervised by Carolina Bori in the 1970s at the University of São Paulo, and later continuing with the work by João Cláudio Todorov at the Universidade de Brasília and by Maria Amalia Andery at the Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo in the 1990s. We describe how meetings— from Think Tank 1 (2003) in São Paulo to Think Tank 6 (2019) in Brasília and other symposia (at national events) —were important in bringing together national and international investigators, who contributed to the development of the area called behavioral analysis of culture (BAC) in Brazil. We also highlight how the institutionalization of BAC in Brazil occurred through the establishment of lines of research in graduate programs, and how the graduate students of these programs accepted positions at other universities, spreading BAC throughout the country and helping to increase interest in the subject. In addition, we describe other relevant facts such as special issues of scientific journals and books published in Portuguese. Finally, we point out some current directions and future perspectives such as the development of courses verified by the Association for Behavior Analysis International for the certification of behavior analysts interested in culturo-behavior science.
... Ou seja, reforçamos respostas que não faziam parte do culturante que produzia CC. Apesar de outros estudos também o terem feito (e.g., Caldas & Andery, 2017;Baia et al., 2015), é preciso considerar as limitações que tal programação trazem para a compreensão dos resultados. Em estudos futuros, sugere-se que não haja sobreposição de contingências operantes às programações do culturante. ...
Metacontingência do tipo 1 descreve relações condicionais entre culturantes – contingências comportamentais entrelaçadas (CCEs), consequência individual (CI), e produto agregado (PA) – e consequências culturais (CC). O tipo 2 envolve programações nas quais CC selecionam tanto respostas quanto culturantes. Portanto, não há CI. Este estudo verificou se a programação de diferentes tipos de metacontingências produziria diferentes padrões de respostas ou culturantes. Participaram duas tríades de universitários. Na condição A vigoraram metacontingências do tipo 1. Na condição B, metacontingências do tipo 2. A Tríade 1 foi exposta ao delineamento ABAB. Já a Tríade 2 ao delineamento BABA. Na condição A, participantes emitiram respostas e engajaram em culturantes que produziam consequências. Na condição B houve queda na frequência de respostas e manutenção dos culturantes. Conclui-se que a programação de diferentes tipos de metacontingências produz diferentes efeitos sobre comportamentos. Não foram observados efeitos de ordem de exposição as condições. Discute-se ainda a interação entre operantes e culturantes tanto na aquisição quanto na manutenção do comportamento em grupo.
... Some studies, however, did not observe a clear decrease in the target culturant frequency after the suspension of CCs; the frequency remained similar to that observed under previous conditions. Baia et al. (2015a) and Caldas and Andery (2017), for example, found that the suspension of a metacontingency did not produce a clear change in the pattern observed when CCs were contingent. Caldas and Andery attributed their results to a superstitious pattern with other events responsible for the observed performance. ...
The concept of metacontingency has been used to understand cultural selection and how organisms behave in groups. Despite constant refinements to its definition, the term has still been used to describe either a unit of analysis, a procedure, or even one or more processes. Based mainly on experimental studies, this paper clarifies those elements and proposes terms to deal with them. The culturant is the unit of analysis typically employed in experiments on this matter, and it is fundamental to differentiate descriptive culturants (interlocking behavioral contingencies defined by their environmental effect, i.e., their aggregate product) and functional culturants (classes of interlocking behavioral contingencies under control of cultural consequences). We argue that the term metacontingency should refer to the procedure of arranging a conditional relation between a culturant and a cultural consequence. The processes of cultural selection can be defined based on the effect of environmental events (e.g., cultural consequences) on characteristics (e.g., frequency) of the culturant and can be directly described as changes in culturants (e.g., culturant increase and culturant decrease). This terminology can improve conceptual precision in the area of cultural selection and facilitate clear communication in interpretative or quasi-experimental studies.
... Comparing illusion of control with superstitious behavior may be an important opportunity to do this kind of integration. Recent data indicate the need to study correlations between superstitious behavior, self-reports, and the behavior of groups of people (Benvenuti, de Toledo, Simões, & Bizarro, 2017;Caldas & Andery, 2016;Perroni & Andery, 2009). Benvenuti et al. (2017), for example, investigated superstitious behavior in a free-operant procedure by adding some measures of self-reports that are commonly used in studies of the illusion of control. ...
