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Abstract

Climate action has two pillars: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation faces collective action issues because its costs are focused on specific locations/ actors but benefits are global and nonexcludable. Adaptation, in contrast, creates local benefits, and therefore should face fewer collective action issues. However, governance units vary in the types of adaptation policies they adopt. To explain this variation, we suggest conceptualizing adaptation-as-politics because adaptation speaks to the issues of power, conflicting policy preferences, resource allocation, and administrative tensions. In examining who develops and implements adaptation, we explore whether adaptation is the old wine of disaster management in the new bottle of climate policy, and the tensions between national and local policy making. In exploring what adaptation policies are adopted, we discuss maladaptation and the distinction between hard and soft infrastructure. Finally, we examine why politicians favor visible, hard adaptation over soft adaptation, and how international influences shape local policy. 2.1

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... Until recently, scholars and practitioners have mainly debated climate change adaptation as a policy challenge to be addressed by subnational and national governmental bodies (cf. Dolšak and Prakash, 2018). However, as climate risks become more pressing, the private sector is increasingly seen as critical in the transition to a climate-resilient future (e.g. ...
... Climate risks are often associated with a high degree of uncertainty, making it difficult to measure vulnerability and evaluate the effectiveness of different responses (Underdal, 2010). To understand their exposure to climate risks, companies needs to set up new procedures to assess and generate knowledge about climate risks (Sovacool and Linnér, 2016;Dolšak and Prakash, 2018). Typical examples of institutional responses are climate risk assessments, related early warning systems for natural disasters and floods, and weather forecasting. ...
... Infrastructural responses, which we use synonymously with "hard adaptation" (Sovacool and Linnér, 2016;Dolšak and Prakash, 2018), refer to investments to climate-proof infrastructure (Sovacool and Linnér, 2016). Examples of such climate-proofing of infrastructure is the building of sea walls against sea-level rise, construction of water reservoirs and irrigation systems, as well as of more solid storage facilities of toxic substances. ...
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Private companies have in recent years started to disclose information about their exposure and responses to climate risks. However, we still know little about how and why private actors engage in climate change adaptation, and to what extent they do so in ways that improve societal resilience. This article addresses these questions. It conceptualizes private adaptation as consisting of institutional, infrastructural and community-oriented responses to climate risks. It develops a political-economic framework about the drivers of private adaptation, where private adaptation is expected to be shaped by pressures exerted by governments, investors, and civil society actors. Empirically, the framework is explored by using an original dataset on the adaptation responses of the 37 largest mining companies worldwide. We select the mining sector as mineral extraction plays a critical role in the low-carbon transition, and can, at the same time, exacerbate climate vulnerability in extracting sites. The descriptive findings suggest that the majority of the investigated companies have set up procedures to assess climate impacts on business operations, integrated climate risks in water governance, and adapted their infrastructure. The explanatory results indicate that private adaptation is mainly driven by investor pressures, and not domestic regulations and civil society. By implication, companies rarely engage in community-oriented adaptation responses by cooperating with local communities in ways that would benefit these communities. Taken together, our findings help to better understand the limitations of private adaptation and barriers to achieve transformative change, and identify how private adaptation could help improve societal resilience.
... The literature is much thinner on whether these plans and programs are materializing (Javeline 2014). In practice, governments may simply be repackaging existing infrastructure, regulations, and practices as Badaptation,^especially for disaster management, but not meaningfully reducing vulnerability to climate change, or they might be addressing vulnerabilities without labeling their actions as adaptation, due to the politically charged public dialog surrounding climate change (Dolšak and Prakash 2018). ...
... However, adaptation is a highly political issue, marked by policy failures and considerable governance challenges (Dolšak and Prakash 2018). As Robin Craig notes in her paper, BCoastal adaptation, insurance, and perverse incentives to stay,^the law, especially in coastal zones, Bshould be a critical tool in promoting and directing climate change adaptation.^Craig ...
