Four Theories of the Press: The Authoritarian, Libertarian, Social Responsibility, and Soviet Communist Concepts of What the Press Should Be and Do
... Ethical journalism is rooted in social responsibility theory of the press articulated by Siebert, Peterson & Schramm (1956). The theory posits that journalists have social responsibilities towards society, and one of such responsibility requires them to provide accurate news to society without bias. ...
... According to Siebert et al (1956), social responsibility of the media was given on the five guidelines indicated in (Section 2.11) for a socially responsible press in a report titled A Free and Responsible Press (Middleton, 2009). Kumwenda (2010:10) shows that after the Hutchins Commission report, the five guidelines, as mentioned previously in this study, provided encouragement to publishers who willingly began to link responsibility with freedom in all their content. ...
... After the commission's report, Siebert, Peterson and Schramm (1956) developed the first formal theory of social responsibility of the press known as 'third theory.' The authors emphasises the media's responsibility to use its powerful position to ensure appropriate delivery of information to audiences (Middleton 2009). ...
This study aims to draw on some of the ethical guidelines enshrined in the South African Press Code (SAPC 2007:10). This SAPC states that “the press shall be obliged to report news truthfully, accurately, fairly and in a balanced manner, without any intentional or negligent departure from the facts”. This insight is used in order to analyse the way in which the 2008 xenophobic attacks were reported in South Africa by the Sowetan and Daily Sun newspapers. Overall, the findings show that the two newspapers adhered to the South African Press Code (2007), and were ethical in their 2008 news reports. This specifically contradicts the dominant perception of most mainstream newspaper readers, who thought that, the Daily Sun is just a tabloid newspaper which “represents the lowest standard of journalism” (Wasserman 2012:1), because of its sensational crime and sex stories.
... The Social Responsibility Theory of the Press (SRT) propounded by Siebert et al (1956) posits that media outlets have a responsibility to serve the public interest, uphold democratic ideals, and provide accurate, impartial information to the populace (McQuail, 2005). This theory emerged in response to critiques of the libertarian theory, which advocated for minimal government intervention in media affairs. ...
... According to SRT, media organizations are expected to adhere to professional standards of journalism, maintain editorial independence, and avoid sensationalism or bias in reporting. Furthermore, the theory underscores the importance of media diversity and pluralism in facilitating a robust marketplace of ideas (Siebert et al., 1956). By providing a range of perspectives and voices, media outlets contribute to a well-informed public discourse essential for a functioning democracy. ...
... This entails maintaining editorial independence, adhering to professional standards of journalism, and avoiding sensationalism or bias in reporting. Additionally, the SRT underscores the importance of media diversity and pluralism to ensure a range of perspectives are represented, fostering a robust marketplace of ideas (Siebert et al., 1956). ...
On January 17th 2024, the court banned the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) from its usual practice of imposing fines on erring media organisations. The study examined the perspectives of stakeholders on the Court ban on NBC’s power to impose fines, using qualitative research design. Key Informant Interview KII was conducted with media practitioners, lawyers, academics, and NBC officials using Interview Guide as a Data Collection instrument. The study, anchored on Social Responsibility Theory, revealed stakeholders’ diverse perspectives on the ban. While some believe it will limit NBC’s regulatory power others believe the injunction will not affect their regulatory powers in any way. The study in conclusion emphasised the need for NBC to explore alternative regulatory mechanisms to effectively oversee the broadcast sector. It finally recommended the need for stakeholders to convene round table discussions in order to address issues affecting the broadcast media industry.
... More minimalist versions, captured, for example, in such concepts as the informed citizenry-see Schudson (1998) for a critique-and the marketplace of ideas (see, e.g., the libertarian normative media theory (Siebert et al., 1963)), still accept the political relevance of the media field but simultaneously articulate it as a support system for institutionalized politics. The media field allows for discourses related to this field to circulate and for citizens to (dis)identify with them; in this way, the media field facilitates the functioning of representative democracies (Carpentier, 2011b: 67-68). ...
... One of the main areas where these reflections have been developedand where these ideological struggles over the democracy/media nexus are waged-is normative media theory (e.g., Hutchins, 1947;Siebert et al., 1963;Merrill, 1974;Altschull, 1984;Hachten, 1984;Picard, 1985;McQuail, 1994: 127ff.;Curran, 1997;Christians et al., 2009). ...
... According to the older versions of these normative models, there is, in other words, a need for fair-sometimes also called 'correct'-representations of more traditional societal groups like migrants and women. For instance, in the (normative) social representational model, as outlined by Siebert et al. (1963), one of the core elements is to provide a "representative picture of constituent groups in society" (Hutchins, 1947, cited by Siebert et al., 1963. Even though Siebert et al.'s (1963: 91) language is outdated-and, by current standards, disturbing-their democratic motivation against stereotyping remains relevant: this requirement would have the press accurately portray the social groups, the Chinese and the Negroes, for example, since persons tend to make decisions in terms of favorable or unfavorable images and a false picture can subvert accurate judgment. ...
Democracy and Media in Europe: A Discursive-Material Approach is a theoretical reflection on the intersection of democracy and media through a constructionist lens.
This focus allows us to understand current political struggles over democracy, and over media’s democratic roles, with the latter ranging from the traditional support for an informed citizenry and the watchdog role, to the organization of agonistic debate and generating fair and dignified representations of society and its many (sub)groups, to the facilitation of maximalist participation in institutionalized politics and media. Moreover, the book’s reconciliation of democratic theory and media theory brings out a detailed theoretical analysis of the core characteristics of the assemblages of democracy and media, their conditions of possibility and the threats to both democracy and media’s democratic roles.
This short book provides in-depth reflections on the different positions that can be taken when it comes to the performance of democracy as it intersects with the multitude of media in the 21st century. As such, the volume will be of interest to scholars of media and communication and related fields in the social sciences.
... The next section briefly looks at different media systems in the world and the place of Nigeria in them. Siebert, Peterson, and Schramm's (1956) Four Theories of the Press is the first attempt to methodically taxonomize the world's media systems into normative categories. The book identified four models that it said defined journalistic practice in the world: the authoritarian, libertarian, social responsibility, and Soviet communist models. ...
... The authoritarian model is the oldest and most widely dispersed model. In this model, Siebert, Peterson, and Schramm (1956) pointed out, governmental institutions circumscribe the operations of the news media. This media system proceeds on the assumption that the state, regarded as the "highest expression of group organization" (p. ...