The notion of superstitious behavior can provide a basic background for understanding such notions as illusions and beliefs. The present study investigated the social mechanism of the transmission of superstitious behavior in an experiment that utilized participant replacement. The sample was composed of a total of 38 participants. Participants performed a task on a computer: they could click a colored rectangle using the mouse. When the rectangle was in a particular color, the participants received points independently of their behavior (variable time schedule). When the color of the rectangle was changed, no points were presented (extinction). Under an Individual Exposure condition, ten participants worked alone on the task. Other participants were exposed to the same experimental task under a Social Exposure condition, in which each participant first learned by observation and then worked on the task in a participant replacement (chain) procedure. The first participant in each chain in the Social Exposure condition was a confederate who worked on the task “superstitiously,” clicking the rectangle when points were presented. Superstitious responding was transmitted because of the behavior of the confederate. This also influenced estimates of personal control. These findings suggest that social learning can facilitate the acquisition and maintenance of superstitious behavior and the illusion of control. Our data also suggest that superstitious behavior and the illusion of control may involve similar learning principles.
... Some studies, however, did not observe a clear decrease in the target culturant frequency after the suspension of CCs; the frequency remained similar to that observed under previous conditions. Baia et al. (2015a) and Caldas and Andery (2017), for example, found that the suspension of a metacontingency did not produce a clear change in the pattern observed when CCs were contingent. Caldas and Andery attributed their results to a superstitious pattern with other events responsible for the observed performance. ...
This study has investigated the possibility of laboratory demonstration of operative and cultural lineages. The operant lineage describes that in a certain class of responses some topographies of responses become more frequent than the other members of this class. The culturo-behavior lineages are (1) socially learned behaviors that (2) continue to be replicated in the repertoire of new organisms and whose (3) consequences produced are sufficient to maintain their recurrence besides (4) maintaining the control relationship by previous environmental events similar to those that evoked the original operative. Six university students took part of the study. The experimental task involved the insertion of numbers in a math task. The participants performed the task in pairs with permission of verbal interactions. We measured the digits entered by the participants as defining properties of the topography of the responses. The results indicated that, in general, response topography became more frequent inside a universe of five possible topographies for reinforcement. A replication of such topographies was also observed for social learning. It was concluded that it was possible to observe, in laboratory, the occurrence of operant and culturo-behavior lineage.
Behavior analysis has a long and strong tradition in Brazil. Following the introduction of the concepts of metacontingencies and macrocontingencies, Brazilian researchers and universities developed prominent areas of research and training in the behavior analysis of culture. This article aims to review and characterize the Brazilian literature (in the form of articles, dissertations, and theses) related to the behavior analysis of sociocultural phenomena in general and the experimental studies with meta- and macrocontingencies as units of analysis (between 2015 and 2020) in particular. The choice of different descriptors and the inclusion of dissertations and theses extend previous reviews and help demonstrate the contribution of the country’s graduate programs in training young scientists in the field. The results showed an increasing number of studies since 2002; the predominance of basic studies, mainly experimental; and a greater number of studies based on the concept of metacontingency. This analysis demonstrates the need for international and interinstitutional collaborations. We conclude that Brazilian graduate programs in psychology had a pivotal role in the development of interpretative and experimental research on metacontingencies. Furthermore, the growing impact of conceptual and experimental studies by these academic groups suggests their strong commitment to expanding the behavior analysis of culture by training a new generation of researchers and practitioners.
