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The Social Dreaming Matrix as a Container for the Processing of Implicit Racial Bias and Collective Racial Trauma



The central thesis of this article is that social dreaming theory and the modified application of Gordon Lawrence’s social dreaming matrix, a group-as-a-whole method, not only provides a window into the social unconscious, but may serve as a “container,” in the Bionian sense, for the processing and potential healing of “racial trauma” and “white fragility.” The article describes episodes of aversive racism and white fragility surrounding social dreaming experiments. Finally, the article summarizes some lessons learned in facilitating and managing two fundamental types of “resistances” encountered in social dreamwork: “attacks on social linking” and “defenses against moral witnessing.”
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International Journal of Group Psychotherapy
ISSN: 0020-7284 (Print) 1943-2836 (Online) Journal homepage:
The Social Dreaming Matrix as a Container for the
Processing of Implicit Racial Bias and Collective
Racial Trauma
George Bermudez
To cite this article: George Bermudez (2018): The Social Dreaming Matrix as a Container for the
Processing of Implicit Racial Bias and Collective Racial Trauma, International Journal of Group
Psychotherapy, DOI: 10.1080/00207284.2018.1469957
To link to this article:
Published online: 01 Jun 2018.
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The Social Dreaming Matrix as a
Container for the Processing of Implicit
Racial Bias and Collective Racial Trauma
The central thesis of this article is that social dreaming theory and the modified
application of Gordon Lawrences social dreaming matrix, a group-as-a-whole method,
not only provides a window into the social unconscious, but may serve as a con-
tainer,in the Bionian sense, for the processing and potential healing of racial
traumaand white fragility.The article describes episodes of aversive racism and
white fragility surrounding social dreaming experiments. Finally, the article sum-
marizes some lessons learned in facilitating and managing two fundamental types of
resistancesencountered in social dreamwork: attacks on social linkingand
defenses against moral witnessing.
The work of restoring this regression in our democracy is daunting, but
we are fighting for the lost promises of liberty, justice, and the pursuit of
happinessHope will be found by understanding that diversity is the
essence of the American Dream and why we need each other to fulfill it.
To bridge the divide:
George Bermudez is a Core Faculty Member at Antioch University, Los Angeles, California and
Director of Child Studies.
International Journal of Group Psychotherapy, 00: 123, 2018
Copyright © The American Group Psychotherapy Association, Inc.
ISSN: 0020-7284 print/1943-2836 online
We must realize that most of our differences are exaggerated nuances
fueled by uncompromising ignorance.
We must see othersstruggles as our own, and their success as our
success, so we can speak to our common humanity.
We must build a more connected society, using our resources to uplift
one another so we collectively benefit.
This is a generational project; do not underestimate the power of
human connection. (Ilhan Omar, Minnesota State Representative [The
first Somali-American Muslim lawmaker], Time Magazine, August 28,
2017, pp. 4445)
The emergence of a neuroscience of racism (Cunningham et al., 2004;
Gutsell & Inzlicht, 2010; Ito & Bartholow, 2009;Kubota,Banaji,&
Phelps, 2012) supports the validity of the socio-psychoanalytic concept
of a social unconscious(Hopper, 1996; Hopper & Weinberg, 2011,
2016,2017), subsuming a cultural/racial unconscious(Adams, 2002)
and an ethnic unconscious(Herron, 1995;Javier&Rendon,1995),
both characterized by implicit, unconscious racial and ethnic organizing
principles. The construct of a social unconscious, in turn, provides
theoretical illumination for the research findings regarding implicit
racial bias(Eberhardt, Goff, Purdie, & Davies, 2004; Eberhardt, 2005;
Banks, Eberhardt, & Ross, 2006;Noseketal.,2002)andstereotype
threat(Steele, 1998; Steele & Aronson, 1995; Stone, 2002). Gordon
Lawrencessocial dreaming theoryand social dreaming matrix
(Lawrence, 2003a,2003b; Lawrence & Daniel, 1982)offerawayof
accessing the social unconscious through communal dream-sharing. I
am proposing that social dreaming theory and the modified application
of Gordon Lawrences social dreaming matrix, a group-as-a-whole (Bion,
1961) method, not only provides a window into the social unconscious,
but may serve as a container,in the Bionian sense, for the processing
and potential healing of racial trauma(Bermudez, 2015; Comas-Diaz,
2016)andwhite fragility(DiAngelo, 2011).
In contrast to Lawrences open-ended and nontherapeutic approach,
Ive facilitated social dreaming matrices with focused themes: for exam-
ple, American xenophobia; Whiteness and the American social uncon-
scious; Black reparations and the social unconscious; and the tri-faith
social unconscious: Christianity, Islam, and Judaism (Bermudez, 2015;
Silverstein, 2013). Integrating group theory with contemporary dream
theory (Bion, 1962,1992; Bromberg, 2000,2003; Erikson, 1954;
Hartmann, 1998), I am suggesting that this approach illuminates a
traumatized racialized group self,including the white fragilityiden-
tified by DiAngelo (2011), and yields potential for healing collective
racial trauma. Dovido and Gaerntner (2004) have demonstrated
through their research that White Americans generally define them-
selves as racially unbiased. However, procedurally these same
Americans often display discomfort and uneasiness when in contact
with members of other racial groups, sometimes manifesting outright
traumatic reactions when issues of racial privilege, status, and power are
discussed. Dovido and Gaerntner (1998,2004)termtheunconscious
avoidance of racialized others aversive racism,and I suggest that
DiAngelos(2011) proposed white fragilityunderlies the aversive
racism. I describe episodes of aversive racism and white fragility sur-
rounding social dreaming experiments. Finally, the article provides
recommendations from lessons I learned in facilitating and managing
two fundamental types of resistancesencountered: attacks on social
linking(Layton, 2006)anddefenses against moral witnessing
(Gerson, 2009).