... In the former category, we could place energy siting issues that impose local costs, such as nuclear plants, oil pipelines, wind farms, or solar facilities, which have invited a local backlash across the world [60]. On the other hand, climate adaptation issues, such as planting trees to reduce the "heat island effect" or drought-proofing agriculture, which often generate local benefits might be more popular among the electorate [61,62]. ...
Article
Climate issues widely feature in policy discussions, but it is not clear if voters reward politicians who champion climate policies. In some countries, candidates and parties with an explicit climate agenda have done well in elections (Switzerland and Germany being recent examples) while in other cases, voters have either ignored climate issues or punished candidates/parties for their climate positions (Australia, the U.K., and Canada). Focusing on the U.S. as a case study, we examine the electoral appeal of the Green New Deal (GND) legislative proposal which outlined a vision for a sustainable and equitable economy. Different versions of the GND policy idea have been adopted across the world. The GND was introduced in the US Congress in 2019 and was endorsed by 102 of the 232 House Democrats, but not by a single Republican. Our analysis finds an association between Democrats’ endorsement of the GND and a 2.01 percentage point increase in their vote share, even after controlling for the 2018 vote share. Unlike most western democracies, the U.S. is a laggard on climate issues. Yet, we find that U.S. voters reward legislators who advocate an ambitious climate policy agenda.
... Given the high vulnerability of many agricultural systems in SSA to climate change risks, and the lack of effective mitigation efforts to limit global warming, the implementation of adaptation responses has become increasingly important (Dolšak and Prakash 2018). Adaptation refers to long-term actions and decision-making processes utilised by households and communities to generate production and livelihood resilience in light of climate change risks (Moser and Ekstrom 2010). ...
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There is growing evidence of a range of theoretical and applied Indigenous climate change adaptation strategies, yet analyses of African examples are generally focused at single local spatial scales, with limited description of how they have evolved over time. Drawing from research across three districts in northern Ghana, this study employs a mixed-methods approach and an interpretivist framework to develop understanding of how farmers are implementing Indigenous adaptation strategies in response to climate change risks at both household and community scales. Farmers are perceiving multiple climate risks such as increased temperatures, erratic rainfall and prolonged droughts, which are disrupting cropping calendars and decreasing productivity. In response to those impacts, farming households are utilising Indigenous knowledge to individually implement diverse strategies such as rainwater harvesting, relocation of farms to water sources, neem leaf extract and organic manure applications, while communities are collectively engaging in congregational prayers, rituals for rainmaking, taboos, investment in local irrigation systems and tree planting. Farmers’ adaptation strategies are evolving over time, as many people are integrating Indigenous practices with modern knowledge and technologies to facilitate improvements in irrigation, organic manure application, planting drought-resistant crops, agroforestry and crop diversification. Decision-makers in local, regional and national government institutions could work to design multi-scalar adaptation interventions that support the integration of Indigenous and modern knowledge to address the complexity of climate change risks across different scales to promote sustainable livelihoods.
... The process character and interactions between different categories of learning and adaptive change indicate complexity. As underlined by Dolsak and Prakash (2018), adaptation policies might lead someone to relax on own actions thereby increasing vulnerabilities, or policies might facilitate adaptation in the short-term while eroding such effects in the long-term, causing maladaptation. Consequently, categorising particular actions and practices as incremental or transformational is challenging. ...
Article
During the last decade, it has become evident that planet earth will be warming. Hence, there is an increasing focus on how to adapt to a changing climate. The adaptation literature underlines the importance played by local government in planning and implementing adaptation policies. This article is addressing learning–knowledge–action processes within and between local (municipal) and central (national and regional) government levels, thereby filling a gap in the literature. The analysis is using empirical data from Norway; a country commonly considered as having a well-developed multi-level governance system, with a strong bottom-up component, thereby apparently meeting a core condition for developing and implementing transformational changes. The study finds that single and double-loop learning are dominating, fostering incremental changes, but combined incremental changes related to technically handling surface water are approaching transitional change. As a first step, the study suggests it is necessary to formulate policies that explicitly combe incremental changes in order to achieve transitional and transformational change. Moreover, policies for fostering oppositional knowledge networks as part of vertical–horizontal governance may be necessary for pushing the system in the direction of transition and transformation.