The selection of cultural practices has been a subject matter of increasing object of interest in Behavior Analysis, majorly after the formulation of the concept of metacontingency by S. S. Glenn. One of the themes approached has been the relation between rule-governed behavior and the transmission of cultural practices. The present study had the objective of evaluating the effects of verbal instructions on the transmission of a choice practice in small groups. Forty-three undergraduate students participated in the study, divided into four groups. The participants, in groups of three, had to collectively solve a problem in a condition which could lead to two possible gains: one more advantageous in the long term (choice of black lines) and another one less advantageous (choice of white lines). At each 12 minutes one participant would leave the group and a new one would be introduced in it, being the responsibility of the older participants to teach the new one on how to proceed in the task. In some groups, participants called confederates were instructed to teach the task wrongly, inducing the group to choose white lines, leading to less a advantageous result. The confederates instructed the participants with two categories of instructions: false descriptive and prescriptive. With the participant change cycle, the confederates gave place to naïve or experienced participants. The results indicate that when confederates took part in groups constituted by naïve participants, the choices less advantageous for the group were predominant, in which Group 2 maintained the choice pattern instructed by the confederates for one additional generation and Group 4 maintained it for two additional generations. When the confederates took part in groups with participants previously exposed to the task (Groups 1 and 3), both groups returned to choices according to the pattern established in a baseline session (approximately 80% of black choices for Group 1 and 60% for Group 3). As for the type of instruction employed by the confederates, when participants were instructed with false descriptive instructions the choice pattern instructed by the confederates was maintained for fewer generations than when they were instructed with prescriptive instructions. It is concluded that a previous experience to a task can enable the group to suffer less effects of verbal manipulation which lead to a less advantageous choice practice and that instructions which do not describe contingency relations between events are less effective to verbally control choice practices.
The ability of instructions and peer modeling to engender responding that would be maintained under a response- independent schedule of reinforcement was investigated with preschool children. In Experiment 1, three children were instructed that a response-dependent schedule was operating and were then exposed to a multiple variable-time 15-s and extinction schedule (mult VT EXT). Responding was maintained with two of the three children for more than 20 sessions in the VT component, but was not maintained in the Ext component. A videotape was made of one subject in Experiment 1 responding in the VT component. This tape was then shown to five children in Experiment 2 prior to their first session of exposure to the mult schedule. With two of these subjects, responding was maintained in the VT component for more than 15 sessions, but was not maintained in Ext. Ten control subjects who did not receive instructions about any response dependency or view the videotape were also exposed to the mult schedule. These subjects generally did not exhibit any responding in either component, illustrating the functional significance of the instructions and peer modeling. The overall results suggest that superstitious behavior can be socially transmitted.
This paper examines the notions of illusions and beliefs, discussing some advantages offered by the study of these phenomena based on the concepts of superstitious behavior, superstition and superstitious rules. Among these advantages, the study highlights the possibility of researching these relationships in different levels of analysis, not only at the individual level, focusing on cultural level, this paper presents Cultural Materialism as an anthropological proposal for the consideration of these phenomena on the cultural level and based on adaptive principles, besides it discusses the experimental analysis of cultural practices and points out how they can help to understand how people in groups behave such as they are being effective in the control of the surrounding environment (when, sometimes, in fact, they are not). The paper offers an integrative proposal which makes easier behavior analysts' dialogue with social psychologists and offers some routes from cultural analysis of illusions and beliefs.