First introduced and applied clinically by Erich Fromm (1956,1962)and
Karen Horney (1937), pioneering psychoanalytic cultural critics, the
concept of the social unconscious has been more contemporaneously
defined and explored by group analysts (Hopper, 1996; Hopper &
Weinberg, 2011). Hopper (1996) suggests that
The effects of social facts are more likely to be unconscious than con-
scious. The concept of the social unconscious refers to the existence and
constraints of social, cultural, and communication arrangements of
which people are unaware, in so far as these arrangements are not
perceived (not known), and if perceived, not acknowledged (denied),
and if acknowledged, not taken as problematic (given), and if taken as
problematic, not considered with an optimal degree of detachment and
objectivity. (p. 9)
In addition, a number of American psychoanalysts have proposed
that the social unconscious is sub-organized into racial (Adams, 2002)
and ethnic (Herron, 1995; Javier & Rendon, 1995) realms. In an
extraordinary convergence, four research strategies have emerged in
the late 20th century and early 21st century for which the findings
confirm the existence of unconscious racial and ethnic organizing
Neuroscience of race (Cunningham et al., 2004; Ito & Bartholow, 2009;
Kubota et al., 2012) research has converged on the discovery that there
is increased neuronal firing in the amygdala, the brain region associated
with fearful stimuli, when subjects are viewing the faces of people of color.
In addition, similar brain-focused research suggests that in-group affective
empathy is stronger than out-group empathy (Gutsell & Inzlicht, 2010;
Meyer et al., 2013; Xu, Zuo, Wang, & Han, 2009).
Implicit racial bias as assessed by the Implicit Association Test (IAT)
(Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) often contradicts explicitly verba-
lized attitudes. This line of research has also demonstrated that implicit
racial bias facilitates discrimination in the real world. Whites are often
given preferential treatment as compared to people of color.
Bias in the workplace: Bertrand and Mullainathan (2004)demonstratedthat
even when companies are actively looking for qualified racial minority candi-
dates, White-sounding names generated 50% more calls for interviews than
resumes of Black-sounding names, resulting in lower skilled White applicants
receiving more interviews than higher skilled Black applicants.
Bias in healthcare: Green et al. (2007) found in a simulation that physicians
with high levels of unconscious anti-Black bias prescribed lifesaving med-
ication less frequently to Blacks than to Whites presenting with the same
cardiac symptoms.
Bias in police work: Hardin and Banaji (2012) reviewed more than two
dozen experiments on weapons biasand discovered that subjects with
higher levels of anti-Black bias are consistently more likely to misperceive a
wallet or a cellphone for a weapon in the hands of a Black person.
Stereotype threat (Steele, 1998; Steele & Aronson, 1995;Stone,2002;Stone,
Lynch, Sjomeling, & Darley, 1999): Social psychology research has demon-
strated that Black students perform poorly on standardized tests when race is
perceived as a salient contextual factor. When race is not emphasized Blacks
perform as well as White students (Steele & Aronson, 1995). On the other
hand, Whitesperformance on tasks linked to natural sports abilityis
impacted negatively when they are told they are being compared to Blacks
and Latinos. Apparently, social cues suggesting that stereotypes are being
used to judge performance can trigger either a performance-impairing
stereotype threator a performance-enhancing stereotype lift,reflecting
the cultures unconscious ethnic/racial organizing principles.
Aversive racism is a concept first defined by Kovel (1970), who differentiated
two subtypes of racism: dominative versus aversive racism. Kovels framework
inspired research on aversive racism by Dovido and Gaerntner (2000,2004),
who defined it, in contrast to the “‘old-fashioned,blatantform of acting out
of bigoted beliefs, as
more indirect and subtle and is presumed to characterize the racial atti-
tudes of most well-educated and liberal whites in the United States. Aversive
racists sympathize with victims of past injustice, support the principle of
racial equality, and regard themselves as nonprejudiced, but, at the same
time, possess negative feelings and beliefs about blacks, which may be
unconscious the consequences of aversive racism (e.g., the restriction of
economic opportunity) are as significant and pernicious as those of the
traditional, overt form. (2004,p.3)
The heart of the phenomenon of aversive racism is the contradic-
tion between the conscious denial of racism and the unconscious
negative attitudes. According to the Dovido and Gaerntner (2004)
aversive racism framework, context is a crucial releaser of aversive
racism: Situations in which interracial interaction is unavoidable gen-
erate either quick disengagement by aversive racists or strict adher-
ence to established rules and codes of behaviorto avoid the
appearance of racist attitudes. However, racism is expressed in subtler
behavior that disadvantages racial minorities.
