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Menstrual Leave Debate: Opportunity to Address Inclusivity in Indian Organizations

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Abstract

Menstrual leave raises a number of questions regarding women’s health, workforce participation and gender equity at work. This paper addresses the issue in the context of urban women in the organized workforce. Their access to clean, safe toilets at work and at home puts them at a relative advantage compared to women in the unorganized sector. Menstrual leave policies, though well-intentioned, could have negative consequences for gender equity and need to be deployed with caution. The debate on the policy has raised important issues related to how workplaces can be more inclusive of women’s bodies. It is suggested that discussions on gender inclusivity must take into account the intersection of gender with age, class and position in the organizational hierarchy.
Menstrual Leave Debate: Opportunity to Address
Inclusivity in Indian Organizations
Jyothsna Latha Belliappa
Jyothsna Latha Belliappa (E-mail:j.belliappa@
gmail.com) is Faculty, Srishti Institute of Art, Design
and Technology, Bangalore.
Menstrual leave raises a number
of questions regarding women’s
health, workforce participation
and gender equity at work. This
paper addresses the issue in the
context of urban women in the
organized workforce. Their ac-
cess to clean, safe toilets at work
and at home puts them at a rela-
tive advantage compared to
women in the unorganized sector.
Menstrual leave policies, though
well-intentioned, could have
negative consequences for gen-
der equity and need to be de-
ployed with caution. The debate
on the policy has raised impor-
tant issues related to how work-
places can be more inclusive of
women’s bodies. It is suggested
that discussions on gender
inclusivity must take into account
the intersection of gender with
age, class and position in the or-
ganizational hierarchy.
Introduction
While legislation in several coun-
tries across Asia (including Indonesia,
Japan, Taiwan and South Korea) pro-
motes paid menstrual leave for
women1, the issue arose only recently
in India when Culture Machine, a me-
dia start-up in Mumbai introduced a
policy of giving women leave on the
First day of (their) Period (popularly
called “FOP Leave”) in July 2017
(Blush Originals, 2017). Soon after, the
Kerala based Media company
Mathrubhoomi followed suit and pri-
vate (unaided) schools in Kerala insti-
tuted a similar policy for teachers
(NDTV, 2017).Culture Machine also
began an online petition asking the Min-
istries of Human Resource Develop-
ment and Women and Child Develop-
ment to make FOP leave the law. At
the time of writing this article a private
member’s bill has been tabled in Par-
liament proposing two days leave ev-
ery month for menstruating women.
1 Research suggests that compliance with the
legislation is patchy with some companies ignoring
the law and others giving it only request.http://
workspace.unpan.org/sites/internet/Documents/
UNPAN96599.pdf
604 The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018
Media Debate
The media debate around FOP leave
is the latest in a series of social and ad-
vertising campaigns that seek to address
taboos around menstruation. In 2015 an
online and offline campaign was
launched, Happy to Bleed, which sought
to break the secrecy and stigma against
acknowledging one’s period in public
(Sanghani, 2015). It began in response
to comments by a priest at the Sabrimalai
temple reiterating the temple’s policy of
not allowing women of reproductive age
to enter due to the concern that they
might be having their period. Another
campaign Pads Against Sexism initiated
in Germany and taken up by students in
Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi and
other universities across the country at-
tempted to break the secrecy around
menstruation and address age old cultural
taboos against discussing one’s body in
public (Sarfaraz, 2015).
The popular sanitary napkin brand
Whisper recently ran an advertising
campaign against taboos associated with
menstruation (not playing sport, staying
indoors) and questioning traditional su-
perstitions such as banning a menstru-
ating woman from touching pickles. The
soon to be released Bollywood film
Padman starring actor Akshay Kumar
(a biopic of Arunachalam Muruga-
nantham who created an award winning
low cost sanitary pad for the Indian
market) also addresses menstrual
stigma. The film’s marketing campaigns
feature the producer and actors advo-
cating open discussions about menstrua-
tion. Therefore, It is likely that men-
struation will continue to remain in pub-
lic discourse in India.