... It rejects the notion that society is greater than the individual components that constitute it. Siebert, Peterson, and Schramm (1956) pointed out that "Because liberalism was forced to struggle for several centuries against authoritarianism, it considered the established government its greatest enemy" (p. 56). ...
This chapter explores the transformation of Nigeria’s traditional news
media ecosystem from watchdogs of people in power to the fawning, dutiful lapdogs of the powerful in the Fourth Republic, which is periodized as beginning in 1999 and continuing to the moment this chapter was written. It also discusses emergent, critical digital-native media formations that have sprouted in the last few years, which provide hope that watchdog journalism may be rescued. Additionally, it highlights new, insidious threats of online censorship from the Nigerian government and connects this to a longstanding tradition of governmental unease with critical journalism.
... Историята на тези изследвания започва в епохата на "Студената война". "Пионерска" е работата на Фред С. Сийбърт, Теодор Питърсън и Уилбър Шрам с "Four Theories of the Press" (Siebert, Peterson & Schramm, 1956). Те твърдят, че медийната система отразява структурата на съответното общество, както и че тази връзка се определя от философски предположения за човешката природа, държавата и обществото, знанието и истината. ...
... Въз основа на системните прилики в отношенията между медийните и политическите системи в отделните групи страни, качествени изследвания и съпоставка на някои емпирични данни Халин и Манчини обособяват 9 В случая е адаптирана концепцията за паралелизъм партия-преса, предложена в някои от най-ранните работи по сравнителен анализ на медйните системи (Seymour-Ure, 1974;Blumler & Gurevitch, 1975), като се използва по-широкото понятие за политически паралелизъм, характеризиращ политическата ориентация на медиите (Hallin & Mancini, 2004, 27). 10 Вж. Lijphart (1984, 1999, в: Hallin & Mancini, 2004. 11 По Max Weber (Hallin & Mancini, 2004, 55). ...
... Четвъртият модел на Добек-Островска изхожда от концепциите на Сийбърт, Питърсън и Шрам за пресата (Siebert, Peterson & Schramm, 1956). Комунистическата/съветската "обосновка на пресата" еволюира в друга недемократична форма. ...
The monograph is inspired by the “three models” for the media–politics
relations in Western Europe and North America (Hallin & Mancini, 2004), taking
into account the current state of scientific debate about them. Different concepts
of media capture are also analyzed (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2013; Guerrero & Màrquez-
Ramírez, 2014; Dragomir, 2019).
In these frameworks, two phenomena are compared – the
instrumentalization of the media (the other pole of professionalism – one of the
four dimensions of the media system of Hallin and Mancini) and media capture.
The first hypothesis has largely shown that capture is a more acute and dangerous
form of media control than “traditional” instrumentalization by parties,
politicians, and advertisers. Instrumentalization is much stronger in countries
with developed clientelism (e.g. in Southern Europe) than in countries where the
rule of law is observed. Media capture, which represents extreme levels of control
by political actors who are in league with powerful oligarchs, is particularly
characteristic of regions such as Latin America and Eastern Europe, which have
undergone a difficult transition from authoritarianism to democracy.
The second hypothesis concerning Bulgaria has been conclusively proven.
If media were instrumentalized at the first stages of the transition by factors
“external” to the system, then in the last 10–15 years, an intense process of
capturing them took place. On the basis of a five-component model of the capture
attempts of media adapted by the author for the Bulgarian conditions (based on
works by Dragomir (2019) and Stiglitz (2017) an analysis was carried out of the
capture of: regulatory bodies such as the Council for Electronic Media (CEM),
the Commission for Protection of Competition (CPC), and the Financial
Supervision Commission (FSC); the public service media, especially of
Bulgarian National Television (BNT); how the non-transparent public funding of
media leads to their domestication; and how strategic private media are taken over
with the participation of “straw” owners or oligarchs close to power. The problem
of discursive capture by Russian disinformation is also examined. The takeover
of strategic private media by political and oligarchic interests is presented through
five case studies.
30 expert interviews were conducted within the framework of the study.
The interviews were analyzed and grouped into several dimensions that
characterize the media system (Hallin & Mancini, 2004). In the last 10–15 years,
8
the following defects stood out in Bulgaria: a “captured state” with a packaging
of liberal democracy; in general terms from caring for the media sector state,
whose mechanisms and tools, however, are used for media capture; faded political
parallelism (the rise of the party press was at the beginning of the transition) at
the expense of a more permanent politicization of the media environment;
partially developed journalist professionalism (the Ethical Code of the Bulgarian
Media as a “book tiger”), journalism is not value-delimited by other social
spheres, such as politics; the media market is weak, and the foreign investors have
modernized the media landscape but have been quite permeable to political
influences.
The key to the study of the Bulgarian media system’s defects should mainly
be sought in the specifics of national development, but also through parallels,
especially with some of the former communist countries in Europe and some
trends in regions such as Latin America with her “captured liberal” media model.
... A lo largo del tiempo, quienes estudian el periodismo han propuesto varias clasificaciones de estos roles. Por ejemplo, Siebert et al. (1956Siebert et al. ( /2000 distinguieron cuatro modelos de periodismo: autoritario, liberal, de responsabilidad social, y soviético. Por su parte, Hallin y Mancini (2004) establecieron tres modelos de sistemas mediáticos: pluralista polarizado, democrático corporativista, y liberal; cada uno de los cuales está asociado a una determinada práctica periodística. ...
... A lo largo del tiempo, quienes estudian el periodismo han propuesto varias clasificaciones de estos roles. Por ejemplo, Siebert et al. (1956Siebert et al. ( /2000 distinguieron cuatro modelos de periodismo: autoritario, liberal, de responsabilidad social, y soviético. Por su parte, Hallin y Mancini (2004) establecieron tres modelos de sistemas mediáticos: pluralista polarizado, democrático corporativista, y liberal; cada uno de los cuales está asociado a una determinada práctica periodística. ...
How do Mexican journalists conceive their audiences and how does this impact their work? This study, based on a survey of journalists in Mexico (N = 486), conducted within the framework of the Worlds of Journalism project, analyzes the perceptions that journalists have about their audiences, highlighting how these perceptions influence journalistic roles. Findings indicate that the orientation ranges from educating and offering relevant content to disseminating exciting stories to increase consumption metrics, but this is conditioned by region, type of media, and journalists’ age.
... The influence of the media on democracy has always been assumed, in terms of either the latter's expected destruction (the Frankfurt School) or the former's positive (or not) role in the construction of the public sphere (Chadwick, 2017;Habermas, 1984Habermas, , 2022. In journalism, communication, and political science literature, the relation between the media and democracy has been normatively described, where the political context is seen to influence the media system (Siebert et al., 1956). Different types of (normative) media roles are linked to various types of democracies (Held, 2006;Strömbäck, 2005). ...