Writers from a variety of disciplines recognize that culture is composed of or depends on behavior, but is also somehow more than an unorganized collection of behavioral events. Biologist Bonner (1980) defined culture as "behavior transmitted from one individual to another by teaching and learning" (p. 17). Cultural anthropologist Harris (1964) stated, "human behavior constitutes the cultural field of inquiry" (p. 20). However, hu man responses "are definitely not cultural things," (Harris, p. 22) but rather are the empirical events to which scientific operations must be applied to arrive at cultural classifications. Behavior analyst Baum (2000) stated, "culture consists of behavior and ... cultural change constitutes an evolu tionary process" (p. 182). In this paper I take as a starting point that cultures are nothing more than learned behavior and its physical products, in the same sense as liv ing organisms are nothing more than chemical elements. But the origins and evolution of biological phenomena cannot be explained without re course to principles in addition to the laws describing physical and chem ical processes. Nor can learned behavior be explained without recourse to principles in addition to those of biological evolution. In the same vein, an explanation of the origin and evolution of cultures requires going be yond the evolutionary and behavioral principles that account for species characteristics and the learned behavior of individual organisms. Analysis at another level is required, but where to begin? Skinner (1981) provided a clue when he pointed out that, in addition to natural selection and operant selection, human behavior was also due to "the special contingencies maintained by an evolved social environ ment" (p. 502). One interpretation of Skinner's statement is that the con tingencies of an evolved social environment function differently than the contingencies maintained by the nonsocial environment. In responding to commentary on his article, however, Skinner (1988) made clear that he was proposing "no new behavioral process," (p. 38) but rather "a different kind of selection" (p. 38). In short, the behavior acquired by each individual dur ing his or her lifetime is explained by behavioral level processes, whether the concrete particulars of the behavior-environment contingencies are ma terial or social, and whether they are human-made or the products of other natural processes. The particulars, of the behavior-environment relations that come to exist in cultures (i.e., the particulars of an evolved social en vironment), however, require "a third kind of selection" (Skinner, 1981, p. 502) to explain their existence. Skinner's suggestion that three different kinds of selection bear di rectly or indirectly on human behavior has led to behavior-analytic examinations of selectionist perspectives as they pertain to learned behav ior and to cultural evolution (e.g., Baum, 2000; Catania, 1995; Donahoe, 1984, this volume; Glenn, 1991; Glenn, Ellis, & Greenspoon, 1992). From the present perspective, the ultimate value of selectionist theories is their success in accounting for complexity without appealing to prior design.
A distinction is made between contingencies of reinforcement (contingent relations between a class of responses and a common consequence) and metacontingencies (contingent relations between a class of operants and a long-term cultural outcome). The fictional utopia portrayed in Walden Two is examined in terms of the kinds of metacontingencies characteristic ofthat culture. It is suggested that if a culture is to approximate utopia, attention must be paid to the metacontingencies and to their supporting contingencies of reinforcement.
The case history in scientific method cited is autobiographical; Skinner relates certain relevant experiences in the development of some of his scientific contributions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The principle of operant selection is examined as a prototype of cultural selection, and the role of the social environment is suggested as the critical element in the emergence of cultural phenomena. Operant contingencies are compared to cultural selection contingencies, designated as metacontingencies. Both of these types of contingency relations result in evolving lineages of recurrences that can become increasingly complex in the number and organization of their elements. In addition to its role in the recurring interlocking behavioral contingencies that constitute cultural organization, operant behavior plays another role in cultures. Although the operants of individuals are functionally independent of one another, the behavior of each person may contribute to a cumulative effect that is relevant to the well-being of many people. Similarly, the outcomes of metacontingencies may also contribute to a cumulative effect. The relation between independently evolving operant lineages, or between independently evolving cultural lineages, and their cumulative effect is identified as a macrocontingency. Macrocontingencies do not involve cultural-level selection per se. Effective cultural engineering requires identifying the macrocontingencies that produce less than desirable effects and altering the relevant operant contingencies or metacontingencies to produce change in the cumulative effects.
(This reprinted article originally appeared in the Journal of Experimental Psychology, 1948, Vol 38, 168–272. The following abstract of the original article appeared in PA, Vol 22:4299.) A pigeon is brought to a stable state of hunger by reducing it to 75% of its weight when well fed. It is put into an experimental cage for a few minutes each day. A food hopper attached to the cage may be swung into place so that the pigeon can eat from it. A solenoid and a timing relay hold the hopper in place for 5 sec at each reinforcement. If a clock is now arranged to present the food hopper at regular intervals with no reference whatsoever to the bird's behavior, operant conditioning usually takes place. The bird tends to learn whatever response it is making when the hopper appears. The response may be extinguished and reconditioned. The experiment might be said to demonstrate a sort of superstition. The bird behaves as if there were a causal relation between its behavior and the presentation of food, although such a relation is lacking. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This experiment determined whether superstitious spatial variability would occur when experimental contingencies specified only the numerical dimensions of behavior. Six college students participated in a task in which icon changes were contingent on depressions of a button. A randomly selected number of unavoidable failures to change the icons alternated across the experiment with blocks of five consecutive unavoidable successes. Unnecessary changes in the location of the cursor persisted for three participants at high frequency after failures of button depressions to change the icons. The findings were related to discussions about the prevalence and functions of superstition in the variation and selection of human behavior.