It is likely that menstruation will
continue to remain in public dis-
course in India.
Following Culture Machine’s much
publicized institution of FOP leave, there
was intense debate in the media with
some welcoming the move as an impor-
tant step in supporting women who suf-
fer from pain and discomfort during their
periods while others decrying it as a re-
gressive step that would limit women’s
hard-won right to equal treatment at
work and inhibit their recruitment (as
companies might view them as less pro-
ductive than their male peers). Interest-
ingly, both those for the legislation and
those against claim that having one’s
monthly period is ‘natural’, and not a
cause of embarrassment. Obviously, the
arguments that they make following this
claim are different.
Since the Maternity Benefits Act
(2017) has recently been amended to in-
crease maternity leave from 12 to 26
weeks, there is concern that giving
women multiple types of paid leave will
cause resentment amongst men. Rachel
Chitra (2017) writing in the Times of In-
dia and Somya Abrol (2017) in India To-
day quote several women (and men) from
the corporate sector who oppose the
policy arguing that it would undermine the
cause of gender equality. Mitsu Sahay
(2017) makes a similar argument on the
popular digital platform ‘Feminism in In-
dia’.
Menstrual Leave Debate
The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018 605
Jyothsna Latha Belliappa
606 The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018
Well-known journalist Barkha Dutt
(2017) strongly opposed the policy de-
scribing it as ‘goofy’ and ‘paternalistic’.
Claiming that she covered the 1999 Kargil
war whilst having her period, she argued
that the policy would prompt a backlash
and undermine those women who are try-
ing to enter professional roles to which
they have been traditionally denied ac-
cess: military combat for instance. Tak-
ing Dutt’s point further it could be ar-
gued from a feminist perspective that the
policy reinforces biological essentialism2
which has been used to socially and eco-
nomically marginalize women.
In the American context, similar ar-
guments have been made (Zillman, 2017;
Waldman, 2017). When a UK based or-
ganization, Coexist, instituted it last year
commentators voiced concerns that it
would inhibit recruitment of women and
negatively affect productivity and profit-
ability of organizations to give a large
number of workers paid leave for twelve
days of the year. One male commentator,
news presenter, Philip Schofield suggested
that women might misuse the policy (ITV,
2016). While the possibility of misuse
might equally apply to sick leave and any
form of flexibility granted to employees,
the concern that it might prejudice employ-
ers against female employees is supported
by research on flexible work options for
women as discussed later.
Culture Machine’s video promoting
FOP leave shows its women employees
citing severe cramps, nausea, headaches
2The belief is that men and women have certain sex
specific essential qualities for biological reasons.
and emotions such as irritability and tear-
fulness associated with pre-menstrual
syndrome (PMS) as some of the symp-
toms that interfere with their perfor-
mance at work (Blush Originals, 2017).
One employee claims, “I’m a dictator on
the first day of my period.”; another
states, “The worst thing someone can do
[during my period] is talk.” While any
workplace might have (both male and
female) dictatorial managers, associating
such behavior with PMS furthers stereo-
types about women’s supposed emotion-
ality, which have historically been used
to limit their access to positions of re-
sponsibility and authority. Culture
Machine’s video thus strengthens patri-
archal biases by positioning menstruat-
ing women as hysterical and irrational.
Those in favor of period leave argue
that it is a mark of an organization’s sen-
sitivity to the needs of women employ-
ees. They cite chronic conditions such
as endometriosis, adenomyosis and poly-
cystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) which
are associated with severe and unman-
ageable pain and symptoms like heavy
bleeding, irritable bowels and nausea.