... As Curran (2011, p. 1) pointed out, these have been the 'most intensively ploughed areas in media studies', although most research has focused on individual countries. In media system studies, the shape of democracy has always been understood as an influencing factor for the shape of the media systems (Hallin & Mancini, 2004;Siebert et al., 1956). International quantitative large-scale analyses have also shown the positive relation of news consumption and democracy in increased support for democratic values in cosmopolitan societies (Norris & Inglehart, 2009). ...
... The influence of the media on democracy has always been assumed, in terms of either the latter's expected destruction (the Frankfurt School) or the former's positive (or not) role in the construction of the public sphere (Chadwick, 2017;Habermas, 1984. In journalism, communication, and political science literature, the relation between the media and democracy has been normatively described, where the political context is seen to influence the media system (Siebert et al., 1956). Different types of (normative) media roles are linked to various types of democracies (Held, 2006;Strömbäck, 2005). ...
... As Curran (2011, p. 1) pointed out, these have been the 'most intensively ploughed areas in media studies', although most research has focused on individual countries. In media system studies, the shape of democracy has always been understood as an influencing factor for the shape of the media systems Siebert et al., 1956). International quantitative large-scale analyses have also shown the positive relation of news consumption and democracy in increased support for democratic values in cosmopolitan societies (Norris & Inglehart, 2009). ...
... Agenda Setting Theory (AST). The SRT is a part of the normative theories of mass media, which were proposed by three scholars, Fred Siebert, Theodore Peterson, and Wilbur Schramm (1984). They talked about four different types of theories: Authoritarian, Libertarian, Social Responsibility, and Soviet Communist theories. ...
... Peterson discussed different functions of the press "under social responsibility theory" (Siebert et al., 1984). Peterson wrote that "servicing the political system by providing information, discussion and debate on public affairs; enlightening the public to make it capable of self-government; safeguarding the rights of the individuals by serving as a watchdog against the government" are some of the functions of the press. ...
Information creation, distribution, and manipulation are crucial activities in today’s society. The unrestricted dissemination of information is a prerequisite for a vibrant democracy. In 2005, the Indian Government enacted revolutionary legislation, the Right to Information Act (RTIA), a major weapon for journalists and citizens alike. The Act grants every citizen the right to seek information from the public authorities. This paper, recognizing the crucial role of journalists in utilizing the right to information, aims to investigate the coverage of RTIA-related issues by the vernacular press. The study has employed content analysis of two select newspapers: the Guwahati editions of Asomiya Protidin, the largest circulated Assamese-language daily, and Dainik Jugasankha, the largest circulated Bengali-language daily. The newspapers have been scanned for six months, from January to June 2022, and every month has taken into account seven days in a month, starting with Monday in the first month and Tuesday in the second month. The researcher also conducted a survey among journalists working in vernacular dailies in Assam to understand their level of awareness about RTIA. The researchers sent a structured questionnaire to 100 journalists. Of the 100, 92 journalists responded. The study revealed that Assam-based vernacular dailies give less importance to RTIA-related content and found no correlation between the journalists’ educational qualifications and their level of awareness about RTIA.
... In the book Four Theories of the Press (Siebert et al., 1956), there is a clear theoretical categorization of the types of media as linked to the regime in which they exist. Firstly, there is the Soviet-Communist theory of media in which the state owns and controls the press directly. ...
This paper delves into the critical media freedom situation in Albania. Acknowledged now as the fourth pillar of democracy, media not only is crucial in informing the citizens but also acts as a watchdog by holding the authorities in power accountable and protecting democratic principles. Despite the several obstacles that media has faced in Albania dating back to the Ottoman era and exacerbated by the communist regime that lasted for almost half a century, the Albanian media started to flourish during the transition era, nevertheless facing persistent challenges when it came to media freedom. Through qualitative and quantitative data, this paper examines the contemporary state of media in Albania by emphasizing its effect on the country’s democracy. While a robust legal and institutional framework for media freedom exists, its implementation in the case of Albania remains deficient, and that has resulted in numerous violations throughout the years. The widespread cases of self-censorship among journalists coupled with the political and economic interest of media owners, have further exacerbated the issue. The attempts made by the Albanian government to control media outlets with new laws and institutions have been scrutinized by international bodies as well. Overall, the aim of this research is not only to merely analyze the state of media freedom in Albania but also to bring more attention to this urgent situation which is threatening democratic principles in the country.
... This study follows the lens of Social Responsibility Theory (SRT). Scholars such as Siebert et al. (1956) contends that media outlets should never prioritize serving economic agendas or catering solely to entertainment, instead, their core functions should be oriented towards fostering democratic processes and enlightening the public. In light of this theoretical framework, the research assumes a critical stance in scrutinizing how media entities have balanced their social responsibility with commercial and entertainment considerations, particularly in the context of the pandemic. ...
This research focuses on the contributions of Nepalese journalists during crisis with especial focus on the COVID-19 pandemic in Nepal. Employing survey and interview data analysis methods, the study investigates their personal, social, and professional experiences. The study involves data analysis in two phases. In the preliminary phase, it designs a survey form and sends to most of the journalists in Nepal and collects the responses of the first 125 journalist’s data. It analyses those data and interprets using tabular methods and interpretive methods. In the second phase, it selects journalists for further investigations. In order to avoid biases, two journalists (one male and one female) have been selected from each provinces of Nepal for personal or telephone interviews. All the confusions of the first phase analysis have been further inquired in this discussion phase. Moreover, the study includes a separate ‘discussion’ topic and incorporated their point of views. Finding shows that throughout the pandemic, media houses faced heightened vulnerability, leading to complete or partial closures. Many respondents reported salary reductions, highlighting the lack of commitment from media houses to employee well-being. This also underscores the inadequate market research, social responsibility, diversified income streams, and crisis preparedness among most media outlets. Furthermore, the study identifies a plethora of related topics warranting future investigation. Subsequent research could explore diverse geographical and cultural contexts in which journalists navigated the pandemic. This includes an examination of their experiences across print, electronic, and digital media platforms. Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 12, Issue-1: 27-37.
... En Four Theories of the Press: The authoritarian, libertarian, social responsibility, and Soviet communist concepts of what the press should be and do, Siebert, Peterson y Schramm (1963) sentaron las bases para el estudio de los sistemas de medios, al vincular a la prensa con las "estructuras" (p. 1) bajo las que se desenvuelve y notando la incidencia que los regímenes políticos tienen en ella. Aunque el contexto del libro podría parecernos lejano, continúa formando parte de las reflexiones actuales (Vaca-Baqueiro, 2018) y ha servido de punto de partida para investigaciones posteriores, como Comparing Media System. ...