Dr. Robin DiAngelo (2011), based on her experiences as a White
social justice educator, has developed the concept of white fragility
as defining the sociopsychological state of aversive racists:
White people in North America live in a social environment that protects
and insulates them from race-based stress. This insulated environment of
racial protection builds white expectations for racial comfort while at the
same time lowering the ability to tolerate racial stress, leading to what I
refer to as White Fragility. White fragility is a state in which even a
minimum amount of racial stress becomes intolerable, triggering a range
of defensive moves. These moves include the outward display of emo-
tions such as anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviors such as argumentation,
silence, and leaving the stress-inducing situation. These behaviors, in
turn, function to reinstate white racial equilibrium. (p. 54)
I propose social dreamingas a potential fifth strategy for acces-
sing unconscious ethnic/racial organizing principles.
Despite Freuds(1900) influential perspective that dreams evince
wishful thinking drawing us away from reality, contemporary dream
theory, inaugurated by Erik Eriksons(1954) monumental reassess-
ment of Freuds prototypical dream analysis of the so-called specimen
dream (The Dream of Irmas Injection), has moved some distance
from Freuds initial formulation. Erikson developed a nuanced refine-
ment of the Freudian psychosexual focus, adding a psychosocial
dimension, which was violently resisted(p. 37) by colleagues and
patients alike. Eriksons discovery of this broad resistance to the social
dimension foreshadows my own experience and provides more valida-
tion for the hypothesis suggested by Hopper and Weinberg (2011):
Recognition and understanding of the social unconscious constitutes
another painful blow to our narcissistic grandiosity, omnipotence, and
omniscience(p. li).
Contemporary psychoanalytic dream theory has continued to
evolve, converging on the following assumptions and hypotheses:
Dreams metaphorically express the dreamers emotional state (Bromberg,
2000,2003; Friedman, 2012; Hartmann, 1998; Stolorow & Atwood, 1992).
Dreams are a form of emotional thinking and problem solving (Barrett,
2001; Bion, 1962,1992; Hartmann, 1998; Lawrence, 2003a).
Dreams are the body-minds process for thinking new thoughts (Bion,
1962,1992; Blechner, 1998,2001; Lawrence, 2003b).
Dreams are the body-minds process for restoring organization after stress-
ful or traumatizing experiences, which Hartmann (1998) refers to as
calming the storm(Bion, 1962,1992; Erikson, 1954; Fosshage, 1997).
Influenced by all the foregoing theorists and researchers, I have
evolved a view of dreams: In general, they are metaphoric attempts at
integrating, resolving, and rehearsing solutions to events (stressful or
traumatizing or disorganizing) that have yet to be fully experienced,
represented, and witnessed by the dreamers own mind or another
mind. Traumatizing and disorganizing experiences need another
mind to aid in metabolizing, creating meaning, and restoring psycholo-
gical coherence, continuity, and self-esteem (Bromberg, 2000,2003;
Fosshage, 1997). Adding the influence of Erikson and Lawrence, I
contend that the social dreaming matrix(SDM) provides a container
for achieving reflective capacity for unformulated and nonsymbolized
collective experience for groups. The SDM is a pathway for healing
collective trauma, if the SDM generates the requisite communal recog-
nition and witnessing of the dissociated, linguistically unsymbolized
A Brief History and Description of Social Dreaming
Lawrence (1982,1998,2003b), the architect of the social dreaming
matrix(SDM), profoundly influenced by Charlotte Beradts(1968)
Third Reich of Dreams (a book reporting the dreams of ordinary
German citizens during the period of 19331939dreams reflecting
their intuitive but unconscious foreknowledge of the Nazi regimes
intentions) (Manley, 2014), organized a process involving a group of
participants who share dreams and associations to those dreams. The
working hypothesis was that the dreams shared reflect a collective
cultural product, a social unconscious comprised of dissociated and
disavowed social, political, and cultural experience. The basic task is
to discover the social meaning of available dreams in the matrix
(Lawrence, 1998, p. 30).
There are several other fundamental assumptions: The dreams gen-
erated in the SDM are the shared property of the dreaming community;
focus must be on the dream, not the dreamer, which facilitates develop-
ment of a safe mental space; and ascertaining dream meaning should
be approached with the attitude of a working hypothesis. In developing
the radical psychosocial paradigm of the social dreaming matrix
(SDM), Gordon Lawrence (2003a,2003b; Lawrence & Daniel, 1982)
experimented with a three-pronged process at social dreaming work-
shops, conferences, and organizational interventions:
1. The social dreaming matrix(SDM) in which dreams and free associa-
tion and Jungian amplificationare encouraged. The participants are
instructed to share dreams and assume that each dream is our collective
dreamand treat the group associations likewise. A state of reverie is
encouraged in this phase. They are also asked to attend to emergent
patterns across the dreams shared, especially references to systems, orga-
nizations, groups, and so on. Part of his underlying theory was that
individualsdreams were emergent new thoughts trying to find conscious
formulation (Lawrence, 2003b).
2. The second activity (role application/synthesis) during a 3-day confer-
ence was to break the whole group into smaller groups (typically, four or
five participants), with an experienced SDM leader. The task here is to
focus on the individual dreamer (who could bring in a new dream or work
with a dream shared in the SDM), with the goal being to help the
individual dreamer apply the learning from the dream to a social role
he or she is grappling with (workplace, school, community, etc.). The
roleconcept is a systems concept that captures the integration of self
with a system,or the ecological niche of the self. There were perhaps
two or three of these role applications held in a 3-day conference.