These arguments are supported by pub-
lic health research: endometriosis affects
about 10% of women in the reproduc-
tive age group (Rogers et.al, 2009). The
prevalence of polycystic ovarian syn-
drome is harder to pinpoint as different
sources tend to suggest vastly different
levels of prevalence in individual popula-
tions. For instance, in India different
sources estimate it to range from 10%
of the population to 20% (this divergence
might be attributed to the existence of
multiple types of criteria for diagnosis).
Menstrual Leave Debate
The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018 607
PCOS is also said to be on the rise due
to lifestyle issues (Pathak, 2015).
Even women who do not have
chronic conditions suffer significant dis-
comfort which is managed by over-the-
counter pain medications, rest and home
remedies. Many symptoms can be alle-
viated with rest or by avoiding physically
demanding tasks (the amount of rest re-
quired differs from one woman to an-
other). It is noteworthy that women who
do not suffer from chronic conditions do
not necessarily have equally painful pe-
riods during every cycle. Some cycles
could be more painful than the others for
various reasons including stress, changes
in hormonal levels and diet.
In India as in many other cultures
there is a great deal of secrecy and
shame associated with one’s men-
strual period.
Supporters of FOP argue that it ad-
dresses taboos around discussing men-
struation. In India as in many other cul-
tures there is a great deal of secrecy and
shame associated with one’s menstrual
period. Girls often enter menarche with-
out any knowledge of menstruation ex-
periencing shame, anxiety and fear when
they encounter their first period. Knowl-
edge about menstruation and reproduc-
tive health continues to be limited well
into adulthood. These factors are exac-
erbated by cultural taboos and practices
associated with menstruation.
The media debate on FOP leave is
framed around the concerns of upwardly
mobile urban women. Shrada TK Lama
(2017) points out that it does not address
the vast majority of Dalit and non-Dalit
women employed as unskilled and semi-
skilled workers who have limited access
to menstrual hygiene products. Mitsu
Sahay (2017) argues the debate does not
include homemakers as workers in spite
of their vital economic and non-economic
contribution. Even though school teach-
ers have received the benefit of FOP, the
debate does not take students into ac-
count; adolescents have difficulty adjust-
ing to their menstrual cycle and require
special consideration. While acknowledg-
ing these significant gaps in the discus-
sion, it may be argued that the media
debate creates an opportunity to consider
how organizations can be inclusive of
women’s bodies and bodily functions.
Traditional & Contemporary
Perspectives
The FOP leave debate needs to rec-
ognize the structural inequalities and pa-
triarchal culture that informs women’s
access to paid employment in India. A
fairly widespread cultural taboo positions
menstruation as ritually ‘impure’. Many
religions restrict women’s access to sa-
cred spaces and bar them from partici-
pation in rituals either during their peri-
ods or for the entire duration of their adult
lives until they reach menopause. A well-
known example of this is the restriction
of women from Hindu temples during
their reproductive years (Deepalakshmi,
2015).In many upper caste Hindu house-
holds it is not uncommon to segregate
women and prevent them from entering
the kitchen during menstruation.
Jyothsna Latha Belliappa
608 The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018
These taboos create shame and se-
crecy around menstruation making it dif-
ficult for women and girls to talk about
their periods and related conditions
openly even within their families. For
many women brought up with these ta-
boos, discussing one’s period at work
would be unthinkable (although necessary
to break taboos).
Another important cultural issue re-
lated to menstruation in India is the exist-
ence of taboos and stigmas which limit the
possibility of open conversations about
menstrual health. van Eijk et. al (2016)
found that only 50% of Indian girls know
about menstruation when they get their first
period. Although sexuality education is
gaining ground in India with the Ministry
of Health launching the adolescent health
resource kit and associated app to dissemi-
nate knowledge about puberty (Ministry of
Health, 2017) and many private schools
initiating conversations on the issue, it is
still patchy and a vast majority of women
still have poor access to knowledge about
their own bodies and sexual health.
If hastily and poorly implemented
it could strengthen misconceptions
about menstruation.