Por medio de 42 entrevistas en profundidad y retomando a Hallin y Mancini, este artículo explora las percepciones de periodistas de la Ciudad de México sobre la intervención estatal en los medios de comunicación y en su trabajo, teniendo como marco la Cuarta Transformación. De acuerdo con los hallazgos, tal injerencia se manifiesta por medio de vínculos desiguales entre el Estado y los medios; a la par, el gobierno y sus instituciones se erigen como las fuentes indispensables de consulta, pero se dificulta el acceso a ellas; se continúa perpetuando la dependencia a la publicidad oficial, lo que orilla a realizar coberturas a modo; se posiciona la agenda diaria a través de ciertos ejercicios comunicacionales desde Presidencia, al tiempo que se experimentan intentos de censura y, finalmente, se observa una radicalización en la crítica hacia los periodistas.
... Achieving social responsibility meant that the media maintained the following criteria (Siebert, et. al., 1956;Schauster, et. al, 2016): a) serve the political system with information, and with forums for debate and discussion; b) assist the public in self-governance; c) act as the government watchdog; d) serve the economic system with advertising; e) provide entertainment; and f) maintain sufficient financial independence, free from the pressure ...
... Its primary function is still to serve as the mouthpiece of the state and the Communist Party (Hong 2011). Xinhua, or virtually all the state-run news in China, is not supposed to function as the Fourth Estate, independently criticizing the government (Siebert 1956). By examining who tightly controls the press, it is best conceived as an instrument of indoctrination and for carrying out the news agenda promoted by the central government (Hong 2011). ...
Numerous studies show that China uses its ODA‐like overseas development financing to promote soft power and improve its international image. In this study, we seek to understand how. We examine the role of Chinese state‐sponsored media and diplomacy as complements to Chinese foreign aid. We propose that the coverage of aid recipients in Xinhua articles targeted at foreign audiences, as well as the number of diplomatic visits from Beijing hosted by a recipient government, increase in proportion to the amount of aid these countries receive from China. In contrast, we propose either a null or reverse relationship in the case of OOF‐like flows from China, which tend to be more associated with loans and business‐oriented interests. To test these hypotheses, we use AidData's Chinese development finance dataset and its recently released diplomacy dataset, along with meta‐data from millions of Xinhua news articles between 2002 and 2017. The analysis provides partial support for our argument, but the results deviate from our expectations in interesting ways. First, while aid (ODA) recipients receive more coverage in Xinhua, they are not disproportionately more likely to host missions from Beijing. Conversely, while loan (OOF) recipients are not more likely to receive coverage in Xinhua, they are more likely to host diplomatic visits. These results suggest that China likes to publicize its role as a donor for image building, but seeks closer ties with its debtors to further bilateral relationships.
... Nigerian opposition politicians denied access to state-owned media are allowed access to international media outlets to share their views, usually on local and international matters. The author [4] submitted that foreign broadcast stations tend to fill the "deprivation gap" in the communication field of Third World Countries and Nigeria in general. ...
This paper examines the pivotal role of international communication in shaping political perception in an increasingly interconnected world. As global communication technologies evolve, they facilitate the dissemination of information across borders, impacting how political narratives are constructed and perceived. This study explores how international communication, social networks, and diplomatic communications influence public opinion and political behaviour. It highlights the dual nature of these interactions, where both state and non-state actors use communication strategies to promote their agendas. The analysis also considers the implications of misinformation and media bias, emphasising the responsibility of international communicators to foster informed political discourse. This paper argues that international communication is crucial in shaping political perception, with significant consequences for democratic engagement and global governance.
... On the other hand, before its concept, existing studies showed different categories of media systems. The first study that attempted to typify media systems captured the relationship between political ideologies and media systems that changed broadly with the historical context rather than comparing nations (Siebert, Peterson & Schramm, 1984). The second major study discussed the connections between political and media systems in different countries and described how the media environment changes (Hallin & Mancini, 2004). ...
This present study aims to carve out the future vision of the Swedish media system by examining the validity of the concept of the Media Welfare State, which describes the Nordic media system, and the relationship between domestic actors partly or mainly involved in the Swedish media system.
For this purpose, this study conducts qualitative semi-structured interviews, following the so-called elite interview method. Twenty people from various organizations, such as policymakers, public broadcasting, commercial media, regulators, and academia, are defined as the critical actors in the Swedish media system, and they are divided into three fields using field theory: the political, media, and academic fields. Throughout the interviews, their current perceptions of changes, their responses to these changes, and the ways of communication and power relations between the fields are analyzed. Moreover, this thesis utilizes the theory of sociotechnical imaginaries to examine their future vision of the media system. Sociotechnical imaginaries enabled this thesis to articulate their respective visions of national security or cultural preservation in the political field, high professionalism and dignified responsibility in the media field, social contribution and maintenance of democracy in the academic field. The three fields are united in maintaining a high degree of autonomy and maintaining the Swedish media system while they acknowledge the MWS exists in the Swedish media system. However, technological development and globalization have also changed the relationships among and inside the fields. Because the political field, which is the most decisive, shared the future vision to maintain quality journalism but had different public broadcasting role they expected, this study highlights that the role of public broadcasting will be vital for the future of the Swedish media system.
... This new typology also provides an initial explanation for the increase in the number of attacks that journalists are facing in Peru. By properly ascertaining the identity of the aggressors and the motivations behind the attacks, we can preliminarily assess that this unsettling trend is connected to an intent to obstruct the role of the press, as considered by the normative theory (Siebert et al., 1956;Christians et al., 2009). Hence, the proper characterization of these aggressions also highlights the shortcomings of the legal and institutional instruments required to prevent, protect, and procure justice for journalists. ...
This study examines the Peruvian context in order to propose a comprehensive typology of aggressions against journalists and media outlets. Analyzing data from 2022 – a year characterized by political turmoil in Peru – the authors introduce a six-factor classification of attacks, accounting for the type of harm, means of aggression, identity of the attacker, underlying motivations, frequency of attacks, and vulnerability of the victims. This typology suggests a potential connection between politically motivated attacks and efforts to obstruct the normative role of the press.