3. The third activity was typically called the reflection dialogue.Perhaps
two of these were facilitated during a 3-day conference. The idea here was
to provide an opportunity for conscious reflection and formulation of the
emergent ideas, concerns, feelings, and so on during a social dreaming
conference (Baglioni & Fubini, 2013).
The Special Place of Social Dreaming as a Containerfor the Racial/Ethnic
Gordon Lawrences discovery of social dreaming is a revolutionary
twist on and integration of two already revolutionary ideas proposed
by Wilfred Bion (1961,1962,1992): a field theory of group dynamics
and dreamwork as mentalization of unresolved and undigested emo-
tional experience. Bion proposed that the dreaming process was the
human psyches modus operandi (alpha function) for transforming
raw, problematic emotional experience into elements for thinking the
unique iconic system, pictures and film-like imagery, employed in
dream narrative. Along lines similar to Bion (1962,1992), Blechner
(1998,2001) avers that dreamwork or the dreaming process facilitates
access to unmentalized experience, that is, experience beyond words,
unformulated in narrative language. He points out that free associa-
tion, because of its reliance on language, does not provide the singu-
lar access that dreams do to unformulated, unsymbolized, therefore
unconscious, experience. Blechners ideas seem to describe a process
very similar to Bions dreamwork which occurs both in sleep and
wakefulness: Dreaming is a process that transformsraw emotional
experience into a psychological organization (alpha elements), so it
can be meaningfully thought with.
I am suggesting that social dreamingis a type of group-level alpha
dreamwork(Schneider, 2010) which attempts to transform proble-
matic, unresolved experience in larger systems (organizational, commu-
nity, society, etc.) into meaningful emotional coherence. Friedman
(2012) proposes a similar group-level process, distinguishing dreaming
experience (serving intrapersonal emotional regulation) from dream-
telling(serving, in his view, two relational/intersubjective functions: an
implicit request for containmentand an intention to influence the
group). However, although Friedman notes that the dreamer may be
dreaming for the whole group and expressing group-level anxieties and
problems, he seems to prioritize the individual and the interpersonal,
not the strictly group-level focus that Lawrencessocial dreaming
paradigm maintains. Support for the society-level hypothesis is available
from social anthropology: Mageo (2013) appears to have discovered that
problematic cultural scripts are reworked, transformed nightly by mem-
bers of a culture. Borrowing from Hopper and Weinberg (2011), who
propose that the social dreaming matrix is a royal roadto the social
unconscious, I am suggesting that social dreamingmay also serve as a
royal roadfor accessing our societys unconscious legacies and strug-
gles with racialization and race dynamics.
I further suggest that the unconscious (unprocessed) dynamics of
race may express themselves in at least three ways through social
dreaming.In descending order of the magnitude of resistance, these
Procedurally: Whites enact their dread about thinking about racial issues
through avoidance of contexts (Dovido & Gaerntner, 2004) that may evoke
a dissociated White fragility(DiAngelo, 2011). For example, Whites have
avoided participating in social dreaming workshops focused on race
dynamics (Bermudez, 2015).
Resistance to social/moral witnessing (Gerson, 2009; Ullman, 2011) and attacks
on social linking (Layton, 2006): These forms of resistance are very common
in SDMs: Participants resist treating the dreams of other participants as
communal dreams and seem to insist on either abstract, intellectualized
interpretations or interpretations focused on individualsdreams.
The dreaming process itself: There seem to be two types of interrupted
dreamsor failed dreamwork (Ogden, 2003,2004): those who cannot
remember dreams, like alexithymics, who often develop psychosomatic
symptoms; and the experiencing of nightmares, which display the failure
of alpha functionin Bions dreamwork.
Schneider (2010) reminds us that Bion (1992) suggested that
dreams are composed of both alpha elements (raw experience trans-
formed into meaningful organization) and beta elements (unmetabo-
lized, unintegrated psychotic-like experience). I have found this to be
a helpful way to reflect on and facilitate an effective social dreaming
matrix: As a facilitator, I must be prepared to personally containand
help the matrixcontain/think/reflect about the often painful, unin-
tegrated psychotic-like experiences. At other times, I can remain less
active, allowing the matrixof participants to develop its own think-
ing with the alpha elementsat its disposal:
Content: anxiety dreams related to interracial contact. Anxiety dreams of
this type were quite evident in the initial dreams shared at the two social
dreaming explorations of Whiteness I facilitated (Bermudez, 2015). Alpha
functionappeared to be workingeffectively transforming difficult
group-level anxieties concerning interracial contact into alpha elements,
enabling emotional thinking .