The stigma and secrecy surrounding
menstruation needs to be eradicated via
advocacy, education and activism (such
as the Happy to Bleed and Pads Against
Sexism campaigns) but a leave policy for
adult women in the workforce does not
address this issue. Rather if hastily and
poorly implemented it could strengthen
misconceptions about menstruation.
Challenges
The World Economic Forum’s Glo-
bal Gender Gap Report (2017) reveals
that India ranks108th out of 144 countries;
it fares even worse in the category of
economic participation of women (ranked
at 139). The report reveals that women
account for only 11% of the board mem-
bers of publicly traded companies and
15% of personnel working in research
and development, suggesting that the
glass ceiling remains strong and women
have had limited success in breaking it.
Deepika Nath (2000) suggests that
women need to contend with a number
of obstacles to promotion including con-
cern that they will not be committed to
their careers after marriage and child-
birth or that they will not be willing to
travel extensively. She argues that “mari-
tal status was used to infer willingness
to re-locate and commitment to the or-
ganization (2000, n.p). Although Nath’s
research is seventeen years old, her ar-
gument is relevant even today. Shruti
Janardhan (2017) suggests that when it
comes to jobs that require travel and field-
work, men tend to be hired over women;
the latter are often asked in job interviews
when they plan to marry or have chil-
dren.
This author’s (2013) research
amongst women employed in the IT in-
dustry found that many could not partici-
pate in informal networking which was
required to increase their visibility and
social capital in organizations: some of
this networking happened in the evenings
and over the weekends (when women
Menstrual Leave Debate
The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018 609
were engaged in domestic work and
childcare) but over smoke-breaks and
long lunches which men could engage in
as their domestic responsibilities did not
require them to rush home. Since they
could not spend more than eight-nine
hours at the workplace, women tended
to work through the day with minimal
breaks allowing little room for building
informal relationships.
Based on research amongst men
employed in Indian companies, Jain and
Mukherjee (2010) argue that the contin-
ued existence of the glass ceiling can be
attributed to entrenched patriarchal atti-
tudes even though its existence is denied
by their respondents. That their male re-
spondents were unaware of their gender
biases points to the enduring nature of
patriarchy in Indian organizations. Their
findings are supported by Budhwar, Saini
and Bhatnagar (2005) who argue via a
literature review of research on women
in management that men’s inability to
take orders from senior women is a ma-
jor source of workplace conflict and
stress for women.
Men’s inability to take orders from
senior women is a major source of
workplace conflict and stress for
women.
The gender pay gap in India is an-
other indicator of women’s
marginalization at work. Employing data
gathered from www.paychek.in, the gen-
der pay gap in India for 2013 was 24.81%
(Varkkey & Korde, 2013). The data also
suggest that the pay gap increases with
seniority, age and increase in qualifica-
tions (up to Master’s level). Varkkey and
Korde (2013) argue that this pay gap
might be explained to a very large extent
by discriminatory practices and attitudes
of employers.
Indian women’s labor force partici-
pating has declined over the 21st century
from 32.7 per cent to 24.8 per cent in
rural areas and from 16.6 per cent to 14.7
per cent in urban areas from 2004-05 to
2009-10 (Ministry of Statistics, 2016).
While the cause of this decline has not
been clearly identified; it might tentatively
be explained by the U curve hypothesis
which suggests that in the early stages
of economic growth, women’s labor
force participation falls but rises as the
service sector grows alongside economic
advancement (Lechman & Kaur, 2015).
Another explanation could be that urban
educated women are pushed out of the
labor force by some of the factors listed
above: high pay gap and lower rates of
promotion; childcare responsibilities and
the unavailability of flexible work options.
De-motivation could also result from ex-
periences of sexism, harassment and
hostile work environments. Even if the
work environment is not overtly hostile,
it could be non-conducive in other ways
since organizations were traditionally
constituted around the needs and lives of
men.