Key words
Freedom of expression; Press freedom; Post-truth; Safety for journalists; Violence against journalists
... Proceeding from the normative perspective of what is expected of the news media (Siebert et al., 1956), this study adopts two theoretical models to guide the analysis: the social responsibility (McQuail, 2010), and the model of indigenous language for development communication (Salawu, 2001). These models provided a framework for analysing Fafaa FM as a potential ethnic media and discovering the audiences' perception of the station's journalistic activities in the Ewe communities served by the station. ...
This study broaches a conversation on ethnic media and journalism in Ghana by asking whether Fafaa Radio, a private commercial FM station in Dzodze, practices ethnic journalism based on audience perception of the station's functions and responsibilities. Using mixed methods of survey distributed to 500 participants, in-depth interviews with four purposively selected media practitioners of the station, and document analysis, the study addresses issues relating to Fafaa as an ethnic media outlet. The study occurs within an interpretative analytical approach underpinned by sociological imagination and normative considerations about professionalism in local and national contexts. The findings suggest that Fafaa FM’s audiences believe that the station is an ethnic media organisation because it fulfils the characteristics and tenets of ethnic media. This is evident in the station’s intervention journalism, which seeks to promote the cultural values and interests of its host communities and the station’s revolutionary bottom-up approach to news production. However, Fafaa FM’s ethnic media tendencies raise serious regulatory and conceptualisation issues as the regulatory bodies in Ghana, the National Communication Authority (NCA) and National Media Commission (NMC), do not recognise ethnic media in their classification of types of radio, thereby posing an identity crisis for Fafaa FM.
... This emphasis on responsibility in the country's media invites discussion of the work of the Hutchins Commission (Leigh 1947). Its conclusions were later codified as Social Responsibility theory in Four Theories of the Press (Peterson, in Siebert et al 1963), originally published in 1956. The Hutchins Commission's findings were American-centered but have been applied elsewhere (e.g., Kumwenda 2010;Uzoechi 2014). ...
Several laws regulate and influence reporting on crime in the United Arab Emirates, a country in which journalism functions within a Loyalist Press environment. These include elements in the 1980 press law and the recently updated penal code and cybercrimes laws. This legislation can secure the confidentiality of police investigations, protect privacy, and prevent the spread of false information, but it can also hinder timely reporting and the dissemination of important facts. Viewed through the Social Responsibility theory of the press, its effects include preventing fulfillment of the media requirement of full access to current information. Additionally, factors such as an official emphasis on “happiness” may influence news coverage.
... Viewed as a social practice, journalism is inherently variable over time and space and inseparable from the context in which it is practiced. This is evident from numerous comparative studies of media systems, which have moved beyond normative frameworks of understanding journalism as the practice it should be (Siebert, Peterson & Schramm 1956;Christians et al. 2010). These studies have revealed numerous social, political, cultural, and historical influences that shape journalism within the confines of national or regional boundaries, across space, time, and societal circumstances (Hallin & Mancini 2004;Hanitzsch 2009;Kleinsteuber & Thomass 2010). ...
Journalists in Serbia have been in a continuously challenging position in recent decades (Freedom House, Nations in Transit 2022; Kulić, 2020; Milutinović, 2019; Milivojević et al., 2011). The expectations that the change in the country's political system at the beginning of the 21st century would bring significant improvements in media freedom have been disappointed. Over the last decade, the media freedom index has been steadily declining, placing Serbia among the countries with a "problematic situation" regarding media freedom (Statista, Press Freedom Index). This study aims to analyze the metajournalistic discourse (Carlson 2016; Vos & Singer 2016; Ferrucci, Nelson and Davis 2020) in texts published in online media and address the research questions: RQ1: How do journalists in Serbia interpret "media freedom" through the discourse published in online media texts? and RQ2: What is the tone of that metadiscourse? The analyzed texts were published in ten online media outlets in 2021 and 2022. The texts were collected using the news-generating website naslovi.net, using the keyword "media freedom." A total of 230 texts were selected in which journalists served as sources of information, either through statements or in authored texts (columns, commentaries). Through further analysis, the texts were categorized into four categories, created based on the dominant discourse prevailing in the text. The majority of the texts fell into the category of "pressures and attacks" (142), followed by "state and media" (63), "ethics and the law" (22), while three texts were related to the "market." The results indicate a predominantly negative discourse, which is in line with the axiom that gaining media freedom in challenging political systems is a daily effort.
... This responsibility includes providing accurate and balanced reporting, promoting democratic values, protecting individual rights, and fostering an informed and engaged citizenry. Theories such as the Social Responsibility Theory of the press, developed in the mid-20th century, argue that freedom of the press must be balanced with a commitment to the public good (Siebert et al. 1956). This theory posits that media should serve as a watchdog, a forum for public discussion, and a vehicle for cultural expression, all while avoiding harm and sensationalism. ...
This study explores the impact of social media platforms on enhancing social responsibility, employing a rigorous research framework based on the Uses and Gratifications Theory. We developed and tested a model to investigate how motivations for using social media influence social responsibility. A quantitative methodology was utilized, analyzing data from a sample of 520 participants using SmartPLS 4. The findings reveal various social media motivations—specifically information seeking, information sharing, self-status, social interaction, entertainment, being fashionable, and relaxation—significantly and positively impact social responsibility. The results underscore the constructive role of social media motivations in fostering social responsibility. They also suggest that further investigations into additional dimensions could provide deeper insights into how digital media might be leveraged to benefit society more broadly and enhance the concept of social responsibility. This study contributes to the expanding discourse on digital media’s potential to effect positive societal change.
... The Social Responsibility Theory, first proposed by Siebert, Peterson, and Schramm (1963) [19], has profound implications for the study of ethical violations among broadcast journalists in Ogun State, Nigeria. This theory posits that the media plays a significant role in shaping public opinion by determining which issues are given the most attention (Wikipedia, n.d.) [26]. ...
Ethical violations among broadcast journalists in Ogun State, Nigeria, pose significant challenges to the credibility and integrity of journalism. Sensationalism, lack of verification, and conflicts of interest are among the ethical challenges that need to be addressed. Thus, this study aims to provide a comprehensive background on ethical violations among broadcast journalists specifically in Ogun State, Nigeria. A hundred and one fifty journalists in Ogun state, Nigeria were recruited in this study. A baseline questionnaire structured to be well-understood by the respondents and to allow for appropriate questions that can address the research questions was used to collect data for this study. All data collected were presented and analyzed. The responses of the one hundred and fifty respondents were presented and analyzed using a frequency table and a simple percentage formula for easy understanding. The findings indicate that journalists in Ogun State perceive sensationalism as the most significant ethical challenge in broadcast journalism, with many reporting experiences of being pressured to compromise ethical standards. Furthermore, the findings suggest that journalists in Ogun State advocate for stricter enforcement of ethical guidelines as the most effective approach to curbing ethical violations in broadcast journalism, while also expressing a belief that complete elimination of such violations is feasible. In conclusion, this study shows a complex ethical landscape in broadcast journalism in Ogun State, marked by challenges to ethical integrity but also characterized by a collective aspiration towards ethical improvement and accountability.