... Coastal protection efforts deal primarily with attempts to mitigate the risks of severe weather along coastal areas, especially storm surges and damage from hurricanes and typhoons. They can include "soft" measures using natural capital such as afforestation and mangrove restoration, or "hard" measures such as seawall construction or reinforcement (Sovacool, 2011;Dolšak and Prakash, 2018). Annual weather-related disasters have increased fourfold in the past forty years, and insurance payouts have increased by a factor of eleven over the same period, rising by $10 billion per year for most of the past decade (Reddy and Assensa, 2009). ...
... Coastal protection efforts deal primarily with attempts to mitigate the risks of severe weather along coastal areas, especially storm surges and damage from hurricanes and typhoons. They can include "soft" measures using natural capital such as afforestation and mangrove restoration, or "hard" measures such as seawall construction or reinforcement (Sovacool, 2011;Dolšak and Prakash, 2018). Annual weather-related disasters have increased fourfold in the past forty years, and insurance payouts have increased by a factor of eleven over the same period, rising by $10 billion per year for most of the past decade (Reddy and Assensa, 2009). ...
Article
What is a low-carbon pathway? To many, it is a way of mitigating climate change. To others, it is about addressing market failure or capturing the co-benefits attached to low-carbon systems, such as jobs or improved health. To still others, it represents building adaptive capacity and resilience in the face of climate change. However, these interpretations can fail to acknowledge how pathways of low-carbon transitions can also become intertwined with processes and structures of inequality, exclusion and injustice. Using a critical lens that draws from a variety of disciplines, this article explores three ways through which responses to climate change can entrench, exacerbate or reconfigure the power of elites. As society attempts to create a low-carbon society, including for example via coastal protection efforts, disaster recovery, or climate change mitigation and renewable energy, these efforts intersect with at least three processes of elite power: experimentation, financialisation, and dispossession. Experimentation is when elites use the world as a laboratory to test or pilot low-carbon technologies or policy models, transferring risks yet not always sharing benefits. Financialisation refers to the expansion and proliferation of finance, capital, and financial markets in the global economy and many national economies, processes of which have recently extended to renewable energy. Dispossession is when elites use decarbonisation as a process through which to appropriate land, wealth, or other assets (and in the process make society more majoritarian and/or unequal). We explore these three themes using a variety of evidence across illustrative case studies, including hard and soft coastal protection measures (Bangladesh, Netherlands), climate risk insurance (Malawi), and renewable energy auctions and associated mechanisms of finance and investment (South Africa and Mexico).
... Because adaptation is perceived to create local benefits (as opposed to a global public good), citizens should be more willing to pay an adaptation-focused tax (Dolšak and Prakash 2018). ...
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Public support for policy instruments is influenced by perceptions of how benefits and costs are distributed across various groups. We examine different carbon tax designs outlining different ways to distribute tax revenues. Using a national online sample of 1,606 U.S. respondents, we examine support for a $20/ton carbon tax that is: (1) Revenue Neutral: revenue is returned to citizens via tax cuts; (2) Compensation‐focused: revenue is directed to helping actors disproportionately hurt by the tax; (3) Mitigation‐focused: revenue funds projects reducing carbon emissions; and (4) Adaptation‐focused: revenue is directed to enhancing community resilience to extreme weather events. We find devoting revenue to mitigation raises overall support for carbon tax by +6.3% versus the control (54.9%) where no information on spending is provided. Other frames raise support in specific subgroups only. Revenue neutrality raises support among lower‐income households (+6.6%) and political independents (+9.4%), while ompensation increases support among lower‐income repondents (+6.1%).
... In contrast to climate mitigation, it is more likely that the benefits of adaptation policies are captured locally, and the benefits also accrue immediately. While there are some similar findings in the case of climate adaptation, with only small and transient effects on mean support able to be discerned, this relationship could be tested across a wider range of contexts (Ray et al. 2017;Dolšak and Prakash 2018). Again, this is worth examining in contexts such as the post-bushfire environment, which may translate more readily into support for adaptation measures in general, and among exposed populations. ...