The Way Forward
The research discussed above points
to the need for gender inclusivity in the
workplace. While such initiatives are in
place in many organizations particularly
Jyothsna Latha Belliappa
610 The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018
those operating within the knowledge
economy, women’s minority position in
terms of numbers as well as access to
positions of power suggest that much
more can be done in this regard. Often
employers are reluctant to invest re-
sources and time on gender inclusivity
and offer only lip service to the issue but
research suggests that such investment
has tangible benefits for organizations. In
the context of USA Herring (2009) sug-
gests that gender diversity is associated
with increased sales revenue, more cus-
tomers, and greater relative profits while
Wayne and Casper (2012) find that a
firm’s reputation as inclusive and family
friendly (as rated by the popular business
magazine Fortune) is important for cam-
pus recruitment as students believe that
such an organization will be supportive
and foster job performance. Dezso and
Ross (2012) argue that there is a signifi-
cant increase in economic value for firms
which have even one woman in top man-
agement.
Gender diversity is associated with
increased sales revenue, more
customers, and greater relative
profits.
In their study of over 300 call centre
employees in Delhi Verma, Bhal and Vrat
(2013) found that gender sensitive poli-
cies correspond with higher job satisfac-
tion and reduced stress which in turn is
associated with increased employee loy-
alty. Studying the experiences of women,
religious minorities and sexual minorities
across three companies in India, Rawat
and Besergekar (2016) found that em-
ployees who perceive the organization to
be supportive tend to score higher in per-
formance appraisals (possibly due to
higher levels of motivation).
The business case for inclusivity is
underlined by an ongoing campaign by the
Indian job portal dedicated to women,
Sheroes, which encourages women to
review their employers anonymously
based on their gender inclusivity policies
and currently has 10,000 reviews of over
350 companies (Sheroes Organization
Section, n.d.). As organizations get re-
viewed formally and informally on main-
stream and social media information
about their policies enters the public do-
main making it necessary to engage in
inclusive behaviors to hire and retain
women.
The FOP leave debate offers an op-
portunity for discussing how organizations
can be more gender inclusive with re-
gard to women’s bodies. Menstruation is
an issue that affects all women and
proactively yet due to the stigma and se-
crecy associated with it, mentioning one’s
period at work is difficult. Therefore even
when menstrual leave options are avail-
able women do not always exercise them
as we see in the case of Indonesia
(Bennington &Habir, 2003). Unfortu-
nately work culture in India (especially
the corporate sector) values workaholism
and presentism i.e. employees are re-
warded for face time in the workplace
and for sacrificing their personal and fam-
ily lives to the demands of the workplace.
Under the circumstances taking sick-
leave itself causes anxiety about percep-
tions of malingering as Daniel Fernandes
Menstrual Leave Debate
The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018 611
(2017) argues in support period leave.
However, he fails to recognize that pe-
riod leave is beset by the same problem.
Whether organizations choose to of-
fer period leave or not, they need to take
concrete steps to be more inclusive of
women’s bodies. A number of initiatives
are outlined below but given the hierar-
chical nature of Indian society and In-
dian workplaces, it is important to take
an intersectional approach. Some initia-
tives can be applied across the hierar-
chy to all women employees but, due to
the physically demanding nature of their
work and their lack of disposable income,
women in semi-skilled and unskilled roles
need special consideration.
Toilets &Other Resources
The FOP debate does not address the
issue in an intersectional manner, taking
into account the differential access to
toilets in terms of class and for different
occupational groups. For instance, con-
struction sites in India often lack toilet
facilities. While female engineers might
(with difficulty) manage the situation by
leaving the site for extended breaks
through the day, many women laborers
suffer without toilet access.
The absence of sanitary public toi-
lets is a major issue affecting women
across India. Poor toilet access is still a
major public health problem in India.