Moral Witnessing and the Social Dream Matrix
I believe that social dreaming is an emancipatory practice, represent-
ing a socially engaged group approach. Its practice is a form of social
and moral witnessing(Boulanger, 2012; Margalit, 2002; Ullman,
2006,2011), urging all dreamers and SDM participants to provide
testimony to collectively and collusively dissociated human suffering
and inviting participants to an active commitment to social justice
and human rights(Boulanger, 2012). Stern (2012) has suggested
that an internal witness is necessary for the mind to distinguish
between past trauma and present reality; my view, influenced by
Bion (1961,1962), is that more than one mind is needed as witness
to process culturally imposed trauma(Holmes, 2016). In this
regard, Freud felt a sense of futility, perhaps despair, at his inability
to generate a therapeutically effective response to culturally imposed
trauma, which generated what he referred to as special mental
operationsin Civilization and Its Discontents (Freud, 1930):
No matter how much we may shrink with horror from certain situations—…
of a victim of the Holy Inquisition, of a Jew awaiting a pogromit is never-
theless impossible for us to feel our way into such people Moreover, in the
most extreme possibility of suffering, special mental protective devices are
brought into operation. It seems to me unprofitable to pursue this aspect of
the problem any further. (p. 89)
Undeterred by Freuds despair, one psychoanalytic author has pro-
posed that social dreaming is potentially useful to address the over-
whelming challenges of healing extreme traumatic historical or
social events, which includes the holocaust, but also war and natural
disaster(Noack, 2010, p. 683). With similar conviction, Ullman
(2011) has eloquently described the psychosocial function of social
witnessing.I contend that the social dreaming matrix provides a
unique opportunity to view othersstruggles as our own, creating a
group psychoanalytic path to an enhanced and proactive social and
moral imagination (Glover, 1999).
A Social Dreaming Matrix: American Xenophobia
My first experiment with the SDM was a day-long workshop held at
Antioch University in July 2011, the results of which Ive described
and summarized elsewhere (Bermudez, 2015). The focus was on
American xenophobia, with the goal of interrogating the communal
unconscious with regard to what I sensed was a resurgent xenophobia
in our current national socio-political landscape. As facilitator I had a
powerful emotional experience: both puzzled by the apparent
resistance to follow my guidelines to view dreams as communally
owned and awed by the outpouring of dream images and associations.
I felt haunted for weeks by the emotionally evocative dream images
and the feelings aroused in me. It took several weeks before I was able
to begin to reflect and organize thematic patterns. This uncanny
experience brought home for me the meaning and usefulness of
Bions recommendation for an enhanced capacity for negative cap-
ability,the psychological ability to tolerate mystery and uncertainty
for long periods of time.
I slowly realized that the resistance represented what Gerson (2009)
has referred to as defenses against moral witnessing and Layton
(2006) defines as attacks on social linkinga refusal to connect with
the other and his or her suffering and an active defense of decontex-
tualizing (Maduro, 2012). Some participants chose to interpret dream
images as representing individual, private concerns of the dreamer;
others intellectualized by applying the jargon of academic deconstruc-
tionism, emptying images of either personal or social meaning, or
affective resonance. The most astonishing example of the defense
against moral witnessing was the following: Several dreams presented
images of people and events in a desert. One dream narrative
included the dreamer meeting President George W. Bush in the
desert; another dream offered images of aliens from outer space
invading the United States by landing in the desert in the American
Southwest. No one developed the obvious association to the widely
disseminated stories of undocumented immigrants who have been
referred to as illegal alienscrossing the border from Mexico into
the American desert.
A remarkable development occurred during the dialogue segment
of the SDM workshop: As the participants focused on reflection and
meaning creation, there was the emergence of an inchoate longing to
counter the Tea Party political movement with a progressive counter-
movement. It seems to me in retrospect that the SDM dialogues
inchoate longing foreshadowed in embryonic form the development
of the Occupy Wall Street Movementwhich emerged two months
later. This emergent longing appears to be an example of a social
dreaming forward edge process,which I have proposed elsewhere
(Bermudez, 2015).
A Social Dreaming Matrix (SDM): Whiteness and the American Group Self at
an American University
In June 2013, I organized a two-day Social Dreaming event focused on
Whiteness and the American Group Self (Bermudez, 2015). I invited
members of the academic community of Antioch University, Los
Angeles (faculty, students, administrators) and members of the sur-
rounding community. The low participation of Whites at a university
with predominantly White faculty and students who pride themselves
on their commitment to social justice was both startling and comple-
tely understandable: Here was an enactment of the persecutory anxi-
ety that DiAngelo (2011) has identified as white fragilityand Dovido
and Gaerntner (2004)asaversive racism.
Despite the disappointing low participation of Whites, the emer-
gent process was extraordinarily moving and healing. At some point
(second day) the realization crystallized for me that the Whiteness
SDM had created a matrix with the emergent properties of a com-
munal homefor healing a traumatized group selfprimarily a Black
American group self suffering from both intergenerationally trans-
mitted trauma with many allusions to the Jim Crow South and more
contemporary racial microaggressions and assaults directed at Black
Americans. The Black group self through its social dreamsinitially
displayed what I would call a reparative ambivalence: Dreams of nurtur-
ing, healing actions were followed by dreams images and narratives of
persecution, terror, loss, and dissociation. Here is a representative
A Black woman dreams that she is caring for a baby (changing diapers, etc.)
who is not hers. She happily chooses to do so.
This is followed by another Black woman sharing a dream with images of
an assaultive seven-foot-tall White women.
Then a Black male narrates a dream in which he teaches meditation to a
White client who is dying of cancer.
This is followed by a Black woman who later reveals that she was raised by a
mother who was very active in the Black Power Movement of the 1960s and
1970s and that she has tried all her life to put Black resentment and rage
behind her. She describes a dream in which something is hidden, there is
something she has to do but cant quite find the clarity.