... As a first step, we argue that democracy enhances information processing. Since the laws and principles of democracy are essential for free and diverse voices to emerge, countries closer to the democratic model provide greater discretion and plurality enabling information search and acquisition (Siebert et al., 1956;Woods, 2007). While democracy enhances the flow of ideas encouraging knowledge recombination, authoritarian states often disrupt such flow and knowledge recombination process by blocking internet contact with the outside world to prevent the spread of politically damaging news (Zheng & Wang, 2020). ...
Prior studies examining the democracy-innovation relationship have reported mixed results. To resolve this tension, our framework grounded in information processing and institutional theory proposes two mechanisms through which democracy influences innovation—pro-market institutions and information processing. Our analysis reveals that democracy indirectly affects innovation primarily through information processing rather than pro-market institutions. While gradually or increasingly democratizing states tend to focus on adopting pro-market systems without considering information freedom (e.g., lifting censorship), our results underscore the importance of information processing for strengthening the democracy-innovation relationship. Our study extends the literature on national innovation rates by shedding light on the information processing implications of democratic institutions.
... It is important to note, however, that the entire idea of objectivity in news media is a recent phenomenon, when considering the whole history of news. In their classic, and yet still resonant Four Theories of the Press, Siebert, Peterson, and Schramm considered The Truth something that would only be dogmatically enforced from above by dominant religious organizations or illiberal, undemocratic systems such as that in the Soviet Union (Siebert et al., 1956) The authors argue that releasing their grip on the press in the 1700s, the Crown and the Church of England paved the way for an expression of opinions in the press, and this tinted, interpretive mode of reporting was the standard as newspapers crossed class boundaries and became commonplace during the Industrial Revolution. This notion flowed into the American colonies and became a staple of media in the post-revolutionary United States. ...
In the early 2020s, democracy appears to be in crisis. The rise of illiberal politics and governments in democratic nations, several wars, and the emergence of what some scholars call the post-truth era has pushed democratic ideals to the edge of the abyss. This paper inductively develops a theoretical position, from empirical evidence, which encourages the development of a media ethics that may contribute to bringing democracy back from that edge. Using database searches and secondary data, the paper shows how an increase in references to a singular, universal, objective truth (referred to here as The Truth) in U.S. media correlates strongly not just with two events of severe media fragmentation and expansion (the emergence of talk radio and social media), but also with sudden, severe drops in the continued decline of trust in government and media institutions. Based on this, the paper proposes the adoption of a media ethics that is based on pluralist notions of truth and discursive co-construction of reality as suggested by both liberal and postmodernist thinkers throughout the 20 th century, drawing in particular on the work of Hannah Arendt.
Zusammenfassung
Struktur-Verhaltens-Ergebnis-Paradigma, Kulturunterschiede, Politische Einflüsse auf Medien, Regulierung, Marktstruktur
จากการศึกษาวิจัยเรื่องนโยบายและการสร้างเครือข่ายลดความรุนแรงจากอาวุธปืน พบว่ามีนโยบายเกี่ยวกับการลดความรุนแรงจากอาวุธปืนมากมายหลายรูปแบบ โดยรูปแบบที่มีลักษณะชัดเจนและใช้ได้ผลจริงได้แก่ กฎหมายในรูปแบบใหม่ ๆ การนำนโยบายด้านสาธารณสุขมาปรับใช้ การใช้ชุมชนเป็นฐาน ส่วนนโยบายการป้องกันความรุนแรงจากอาวุธปืนที่เหมาะสมจะนำมาใช้กับประเทศไทยได้แก่ นโยบายที่ใช้ชุมชนและเครือข่ายเป็นฐาน นโยบายด้านการปรับพฤตินิสัยและสันติวิธี นโยบายด้านการใช้สื่ออย่างมีวิจารณญาณ นโยบายด้านการสาธารณสุขและสุขภาพจิต นโยบายการปราบปรามอาวุธปืนผิดกฎหมาย นโยบายด้านกฎหมายและการบังคับใช้กฎหมาย รวมถึงการสร้างชุมชนต้นแบบการลดความรุนแรงจากอาวุธปืนด้วยการทำข้อตกลงร่วมกันในชุมชน เรียกว่า “ธรรมนูญชุมชนลดความรุนแรงจากอาวุธปืน”
The proliferation of social media in Vietnam has had a profound impact on various aspects of society. It has transformed the way individuals communicate, share information, and express their opinions. Social media platforms have become important channels for political discourse, civic engagement, and mobilisation. During the past decade, social media played a crucial role in raising awareness about social issues, organising protests, and advocating for change.
Climate activists have increasingly used hunger strikes to gather media attention to perceived inaction on the issue; however, there is little guidance for journalists about how they should approach such a story. Applying social responsibility theory to understand the media’s lack of action, and using a case study from an Australian climate hunger striker, this article set out to answer three questions: Should hunger strikes be treated by the media in the same way as suicide, or as a political protest action? Will providing coverage of a hunger strike encourage others to follow suit? And, if the media decides to cover a hunger strike, what if any mitigating factors could be used? Our work concludes that hunger strikes arise from political motivation, are newsworthy and should be covered, but editors must exercise caution, so as not to encourage imitation. Finally, we recommend that helplines should be included in reporting.
In his dissent in the Abrams case (November 1919), US Supreme Court Justice Oliver W. Holmes coined the metaphor of a "free trade in ideas" to justify the need for stronger free speech guarantees. This epistemic argument for free speech, which later turned into the notion of a "marketplace of ideas," became a powerful normative and interpretive rationale in theoretical and historical accounts of expressive freedom, including, for example, a free press, freedom of thought, and religious toleration. However, before the Abrams dissent, Holmes was far from being a champion of a robust freedom of expression. As late as the spring of 1919 he had upheld the constitutionality of repressive wartime legislation. Thus, the summer of 1919 is considered the major turning point in Holmes' legal and political views on free speech. This article focuses on the role of the young Harold Laski during these months, examining his book recommendations to Holmes. Insisting on the history and theory of the truth-seeking functions of expressive freedoms, Laski's books pointed to the epistemic argument for free speech as competition which is found in the Abrams dissent. I also consider additional reasons for Holmes' change of mind, particularly how the "First Red Scare" affected Laski and colleagues of his who were engaged in civil-rights activism. Lastly, the article reflects on what the Laski-Holmes relationship may tell us regarding the later assimilation of the Abrams dissent and the "marketplace of ideas" as core elements of a long-term libertarian tradition of free speech.