According to Water Aid’s 2016 report,
about 10% of urban dwellers defecate in
the open. Also about 41% of urban dwell-
ers lack access to safe, private toilets (i.e.
they use common toilets with insufficient
water and poor waste disposal).The lack
of toilet facilities limits not only women’s
access to employment and education but
also increases the possibility of physical
and sexual assault.
Access to clean toilets, adequate
water for washing and to soap and safe,
absorbent menstrual hygiene products is
a basic human right which has a direct
impact on the physical health and psy-
chological well-being of women. Many
women do not drink enough water when
toilet access is restricted and are thereby
prone to dehydration, fatigue, gastritis,
kidney damage and high blood pressure.
Other health risks associated with un-
clean toilets include hookworms which
cause diarrhoea, anaemia, weight loss
and urinary tract infection.
Unlike women employed as blue-col-
lar workers, janitors and cooks, women
employed in the white-collar positions in
the organized sector have better access
to clean toilets and adequate water in
their homes and workplaces. However,
lack of access to clean public toilets
would be a significant challenge while
commuting which Paromita Vohra’s film
Q to P documents in the context of
Mumbai. The problem is exacerbated
during menstruation and affects women
across class positions. Many young
women workers in urban India use pub-
lic transport (train, metro rail and buses).
Travelling by public transport with stand-
ing room only for an hour or more and
rushing to change trains or buses is diffi-
cult under any circumstances and likely
to increase significantly the discomfort
experienced due to menstrual cramps.
Jyothsna Latha Belliappa
612 The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018
This difficulty tends to affect younger/
junior women more than senior manag-
ers who might own cars. If organizations
cannot provide reasonably comfortable
transport for women (at least) during their
periods, optional menstrual leave might
be considered.
If organizations cannot provide
reasonably comfortable transport
for women (at least) during their
periods, optional menstrual leave
might be considered.
One of the most essential priorities
of inclusivity is to have more toilets for
women in the workplace, which are clean,
well ventilated and have a regular sup-
ply of running water. If space is at a pre-
mium, workplaces need to provide more
toilets for women than men, given that
women need to use the toilet more fre-
quently especially during their menstrual
periods or during pregnancy and also on
reaching menopause. Women are also
more prone to urinary tract infections than
men. Organizations that require prolonged
periods of fieldwork need to make ac-
cess to clean toilets a priority in field sites
especially for women.
An intersectional perspective on toi-
let access would need employers to con-
sider if all women employees have ac-
cess to clean toilets. Given traditional
cultural practices around hierarchy, many
workplaces have separate toilets for staff
at different pay grades with managerial
staff having a lower ratio of people to
toilets than say, blue collar workers.
However, given that the need for clean
toilets is universal, such distinctions are
inequitable.
As Sahay (2017) argues, every work-
place needs to stock sanitary products
and pain medication for women to use in
an emergency. Heat pads are also use-
ful in pain management. In many cases
menstruating women need only a semi-
private, quiet space in which to take a
short break from work. Since the Amend-
ment to the Maternity Benefits Act
(2017) requires establishments with more
than fifty employees to provide a creche
for children and nursing mothers, the
same space can be used by menstruat-
ing women for rest.
Re-socialization & Dispelling
Taboos
Given existing cultural taboos, women
currently hesitate to mention chronic
menstrual conditions in sick-leave appli-
cations. The problem is exacerbated
when supervisors are male. De-stigma-
tizing menstruation requires re-socializa-
tion within the organization. For instance,
employers can explicitly state in their
leave policy that painful menstrual con-
ditions are grounds for sick leave or, if
the nature of the job accommodates flex-
ibility, for working from home thus en-
abling women to openly discuss their
struggles with menstrual discomfort. As
menstruation is de-stigmatized in this way
women will experience less embarrass-
ment in requesting sick leave for chronic
and painful menstrual conditions.