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Extreme weather patterns can be linked to the effects of anthropogenic climate change with increasing confidence. Evidence from the USA suggests a weak relationship between individuals’ experiences of many types of weather events and concern about climate change. Using data from Australia, we investigate the effects of experiences of increases in mean temperatures and drought on a range of measures related to individuals’ beliefs in, and concerns about, climate change. Our results show no association between recent experiences of elevated temperature relative to long-term average and views about climate change, though some association between longer-term temperature experiences. We find some evidence that experiencing less rainfall relative to the historical average is related to stronger sentiment that climate change is happening and higher levels of concern. The results are consistent with previous research showing experiences of extreme weather events do not have a large effect on beliefs in, or concerns about, climate change.
... with heterogenous values, beliefs, interests, and influence (Adger et al., 2013(Adger et al., , 2009Dolšak & Prakash, 2018;Eakin et al., 2017;Eriksen et al., 2015;Leiserowitz, 2006;Sovacool & Linnér, 2016). In addition to barriers that can hinder adaptation works, enablers have been put forward as a way to overcome some of these challenges (Dutra et al., 2015;Dyckman et al., 2014). ...
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Abstract Coastal climate adaptation public works, such as storm surge barriers and levees, are central elements of several current proposals to limit damages from coastal storms and sea‐level rise in the United States. Academic analysis of these public works projects is dominated by technocratic and engineering‐driven frameworks. However, social conflict, laws, political incentives, governance structures, and other political factors have played pivotal roles in determining the fate of government‐led coastal flood risk reduction efforts. Here, we review the ways in which politics has enabled or hindered the conception, design, and implementation of coastal risk reduction projects in the U.S. We draw from the literature in natural hazards, infrastructure, political science, and climate adaptation and give supporting examples. Overall, we find that (1) multiple floods are often needed to elicit earnest planning; (2) strong and continuous leadership from elected officials is necessary to advance projects; (3) stakeholder participation during the design stage has improved outcomes; (4) legal challenges to procedural and substantive shortcomings under environmental protection statutes present an enduring obstacle to implementing megastructure proposals.
... When citizens are faced with the prospect of paying for adaptation, they will be forced to recognize the true costs that ignoring global climate change will have for themselves and their communities. Consequently, citizens will be less likely to invoke the "China excuse" 2 to justify policy inaction (Dolšak & Prakash, 2015) and more willing to support climate change mitigation. Viewed in this way, discussions about adaptation can be interpreted as a strategy to educate citizens of the costs of ignoring climate change. ...
Article
Can information about adaptation costs influence citizens’willingness to support climate change mitigation? Some scholars are concerned that policy discussions on adaptation might present climate change as a more manageable problem, and therefore crowd out mitigation efforts.On the other hand, providing information on adaptation costs may sensitize citizens to these costs, thereby increasing their willingness to support mitigation. To assess these conflicting predictions, we fielded a web-based survey experiment using a sample of 2,000 US-based respondents. We presented the respondents with a hypothetical newspaper article regarding a proposed gasoline tax (a mitigation strategy) and measured the support for this proposal across different treatment groups. In the control group, the respondents were told that failure to mitigate climate change could result in a potentially catastrophic outcome, whereas in each of the treatment groups the respondents were provided with information concerning possible adaptation costs. The respondents were then asked about their willingness to support a gasoline tax. Our key finding is that the provision of information about adaptation costs leads to a small increase in the respondents’willingness to support mitigation efforts.Furthermore, we find that this effect becomes larger when the information regarding adaptation costs is made more specific.
... While mitigation policies can create local benefits such as green jobs and reduce local air pollution, it is less clear how their climate benefits can be reaped at the local level. In contrast, adaptation policies tend to have characteristics of local public goods (Dolšak and Prakash 2018) because adaptation is expected to enhance the local capacity to cope with extreme weather events or rising sea levels, which disrupts the local economy and damages the community's fiscal health. ...