Social Dreaming, Whiteness, and the Psychoanalytic Institute
I facilitated a second social dreaming matrix (SDM) focused on Whiteness
at a psychoanalytic institute (April 2014): The SDM focused on eliciting
and interrogating the organizational and social unconscious relating to
Whiteness at the institute and, more broadly, psychoanalysis. The institute
had developed a diversity task forceto address racism and homophobia;
itsexplicitmissionwastoensurethatthe institute addressed these issues in
its training curriculum and the culture of the institute. The task force
sponsored and organized the 2-day SDM, inviting all members and candi-
dates at the institute; the 2-day framework relies on the Zeigarnik effect
(Weisbord & Janoff, 1995;Zeigarnik,1967) to generate social/communal
dreams related to the theme of Whiteness, its invisibility for Whites, the
social unconscious, and implications for psychoanalysis.
In its discussions and preparations for the event the diversity task
force expressed a great deal of anxiety. Members would repeatedly
ask: Will anybody actually share dreams?”“Will there be enough
safety?”“We shouldnt concern ourselves with safety!”“Should we
come prepared with dreams, if no one shares?”“Arent psychoanalysts
going to be concerned about other psychoanalysts interpreting their
dreams and become resistant to exposing themselves?I constantly
reassured the members that attendees would share dreams and all
would go well. (Privately, I held the intuitive conviction that these
concerns were symptoms of organizational and institutional field
phenomena reflecting anticipated White fragilityand aversive
racism, and I also maintained a cautiously optimistic faith that with
sensitive, respectful facilitation the social dreaming experience would
lead to more consciousness concerning White fragility and aversive
racism.) My intuition seemed confirmed both by the content and
anxious affect of the early dreams shared and by the comments
articulating initial anxiety and subsequent containment submitted by
White participants in online discussions after the social dreaming
After an initial phase of sharing of anxiety dreams (ambivalent, fearful
encounters cross-racially), on the second day there was a flurry of dreams
and associations, following an inaugural complex dream concerning a
group of men (construction contractors) trying to fit a white sinkinto a
bathroom in an upscale apartment building. The white sinkwould be a
temporary replacement, substituted for the original sink, in order to pass
the necessary inspection and comply with government building regula-
tions. This dream became a focal dream leading to multiple, complex
associations and analyses: examination and comparison of the oppression
of gays versus the oppression of Blacks; the role that capitalism and greed
play in systemic and institutional racism. This led to more transparent
associations and narratives about the anxieties and shame related to cross-
racial encounters. The final movementleft me feeling that a third act
was needed: There were no associations to the obvious reference of the
white sinkto Whites sinkingin status, that is, White Fragility
(DiAngelo, 2011).Thereweretwoforward edgedreams (the last two
dreams shared late on the second day), which seemed to suggest solutions
and future resolutions. In the first of these two forward edgedreams the
board of the institute had found the solutionto a dilemma related to two
electives in the institutes training curriculum but the dreamer could not
remember what the solutionwas. This led to a discussion about how the
institute needs to resolve its ambivalence concerning diversity issues: the
two electives in the dream representing a double consciousness, a split; will
the group self remain in a static, repetitive, developmentally arrested state,
or choose a new developmental path? (As of this writing, the institutes
board has approved a Diversity, Power, and Privilege course to be required
as part of the core curriculum for candidates in psychoanalytic training.)
The second forward edgedream, the final dream, was the follow-
ing (dreamed by a White woman): I had to change my doctor. A new
physician was assigned to me at UCLA Medical Center. To my utter
surprise it was Josephine Baker, but she was not dressed like a doctor.
She had a fruit basket on her head, and dressed colorfully. In the
dream I was critical of myself. Why this image? She was sharing fruit,
healing me. I said to her I think youre dead but its amazing how you
use your sexuality. What are you doing here?She said, Im a doctor.
I realized she had changed careers. I also realized I was an hour late
for my appointment.
This remarkable dream left us tantalized: We had run out of time.
However, the manifest content suggested a challenge to the cultural
script that constructed Blacks as entertainers and containers of ani-
mal-like sexuality, perhaps reflecting psychological movement in the
social unconscious, an embryonic recognition of Black competence
and goodness: Josephine Baker develops but integrates presumably
discrepant elementssexuality and professionalization, entertain-
ment and physicianly healing.
The Josephine Baker dream has a postscript that confirms the
extraordinary access to the social unconscious that social dreaming
provides. Fully two years later (October 9, 2016), on a Delta Airlines
flight, a Black female physician was denied access to a passenger in
need of emergency care because the flight attendant did not believe
she was indeed a medical doctor. According to the posting by
Dr. Tamika Cross on her Facebook page, the flight attendant said
the following: Oh no sweetie put ur hand down, we are looking for
actual physicians we dont have time to talk to you.
Dr. Crosss Facebook posting generated more than 12,000 comments
on Facebook and Twitter and a social media campaign with Black female
physicians posting their photos with the taglines #whatadoctorlookslike
and #wedoexist.