Another way to re-socialize employ-
ees is to enable informed discussions on
Menstrual Leave Debate
The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018 613
women’s health as part employee wel-
fare programs. Given the low priority
accorded to sexuality education in India,
not only girls but adult women too tend
to be under-informed about their own
bodies. Inviting gynaecologists, psycholo-
gists or public health workers to discuss
not only menstruation but all forms of
reproductive health in a frank, sensitive
and non-threatening manner enables
women employees to access vital infor-
mation and also sends a message that the
employer is concerned about this issue.
For instance, anecdotal evidence suggests
that women across class have a poor
understanding of menopause. It is impor-
tant that this condition is included in the
conversations on women’s health as a
response to the needs of older women
employees.
While some talks could address
women enabling discussion of sensitive
concerns in the privacy of an exclusively
female group, it is important to periodi-
cally involve men by informing them
about their women colleagues’ experi-
ences and the need for a supportive work-
place. Conversations involving men
should dispel menstruation myths such as
the idea that PMS affects women’s ra-
tionality and decision-making capacity
and aim to pre-empty the possibility of a
backlash against women.
Initial attempts at discussing gender
inclusivity (particularly related to women’s
bodies) might meet suspicion or resistance
but should not deter management from
engaging employees gradually and system-
atically using sensitive and appropriate
language. Hekman et.al (2017) found that
when women or other marginalized groups
espouse the cause of diversity, they tend
to be penalized in terms of negative per-
formance ratings and stereotypes while
men from powerful groups are not penal-
ized for holding similar values. Their sug-
gestion that inclusivity initiatives should be
championed by a white male spokesper-
son who enjoys social prestige could be
applied in India: when senior men indicate
interest in creating an inclusive environ-
ment, others are likely to model the same
sensitivity.
When such conversations involve
women employees across pay-grades, it
is likely to enable mutually supportive
relationships and, importantly, to alert
white-collared women to their own privi-
leges. Upwardly mobile white-collar
employees are usually unaware of the
day-to-day experiences of blue collar
workers, janitors, cooks and cleaners
whose access to piped water and sanita-
tion is severely restricted within their
homes and at times, within the work-
place.
Encouraging women to learn from
each other’s experiences across class,
organizational role and position and age
is important to building sorority within the
workplace. Such exchanges will be
meaningful only if they do not invalidate
the experiences of individual women. For
instance, those who do not suffer from
painful periods or serious PMS (Pre-
menstrual syndrome) symptoms might not
be able to relate to the experience of
those who do but it is important that the
latter are heard with empathy and re-
spect.
Jyothsna Latha Belliappa
614 The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018
Alternative Leave Policies
As argued earlier, if women are de-
pendent on overcrowded public transport
to commute to work, optional FOP leave
could be provided. However, a more vi-
able alternative might be ‘menstrual flex-
ibility’ proposed by Australian menstrua-
tion researcher, Lara Owen
(2016).‘Menstrual flexibility’ enables
women to take time off during their pe-
riod and make up the time on other days.
Owens argues that the policy allows
women to work according to the natural
rhythms of their bodies. It is less likely
to provoke resentment amongst men or
inhibit recruitment of women.
An even more broadly inclusive op-
tion would be the provision of wellness
leave to all employees. ‘Wellness leave’
recognizes that all employees might need
leave at times when they do not qualify
for sick leave. For instance, a woman
might suffer from painful cramps or di-
arrhea during one of her menstrual cycles
or a male employee might suffer from
acute stress and related physical symp-
toms such as headaches, muscular pain
or exhaustion.
Employees may undergo medical pro-
cedures which they might not wish to dis-
cuss with their co-workers or managers.
For instance, female employees under-
going a medical termination of pregnancy
or male employees undergoing a medi-
cal procedure of an intimate nature might
not wish to disclose the same in sick-leave
forms or doctor’s certificates. By pro-
viding a fixed number of wellness leaves
per year, employers can respect employ-
ees’ privacy as well as their right to leave.
Given that women have more reproduc-
tive issues than men, they can be given a
small number of additional wellness
leaves per annum than men.