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This paper examines whether US cities’ membership in voluntary climate clubs improves the municipal bond ratings issued by S&P, Moody’s, and Fitch. We suggest that only clubs focused on climate adaptation could help cities signal their resilience to climate risks and their ability to service their municipal bonds. Yet, club membership is only a signal of intent. By itself, it does not offer concrete evidence that cities have adopted adaptation policies or enhanced their resilience to climate risks. We examine three climate clubs: ICLEI, whose membership obligations cover climate and other environmental issues; C40, whose scope covers both climate mitigation and adaptation; and 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), which focuses on adaptation only. Employing a two-way fixed effects model for a panel of 80 US cities from 1995 to 2018, we find that 100RC membership leads to a small improvement in bond ratings. This has important policy implications: Assurances about implementing adaptation policy, as opposed to evidence about how adaptation reduces climate risks, could have spillover effects on municipal finance. In such cases, climate adaptation could have tangible implications for city-level finances.
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This paper examines whether U.S. cities’ membership in voluntary climate clubs improves the municipal bond ratings issued by S&P, Moody’s, and Fitch. We suggest that only clubs focused on climate adaptation could help cities signal their resilience to climate risks and their ability to service their municipal bonds. Yet, club membership is only a signal of intent. By itself, it does not offer concrete evidence that cities have adopted adaptation policies or enhanced their resilience to climate risks. We examine three climate clubs: ICELI, whose membership obligations cover climate and other environmental issues; the C40 club, whose scope covers both climate mitigation and adaptation; and the 100 Resilient Cities (100RC) program, which focuses on adaptation only. Employing a two-way fixed effects model for a panel of 80 U.S. cities from 1995 to 2018, we find that 100RC membership leads to a small improvement in bond ratings. This has important policy implications: assurances about implementing adaptation policy, as opposed to evidence about how adaptation reduces climate risks, could have spillover effects on municipal finance. In such cases, climate adaptation could have tangible implications for city-level finances.
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It has long been recognised that poor, marginalised groups are the most vulnerable to hazards related to climate change. Several recent studies have suggested that such communities may be doubly vulnerable when interventions are carried out to make climate-change-related adaptations. Climate-change interventions may be “maladaptive” and may further “injure” vulnerable communities. Although such findings are troubling, little empirical research has been conducted to explore how and where climate change interventions and discourses are shaping and being shaped by social stratification, inclusion and exclusion. This article therefore aims to contribute to our understanding of the negative (side-)effects of climate change interventions for vulnerable social groups. We investigate this issue in the context of climate change and increased flood risk in Jakarta, Indonesia. Our analysis of two cases of intervention shows how these are “maladaptations”. Flood policies in Jakarta are clearly failing to mitigate risk for the city’s poorest populations and are instead compounding the risks they face with those of eviction and increased poverty. The data on which this paper is based were collected during a total of one-and-a-half years of anthropological fieldwork conducted by the authors between 2010 and 2015.
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Many have speculated that increased attention to climate change adaptation will reduce support for mitigation. The Risk Compensation Hypothesis suggests that remedies to reduce the impacts of risky behaviors can unintentionally increase those behaviors. The Risk Salience Hypothesis suggests that information about adaptation may increase the salience of impacts, and therefore increase mitigation support. Experiment 1 presented participants with a news article about an irrigation technology described as a way to improve efficiency (Pure Control), reduce emissions (Mitigation Control), or reduce drought vulnerability (Adaptation). Political moderates in the adaptation condition rated climate change as a higher political priority and were more supportive of a policy to subsidize the technology than those in both controls. Results were not replicated in Experiment 2. These results partially support the Risk Salience Hypothesis. There was no evidence to justify the concern that discussing adaptation will reduce support for mitigation or concern about climate change.