Consumption of Video on Demand (VoD) content in Kenya has been on the rise for the past few years fuelled mainly by good internet connectivity and availability of hand-held mediated communication devices. Consumption of this kind of content spiked during Covid-19 Pandemic due to containment measures which restricted movement of people. The study looked, in details, at the role played by the Kenya Film Classification Board (KFCB) in this new frontier of media regulation. The study focused on aspects of regulation such as strategies employed or that are still at the formulation stage to regulate the sector, the current regulatory frameworks that Kenya is implementing in reference to the sector and various VoD platforms operating in the country, both local and foreign and their monetization models. The researcher adopted a mixed method, combining survey and in-depth interview to generate both quantitative and qualitative data. For the Survey, a sample size formula calculator was used to achieve a sample of 357 film producers from a target population of 5,000. A management representative from respondent for KFCB was selected using purposive sampling to be interviewed for insights on the research topic. The research engaged a two-way ANOVA technique and the results summarized and analysed in terms of types of regulations, policy and strategy frameworks engaged and monetization models. Being a study on media regulation, the Authoritarian Theory of mass media was used. The findings of this research will be significant in informing policy, not only in Kenya, but also within the African continent where such audio-visual regulatory challenges are a commonplace. The harmonization of content regulation in Africa debate is running concurrently with the narrative of creating a borderless Africa under the aegis of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). In view of this, this research will help Kenya, the region’s economic hub, to craft a strong memorandum to table at AfCFTA and argue its case on why harmonized content regulation is important in the wake of the envisaged borderless and digitized continent. Monetization models highlighted will help operating VoD platforms and aspiring start-ups in Kenya to ascertain the best monetization model to adapt in order to reap maximum commercial benefits from the business. To scholars, this research will help in unearthing new knowledge in the world of audio-visual content regulation in the era of internet. The study recommends an urgent need for review of the existing VoD regulatory policies to be in tandem with the changing regulatory environment fuelled by the internet and a robust engagement with key stakeholders that KFCB regulates. The study also recommends further research on the interconnectedness of consumption of VoD content by young people and cultural imperialism. The research concludes by highlighting legislative gaps in the current laws on film regulation in Kenya to match the changes brought by VoD consumption.
We analyzed 360 incidents of social media censorship (SMC) across 76 countries from 2009 to 2023 to examine if regime types and social media (SM) platforms can predict the reasons for SMC. Our multinomial logistic regression analysis based on two hypotheses suggests that regime types significantly fully influence, while SM platforms partially influence censorship reasons. Even though the democratization process in a country tends to increase online liberty, there is a potential for increased control in democratic environments if SM platforms threaten user safety and privacy. We also suggest that security reasons, often cited by democracies, may have underlying political motivations. These insights could inform the development of more appropriate frameworks and strategies for SM regulation across diverse political contexts.
This study aims to find out the representation of the Taliban 2.0 in international media. The crux of this document argues that the international media has used propaganda techniques while reporting about the Taliban 2.0. Framing theory by Erwin Goffman is induced in this research. To find out the result the international media is divided into the model of Siebert that explained in his book of four theories of press media libertarian, authoritarian, social responsibility, and communist theory practiced in the world. The US, India, the UK, and Russia are selected for the sake of this research. The New York Times, Times of India, and The Times newspapers have been used respectively from the above-stated countries. A quantitative method approach comprising content analysis is used to examine the content of the selected newspapers. The findings reveal that NYT has used 58% propaganda techniques in their news stories while the TOI and The Times have used 56% in their news stories.
Keywords: Representation of Taliban 2.0, International Press Media, Framing Theory, Propaganda Techniques, and Content Analysis.
Ethiopia has been in a new transition since 2018 which resulted in changes in political arenas. In this period, the country has also been experiencing internal conflict and political instabilities. This article assesses how the political environment is convenient for the journalists to freely report stories, and how journalists practice their professional roles which have not yet studied. The article used both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The qualitative data was collected through in-depth interviews with key media practitioners. The quantitative data was collected through a self- administered questionnaire from selected 164journalists from the public, and private media in the country. The result shows journalists’ freedom and practicing their profession in reporting stories from different views in the current unstable situation in the country are highly challenged. Among the respondents, more than 65% confirmed that they are not free to report stories; 95% of the sampled journalists either self-censor or ignore stories about conflicts and other critical issues in the country. The journalists are highly pressurized by the government and other actors who have ardent interest in controlling media to propagate their agenda and in silencing the critical voices. This put journalists to stack between a rock and a hard.
Читателю впервые предлагается перевод на русский язык программной статьи Сары Оатс «Неосоветская модель медиа», опубликованной в 2007 году (Sarah Oates, 2007). В предисловии научного редактора перевода обосновывается актуальность публикации. Дана характеристика теоретического контекста появления статьи, включая научную дискуссию о нормативных теориях медиа середины 2000-х годов. Цель научного осмысления – предложить критический взгляд на методику исследования Сары Оатс, а также ряд замечаний о трансформации российской медиасистемы за 16 лет, прошедшие после публикации статьи. В данной статье представлены две части: предисловие научного редактора и непосредственно перевод статьи Сары Оатс «Неосоветская модель медиа».Как указывается в аннотации Сары Оатс, в статье «исследуется генезис неосоветской модели средств массовой информации. На основе результатов изучения российских медиа в постсоветский период, а также обзора их деятельности во время выборов в указанном регионе, в статье делается вывод о том, что российские медиа в настоящее время функционируют в «неосоветском» ключе. В число факторов, формирующих эту модель медиа, входят отказ от сбалансированного подхода или объективности; наличие изъянов в законодательстве, регулирующем деятельность медиа; самоцензура; вмешательство государства и давление на СМИ; недостаток профессионализма в журналистской среде; а также атмосфера насилия в отношении журналистов. Кроме того, при переходе от советской к неосоветской модели имеет место преемственность в том, как медиа воспринимаются их аудиторией». Ключевые слова: Сара Оатс, неосоветская модель медиа, медиасистема, цензура, постсоветское пространство, контент-анализ.