By providing a fixed number of
wellness leaves per year, employ-
ers can respect employees’ pri-
vacy as well as their right to leave.
However, wellness leave cannot only
be based on gender but on employee’s
role and nature of work. It could be ar-
gued that work that is physically demand-
ing (blue collar labor or manual labor)
requires more paid leave than white col-
lar work which is undertaken in the rela-
tive comfort of an office. This raises
questions on whether different roles in
one organization require individualized
leave policies which are not easy to an-
swer but nevertheless important to ad-
dress in future conversations on employee
welfare.
Conclusion
In conclusion, workplaces need to be
inclusive of women’s bodies not only for
ethical reasons but also to create a more
engaged and productive workforce and
the FOP debate provides a unique oppor-
tunity in this regard. However, a policy
on menstruation needs to be created with
careful thought and planning as part of
an employer’s commitment to diversity
and inclusivity and not in isolation. While
time for rest during menstruation might
be a necessity, there are multiple ways
of providing that: FOP leave is one op-
Menstrual Leave Debate
The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 53, No. 4, April 2018 615
tion out of many that have been outlined
above. As far as possible, leave policies
should be based on trust and should be
inclusive rather than exclusive in spirit
while still taking into account some of the
unique problems faced by women in a
patriarchal society as well as class hier-
archies that affect workers’ differential
access to water, sanitation and other re-
sources. The discussion on inclusivity of
women’s bodies also needs to move be-
yond leave to other forms of support that
the organization could provide for women
as outlined above. Lastly, given women’s
minority status in the workplace, there is
a possibility of backlash from male peers,
requiring employers to take preventive
measures by including men (as appropri-
ate) in conversations about inclusivity.
Acknowledgements
The author is very grateful to Dr.
Sreeparna Chattopadhyay, Faculty, Srishti
Institute of Art, Design and Technology,
Bangalore and Ms AyushiTandon, Fellow
Management Program at Indian Institute
of Management, Ahmedabad for their
insightful comments on the earlier drafts
of this paper. Inputs from Ms Harleen
Kaur and Professor Navdeep Mathur at
IIM Ahmedabad are deeply appreciated.
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The status of women in India has long been paradoxical. They have had access to professions such as medicine, teaching and politics and have the right to own property. Among some social classes, women are extremely powerful. Yet, there is a long history of women being oppressed by men – delegated to playing subordinate roles. India’s workforce is changing. Social values and mores, and the increased global focus on women’s issues have changed the woman’s role impacting the career progression of women. This paper examines the impact of social, organisational and personal biases on the progression of professional women in India. Women managers in India have been generally successful in rising to the executive suite in Indian organisations, despite a culture that might suggest otherwise. These women were successful because of the interplay of organisational and familial support, coupled with the individual drive for success each woman demonstrated.
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We argue that female representation in top management brings informational and social diversity benefits to the top management team, enriches the behaviors exhibited by managers throughout the firm, and motivates women in middle management. The result should be improved managerial task performance and thus better firm performance. We test our theory using 15 years of panel data on the top management teams of the S&P 1,500 firms. We find that female representation in top management improves firm performance but only to the extent that a firm’s strategy is focused on innovation, in which context the informational and social benefits of gender diversity and the behaviors associated with women in management are likely to be especially important for managerial task performance.
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Until relatively recently, Indonesia has been one of the least known countries despite having the fourth largest population in the world. Nevertheless, there has been a relatively rich lode of scholarship in Indonesia in the social sciences such as economics, politics, and anthropology. Much less has been written on business and management in Indonesia. Writing on human resource management (HRM) has been rare and limited mainly to labor economics and macrolevel human resource development. However, interest in Indonesia has grown in the wake of major political and economic crises it has suffered since the onset of the Asian crisis in mid-1997. There is also an increasing awareness that HRM will be an important factor in shaping the future of the country. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to describe HRM in Indonesia with particular focus on the environmental context.