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Public participation is commonly advocated in policy responses to climate change. Here we discuss prospects for inclusive approaches to adaptation, drawing particularly on studies of long-term coastal management in the UK and elsewhere. We affirm that public participation is an important normative goal in formulating response to climate change risks, but argue that its practice must learn from existing critiques of participatory processes in other contexts. Involving a wide range of stakeholders in decision-making presents fundamental challenges for climate policy, many of which are embedded in relations of power. In the case of anticipatory responses to climate change, these challenges are magnified because of the long-term and uncertain nature of the problem. Without due consideration of these issues, a tension between principles of public participation and anticipatory adaptation is likely to emerge and may result in an overly managed form of inclusion that is unlikely to satisfy either participatory or instrumental goals. Alternative, more narrowly instrumental, approaches to participation are more likely to succeed in this context, as long as the scope and limitations of public involvement are made explicit from the outset.
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This paper outlines the link between child and forced marriage, dowry and climate changes in Bangladesh. Drawing on a three year research study on the gendered impacts of climate change, we argue that climate crises are creating significant economic hardships. This has led to dowry being viewed by the families of young men as a form of capital accumulation. For the families of girls, dowry has become a significant burden, a burden that increases with the age of the girl. We argue that the economic crises created by climate challenges are leading to an increase in child and forced marriages because the dowry is cheaper. We conclude that attention to climate challenges must take a much broader focus on social consequences in order to protect the human rights of women and girls in vulnerable communities.
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The close linkages between climate change adaptation and development have led to calls for addressing the two issues in an integrated way. ‘Mainstreaming’ climate information, policies and measures into ongoing development planning and decision-making has been proposed as one solution, seen as making more sustainable, effective and efficient use of resources than designing and managing climate policies separately from ongoing development activities. But what does mainstreaming look like in practice? This article explores the process of mainstreaming, drawing on the country case study of Bangladesh, one of the countries that have made significant progress on adaptation planning and mainstreaming. The article begins by making the case for mainstreaming, by exploring the linkages and trade-offs between adaptation and development and describing the various approaches to mainstreaming from the literature. Second, it considers how to implement mainstreaming in practice, reviewing an existing four-step framework. Examining this framework against the plethora of mainstreaming experiences in Bangladesh, the article considers how the framework can be used as a tool for assessing the progress of mainstreaming progress in Bangladesh. The article concludes that while the framework is useful for considering some of the preconditions necessary for getting mainstreaming underway, experiences of mainstreaming in Bangladesh reflect a much more complex patchwork of processes and stakeholders that need to be taken into consideration in further research on this topic. WIREs Clim Change 2014, 5:37–51. doi: 10.1002/wcc.226 Conflict of interest: The authors have declared no conflicts of interest for this article. For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website.
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This research note examines the relationship between economic development and gender equality. Drawing on the concept of the Kuznets curve, the authors hypothesize that the relationship between economic development and gender inequality is curvilinear (S shaped), with three distinct stages. In the first stage, economic development improves gender equality because it enables greater female labor-force participation. An independent income stream increases women's intrahousehold bargaining power. The opportunity to develop human capital confers greater political and social recognition. In the second stage, labor-force stratification and gender discrimination encourage divergent male/female income trajectories, which decrease the opportunity costs of female labor-force withdrawal and lend traction to social resistance against burgeoning gender norms. Consequently, there is a deceleration in initial equality gains. In the final stage, gender equality again improves, as greater educational participation and technological advancement provide new employment opportunities for women, increase the opportunity costs of staying home, and encourage the evolution of new social institutions and norms that overcome prior discriminatory practices. The authors find support for this argument in statistical tests of the relationship between economic development and gender equality on a panel of 146 developing countries for the period 1980–2005. They employ four indicators that reflect distinct dimensions of women's political, social, and economic status. They find economic development positively influences gender equality when per capita incomes are below $8,000–$10,000. These equality gains level off or decline slightly in the second stage, from $8,000–10,000 to about $25,000–$30,000. Beyond this level, economic development is again associated with improvements in gender equality. The key implication is that the effect of economic development on gender equality is contingent on the level of development. Policymakers and social activists should develop policy correctives to ensure that economic development confers improvements in gender equality across phases of development.