Human behavior is the joint product of (i) contingencies of survival responsible for natural selection, and (ii) contingencies of reinforcement responsible for the repertoires of individuals, including (iii) the special contingencies maintained by an evolved social environment. Selection by consequences is a causal mode found only in living things, or in machines made by living things. It was first recognized in natural selection: Reproduction, a first consequence, led to the evolution of cells, organs, and organisms reproducing themselves under increasingly diverse conditions. The behavior functioned well, however, only under conditions similar to those under which it was selected. Reproduction under a wider range of consequences became possible with the evolution of processes through which organisms acquired behavior appropriate to novel environments. One of these, operant conditioning, is a second kind of selection by consequences: New responses could be strengthened by events which followed them. When the selecting consequences are the same, operant conditioning and natural selection work together redundantly. But because a species which quickly acquires behavior appropriate to an environment has less need for an innate repertoire, operant conditioning could replace as well as supplement the natural selection of behavior. Social behavior is within easy range of natural selection, because other members are one of the most stable features of the environment of a species. The human species presumably became more social when its vocal musculature came under operant control. Verbal behavior greatly increased the importance of a third kind of selection by consequences, the evolution of social environments or cultures. The effect on the group, and not the reinforcing consequences for individual members, is responsible for the evolution of culture.
Experimental conditions were designed to examine students' sensitivity to scheduled contingencies and accurate or fallacious rules as these variables influence performance during computer-generated math problems. Experimental subjects were provided: scheduled contingencies followed by extinction, follow-up extinction, and a rules condition promulgating accurate or fallacious rules for accessing reinforcement. Control subjects did not have access to rules; however, sensitivity to direct-acting contingencies was measured during response independent reinforcement. Performing with accurate rules and scheduled contingencies, most experimental subjects correctly answered math problems at accelerated rates and extended durations. Also, providing fallacious rules during response independent reinforcement induced high rates and extended durations of superstitious responding. However, for most students response independent reinforcement, without rules, was insufficient to induce such behavior. Evidence from this study suggests that maintenance of high rate superstitious responding requires exposure to a fallacious rule in conjunction with making contact with response independent reinforcement. Implications from this study support the theory that superstitious behavior may become self-sustaining by precluding one's opportunities to contact the null effects of not performing in accordance with fallacious rules. Ramifications regarding interactions between verbal fallacies and coincidental reinforcement are discussed.
Three groups of college students were asked to determine how points were earned in a task that allowed the assessment of response variability. All students received points for sequences of eight presses distributed across two keys (four presses on each key). One group received a point for each correct sequence, one group received points on a fixed-ratio 2 schedule, and one group received points on a random-ratio 2 schedule. There were no significant differences in nonverbal response variability across the three groups, and the fixed-ratio 2 and random-ratio 2 groups obtained equivalent point totals. However, participants in the random-ratio group were significantly more likely to write verbal descriptions of the task that made reference to performance-consequence relations that were not in effect. The results demonstrate that superstitious rule generation is more probable when consequences are random and not merely intermittent.
Twenty undergraduate students were exposed to single response-independent schedules of reinforcer presentation, fixed-time or variable-time, each with values of 30 and 60 s. The reinforcer was a point on a counter accompanied by a red lamp and a brief buzzer. Three color signals were presented, without consistent relation to reinforcer or to the subjects' behavior. Three large levers were available, but the subjects were not asked to perform any particular behavior. Three of the 20 subjects developed persistent superstitious behavior. One engaged in a pattern of lever-pulling responses that consisted of long pulls after a few short pulls; the second touched many things in the experimental booth; the third showed biased responding called sensory superstition. However, most subjects did not show consistent superstitious behavior. Reinforcers can operate effectively on human behavior even in the absence of a response-reinforcer contingency and can, in some cases, shape stable superstitious patterns. However, superstitious behavior is not a consistent outcome of exposure of human subjects to response-independent reinforcer deliveries.
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