Social Dreaming as a Path to an Enhanced and Proactive Social and Moral
According to Lawrence (2005), social dreaming is the twentieth
century method of engaging with the continual human struggle
between the primordial elements of being human and the creative
imagination(p. 3). In a similar vein, I view social dreaming as an
opportunity for the development of the moral imagination
(Glover, 1999)for the evolution of a capacity for moral witnes-
sing(Gerson, 2009;Ullman,2006,2011), which requires optimal
individual and communal responsiveness and responsibility. By
gently challenging the attacks on social linking(Layton, 2006),
in whatever form they may appear, urging participants to witness
each dream as a communal dream that gives testimony and poten-
tial solutions to communal challenges, tensions, conflicts, traumas,
and so on, paraphrasing Behr (2000,p.170),Iamusingsocial
dreaming as a contrivance to nudge us out of our social isolation
and fragmentation. However, despite my intentionality I have been
unable sometimes to effectively facilitate the optimal communal
moral witnessingof culturally imposed trauma(Holmes,
2016), and defenses often continue to predominate. Specificity
theory(Bacal & Carlton, 2011)andBion(1961,1962,1992)
have helped me understand and bear the emergent and unique
field dynamics of each groupwhich collectively constrain me and
the participants. Sometimes the only optimal response, as an obser-
ving-participant facilitator embedded in the fieldsdynamics
(Levenson, 2005;Sullivan,1940; Sullivan, 1949;Bion,1961), is to
observe my body-mind-self experience, share those perceptions,
and remain attentive and curious, nurturing in myself and others
the capacity for negative capability(Bion, 1970), relying on a
faith that meaning and coherence will eventually emerge out of
confusion and chaos.
I end this article with a description of an extraordinary dream
capturing the global scope of the need for social and moral witnes-
sing, the vicarious pain inherent in witnessing social suffering, and the
powerful resistance to consciously bearing witnessing:
This was a dream recounted at a social dreaming workshop I
organized and facilitated focused on The Tri-Faith Unconscious:
Christianity, Islam, Judaism.An Afghan-American Muslim participant
narrated the following astonishing dream, which begged for moral
witnessing and social linking:
The dreamer, a man, is flying a kite that has eyes painted on it but
no mouth; the dreamer is holding onto a string or rope made of
broken glass that cuts the dreamers hands. The kite begins a journey
that takes it from India and Pakistan to the Middle East (Palestine and
Israel), and then onward to Europe and later the United States. The
dreamer and the kite are witnesses to human destructiveness inflicted
on other humans. In India and Pakistan drones are killing people; in
the Middle East suicide bombers detonate themselves; in Europe
refugees wander from country to country, seeking shelter; and in
the United States (Chicago and Los Angeles) gangs wage war on
each other and police brutalize civilians. With the kite flying high
over Los Angeles, the dreamer finally lets go of the kite string, hands
Ironically, this was an SDM in which the group and I were unsuc-
cessful in securing a communal moral witnessing.Despite the
obvious manifest content of this tantalizing dream, to my dismay the
participants in the SDM withdrew from engaging emotionally with this
profoundly evocative dream imagery, clearly mirroring the tragic
violence and human suffering we are experiencing on a local and
global scale. Several participants seemed to be shocked by the dream,
remarking in a distancing maneuver that the dream seemed unreal,
somehow made upby the dreamer. The participants would not or
could not own the dream as our collective dream/nightmare.
Despite my efforts at encouraging associations and emergent feelings,
the contributions were flat, unemotional, distracted. Clearly, the psy-
chic suffering symbolized by the bleeding handswas unbearable for
this social dreaming matrix (SDM), hence the dreamers letting go of
the kite over Los Angelesthe venue for this SDM.
Is Ilhan Omars(2017) rhetoric, summoning us to see each others
struggles as our ownand speak to our common humanity,too
idealistic? I dont believe so. However, the SDM facilitator and
group must respond optimally to each othersbleeding handsas
we collectively attempt to bear witness with silent sorrow to humanitys
inhumanity. The preceding challenging example of collective defense
notwithstanding, the social dreaming communities Ive been honored
to facilitate have been sources of inspiration and hope.
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... Sharing and discussing dreams in a group setting may therefore increase members' empathy [30] and capacity to cope with baffling hectic and traumatic collective encounters as a form of social and "moral witnessing" [31]. In particular, Bermundez [32] advocated the significance of such witnessing in both containing and attaining a reflective ability for unformulated and non-symbolized collective traumatic experiences. Recent studies on pandemic dreams affirm these results, highlighting the use of greater symbolization process during dreams [1], and demonstrating that while dreams indicate mental pain, the method of examining and telling them was positively appraised by participants [33]. ...
Full-text available
Dream sharing is a universal practice, and various incentives have been identified, including emotional processing, emotional relief, and demands for containment. Shared dreams can contribute to an individual's understanding of social reality during traumatic and stressful events. The present study examined dreams shared on social network sites (SNS) during the first COVID-19 lockdown, applying a group-analytic approach. A qualitative dream content analysis conducted by a group of researchers analyzed 30 dreams shared on SNS, focusing on their contents, dominant emotions, and unique group processes. The dream content analysis yielded three meaningful and coherent themes: (1) dominant threats: enemy, danger, and COVID-19; (2) emotional fusion: confusion and despair alongside recovery and hope; and (3) group processes characterized by movement between being alone and being together. The results deepen our understanding of both unique social and psychological group processes and of people's main experiences and key psychological coping mechanisms in times of collective trauma and natural disasters. They also demonstrate the transformative potential of dreamtelling for individuals' coping experiences and building hope through the creative social relationships formed within SNS groups.