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The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks stunned Americans. They also created new and unprecedented challenges for public administration, in theory and practice. A careful look at these challenges, however, reveals a familiar core: At its foundation, homeland security is about one of public administration's oldest puzzles—coordination. Although the field has a great deal to say about solving this puzzle, homeland security introduces new and especially difficult dimensions: matching place-based problems with functionally organized services; defining and achieving a minimum level of protection that all citizens ought to receive; building a reliable learning system for problems that, with luck, occur only rarely; balancing the new homeland security mission with existing missions that remain important; and meeting citizens' expectations in a fragmented governance system. These challenges demand a new, more effective system of contingent coordination, one that flexibly develops and matches government's capacity to new and unpredictable problems.
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This article examines ratification of the Kyoto Protocol across 26 transitional economies of Europe and Eurasia for the period of 1998–2009; the period between the Kyoto Protocol and the 2009 Copenhagen meeting. The dependent variable measures whether or not the country has ratified the Kyoto Protocol in a given year. The key variable of interest is the strength of domestic non-governmental organizations (NGOs). To account for the nascent stage of the NGO sector, I measure NGO strength as a “stock” and as a “flow” variable. Using an event-history model, I examine the impact of the NGO strength while controlling for other domestic-based and international drivers of treaty ratification. All time-variant independent variables are lagged by a year. My analysis suggests that the stock of domestic NGO strength is a significant predictor of the timing of ratification. Further, EU accession pressures, ratification levels in contiguous countries, and domestic economic cycle impact the timing of ratification of the treaty.
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Tribal communities in the United States, particularly in coastal areas, are being forced to relocate due to accelerated rates of sea level rise, land erosion, and/or permafrost thaw brought on by climate change. Forced relocation and inadequate governance mechanisms and budgets to address climate change and support adaptation strategies may cause loss of community and culture, health impacts, and economic decline, further exacerbating tribal impoverishment and injustice. Sovereign tribal communities around the US, however, are using creative strategies to counter these losses. Taking a human rights approach, this article looks at communities’ advocacy efforts and strategies in dealing with climate change, displacement, and relocation. Case studies of Coastal Alaska and Louisiana are included to consider how communities are shaping their own relocation efforts in line with their cultural practices and values. The article concludes with recommendations on steps for moving forward toward community-led and government-supported resettlement programs.
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This study examines the network structure of policy learning in the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group, which is a network of the world’s largest cities committed to tackling climate change issues. Among forty members and nineteen affiliate members, we ask the question with whom do cities learn and why? How are policy-learning relationships associated with cities’ multi-stakeholder governing body, policy performance, and cultural similarities? While studies on learning have analyzed conditions facilitating learning, quantitative studies of local government learning in global networks are rare. To facilitate the investigation into learning, we conceptualize learning as a process comprising information seeking, adoption and policy change, and focus on information seeking as the foundation step in the learning process. This social network analysis using the exponential random graph model reveals the cities that seek information and those that are information sources are different subgroups. Furthermore, analysis of nodal attributes suggests that transmunicipal learning in the C40 network is facilitated by the presence of a multi-stakeholder governing body; homophily of culture (language and regional proximity); and higher level of climate change policy performance. Creating a multi-stakeholder governing body could ensure participatory representativeness from citizens and relevant stakeholders to enhance climate change policy engagement and decision making as well as policy learning.
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This paper explores how foreign trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) condition the effect of foreign aid on environmental protection in aid recipient countries. We suggest that (1) environmental protection should be viewed as a public good, and (2) all else equal, resource flows from abroad (via aid, trade and FDI) influence governments’ incentives to provide public goods. (3) Because these resources shape governments’ incentives differently, their interactive effects should be examined. We hypothesize that at low levels of trade and FDI, foreign aid will be associated with superior environmental protection. As trade and FDI levels increase, the effect of foreign aid will diminish and eventually reverse. Our analysis of 88 aid recipients for the period, 1980-2006, lends support to our argument.