This paper examines how ownership interference affects a fair, pluralistic and objective press in Nigeria especially the broadcast media. It exposes that the press must be balance and provide opportunity for all shades of opinions on every raging issue of national interest in line with the social responsibility theory of the press. It concludes that ownership interference whether government, institution or individuals is one pivotal issue that impedes the press from achieving the above objective and admonishes that they should be limited inferences from media owners on the activities of media organization. This work, therefore, highlights on how ownership interference impedes on achieving a fair, objective and reliable press in Nigeria, especially the broadcast media.
Throughout history, Egypt has often been viewed as the Arab region’s leader in media, politics, and culture. With a large film and entertainment industry, it has been referred to as the Hollywood of the East. As the most populous and one of the most politically influential countries in the Arab world, Egypt has also led the region in the development of a relatively open print and broadcast media. According to Amin (2002) Egypt’s print and broadcast media have attracted large audiences, disseminating Egyptian culture, dialect and political messages throughout the region. Egypt has a wide range of government-run and private media. The Egyptian Radio and Television Union (ERTU), which is part of the Ministry of Information, supervise broadcast media. There are three national TV channels as well as six local channels. Channel Two, which is a national channel, broadcasts mainly in English and French. There are also numerous private satellite TV channels. To understand why Egyptian media is structured the way it is, we must look at the nature of the relationship between the government and media, and examine the underlying differences between state and privately-owned media. It is important to situate this complex relationship, and Egypt’s transformative media landscape, within a broader historical context.
The increased scale of cross-border journalistic investigations brings about severe challenges: online harassment, physical violence, legal threats, but also emotional challenges and mental stress that can lead to burnout. The latter has never been the focus of studies on cross-border investigative journalistic collaborations. This paper seeks to fill in this gap and contribute to the understanding of how the cross-border aspects of investigative journalists’ work shape their mental well-being. Based on eighteen semi-structured interviews conducted with investigative journalists across Europe in the first half of 2023, this study addresses the following research questions: What are the specific challenges, threats, and risks encountered by investigative journalists working on cross-border collaborations? How do these challenges and risks affect investigative journalists’ mental well-being? What coping mechanisms do investigative journalists employ? Our findings show that cross-border investigative journalists experience a systemic neglect of mental well-being in the profession. Moreover, journalists face country-specific challenges, stemming from varying legal constraints and disparities in institutional support and protection across countries. The lack of safety measures that protect journalists beyond physical safety, multitasking, and the lack of concern for cross-border investigative journalists’ mental well-being can prove particularly challenging for freelancers. At the same time, the cross-border collaborations are depicted as a source of mutual assistance, protection, and a sense of community among international journalists.
The previous chapter described the overarching characteristics of the relationship between the Canadian state and Indigenous Peoples. Importantly, while settler colonialism continues to structure how the state attempts to govern over Indigenous communities and lands, settler-Indigenous relations are far from static. Further, settler colonialism in Canada extends beyond the direct relationship between the state and Indigenous Peoples to include a broad range of social, political, and cultural institutions/actors. These other institutions/actors are highlighted in the TRC’s 94 Calls to Action and include the healthcare system, public educators, judges and lawyers, child welfare services, and, of course, media organizations and journalists. This chapter situates the news media within broader settler colonial processes and institutional relationships which perpetuate power imbalances between the settler state and Indigenous Peoples. The first half of this chapter surveys the Canadian political communications literature to unpack the normative role that the news media play within liberal democratic politics. I pair this survey with a review of the critical political communications literature which focuses on the relationship between news media representations and power hierarchies structured around race, gender, sexuality, and class. I highlight that despite the Canadian news media’s self-conception as democratic watchdogs and public educators, research has demonstrated consistent racialized, gendered, and colonial patterns in coverage of Canadian politics.
The main thesis of the article – constructed from the standpoint of transcendental-pragmatic communicating philosophy – is to indicate aggression present in today’s media space as the most significant threat to discursive rationality. Elaborating on this thesis required, on the one hand, understanding how previous theories conceptualized aggression, and on the other hand, explaining the specificity of discursive rationality. On this basis, it was possible to propose a different approach to the problem of aggression, which, in subsequent steps, allowed the recognition that (1) due to communicative aggression present in the specific media space shaped by the latest media, the fundamental tendency toward consensus in communicative processes undergoes destruction precisely because of the specificity of this “megamedial” space. This (2) consequently prevents the maintenance of the discursive nature of human rationality, and thus (3) poses a fundamental threat to the existence of the communication community. In a “positive plan”, these diagnoses ultimately point to the principle of co-responsibility and the normative ethical framework based on it as determinants of social practices safeguarding the idea of consensus.
The main thesis of the article – constructed from the standpoint of transcendental-pragmatic communicating philosophy – is to indicate aggression present in today’s media space as the most significant threat to discursive rationality. Elaborating on this thesis required, on the one hand, understanding how previous theories conceptualized aggression, and on the other hand, explaining the specificity of discursive rationality. On this basis, it was possible to propose a different approach to the problem of aggression, which, in subsequent steps, allowed the recognition that (1) due to communicative aggression present in the specific media space shaped by the latest media, the fundamental tendency toward consensus in communicative processes undergoes destruction precisely because of the specificity of this “megamedial” space. This (2) consequently prevents the maintenance of the discursive nature of human rationality, and thus (3) poses a fundamental threat to the existence of the communication community. In a “positive plan”, these diagnoses ultimately point to the principle of co-responsibility and the normative ethical framework based on it as determinants of social practices safeguarding the idea of consensus.
Media system analysis requires establishing analytical simplifications addressing the unique, diverse, and contextualized nature of media around the world, especially in contexts where political change is contested and “discrepancies” with global processes are observed. This article draws on the context of Cuba during Raúl Castro's presidency (2006-2018) as a benchmark, aiming to identify dilemmas and theoretical-methodological options for the study of national media systems during periods of similar economic-political reforms. This contextual framework guides the strategy for searching, selecting, and retrieving information, employing a bibliographic-documentary review method. First, the article distinguishes and describes dilemmas related to the limits and centrality of politics, the relationship between the national and the transnational, the relationship between structure and agency, and the relevance of the cultural dimension. Then, it argues for three methodological strategies whose integration would address the aforementioned dilemmas, the complexity of studying a media system, the distinction of emerging interpretive frameworks, and the socialization of knowledge: the historical[1]spatial-temporal perspective, analytical regeneration, orientation towards the discursive, and knowledge representation. Conclusions highlight the relevance of applying a comparative approach to integrate the different strategies, and the positioning regarding the described issues is distinguished from a contextual, relational, changing, diverse, and interactive perspective between boundaries, actors, and structures.
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