... This social dreaming matrix will explore notions of belonging, and how identities can be affected by intergenerational displacement and trauma. It may be of particular interest to those working with displaced people (Bermudez, 2018;Karolia, 2020). Method: Two hosts, an art therapist and music therapist, explain the social dreaming process and set boundaries. ...
... This social dreaming matrix will explore notions of belonging, and how identities can be affected by intergenerational displacement and trauma. It may be of particular interest to those working with displaced people (Bermudez, 2018;Karolia, 2020). Method: Two hosts, an art therapist and music therapist, explain the social dreaming process and set boundaries. ...
Abstracts of the 12th European Music Therapy Conference. Published as an online special edition in the British Journal of Music Therapy. Available on:
... Sharing and discussing dreams in a group setting may, thus, expand members' empathy [28] and ability to deal with unresolved stressful and traumatic collective experiences as a form of social and "moral witnessing" [29]. Specifically, Bermundez [30] used illustrations in his case study to advocate for the importance of such witnessing in containing and achieving a reflective capacity for unformulated and non-symbolized collective traumatic experiences. In accordance with these results, a recent study on pandemic dreams [31] found that while these dreams reflected mental suffering, the process of observing and reporting them was positively evaluated by participants. ...
Full-text available
Sharing dreams is a common practice, and several motives, such as emotional processing, emotional relief, and request for containment, have been identified. An exploratory single case study research design was used to explore the experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic and local military conflict among a group of Israeli students. The group discussed a dream previously shared in social network sites during the first COVID-19 lockdown. A qualitative content analysis of the meeting transcript yielded three meaningful and coherent themes: feeling blocked and helpless in front of a barrier; a sense of intrusion, defense, and psychological coping; belonging to the group as a means of coping with an individual and a collective threat. Each of these themes reflected personal, interpersonal, and social aspects of the participants’ experiences. The results deepen the understanding of people’s dominant experiences and main psychological coping mechanisms during a collective stressful event. Further, they support the positive effect of the dreamtelling approach on individuals’ coping experiences and on enhancing hope by sharing and discussing dreams with others.
Steele and Aronson (1995) showed that stereotype threat affects the test performance of stereotyped groups. A careful reading shows that threat affects test performance but does not eliminate Black–White mean score gaps. Sackett et al. (2004) reviewed characterization of this research in scholarly articles, textbooks, and popular press, and found that many mistakenly inferred that removing stereotype threats eliminated the Black– White performance gap. We examined whether the rate of mischaracterization of Steele and Aronson had decreased in the 15 years since Sackett et al. highlighted the common misinterpretation. We found that the misinterpretation rate dropped from 90.9% to 62.8% in journal articles and from 55.6% to 41.18% in textbooks, though this is only statistically significant in journal articles.
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The central argument of this article is that to meet some of the historical and current social and global challenges facing psychoanalysis, contemporary psychoanalysis has an opportunity to expand its repertoire of theory and practice. One potential path forward is the emergence of a community psychoanalysis. The article summarizes the work of Stuart Twemlow and collaborators, who originated the community psychoanalysis paradigm, and goes on to describe the theory and application of three potentially generative group models for psychoanalytic practice: the Social Dreaming Matrix; Open Space Dialogues; and Future Search/Discovery. The article also outlines implications for psychoanalytic institutes’ organizational structure and dynamics.
Bion's central thesis in this volume is that for the study of people, whether individually or in groups, a cardinal requisite is accurate observation, accompanied by accurate appreciation and formulation of the observations so made. The study represents a further development of a theme introduced in the author's earlier works, particularly in Elements of Psychoanalysis (1963) and Transformations (1965). Bion's concern with the subject stems directly from his psycho-analytic experience and reflects his endeavor to overcome, in a scientific frame of reference, the immense difficulty of observing, assessing, and communicating non-sensuous experience. Here, he lays emphasis on he overriding importance of attending to the realities of mental phenomena as they manifest themselves in the individual or group under study. In influences that interpose themselves between the observer and the subject of his scrutiny giving rise to opacity, are examined, together with ways of controlling them.
This paper considers the scant attention psychoanalysis gives to cultural trauma. Three contributions to this deficiency are considered: (a) the continuing identification with our psychoanalytic forefathers’ silence regarding cultural trauma, (b) the authoritarian practices in psychoanalytic institutions that keep us overly focused on standard intrapsychic formulations to the near exclusion of cultural trauma, and (c) the fact that work with cultural trauma is difficult. To do this work requires us to “buck the system.” If we do so, we expose ourselves to toxic phenomena in a world still rife with cultural trauma. This paper, which includes clinical vignettes, is an invitation to do so.
Respondents at an Internet site completed over 600,000 tasks between October 1998 and April 2000 measuring attitudes toward and stereotypes of social groups. Their responses demonstrated, on average, implicit preference for White over Black and young over old and stereotypic: associations linking male terms with science and career and female terms with liberal arts and family. The main purpose was to provide a demonstration site at which respondents could experience their implicit attitudes and stereotypes toward social groups. Nevertheless, the data collected are rich in information regarding the operation of attitudes and stereotypes, most notably the strength of implicit attitudes, the association and dissociation between implicit and explicit attitudes, and the effects of group membership on attitudes and stereotypes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)