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A Proposed Credit Risk Assessment for People at the Bottom of the Social Pyramid in Cali, Colombia

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The informal economy accounts for half of the economic activity in Colombia. Street vending is a major part of the informal sector. In the context of a rapid urbanization due to internal conflicts, low skilled workers find a last resort for income generation as street vendors. Even though studies have revealed that street vendors can have high profits, they usually remain poor. A primary reason is their continuous indebtedness outside the regulated financial market. This paper proposes a comprehensive questionnaire survey on the socioeconomic profile of street vendors. This tool can be used to assess the individual credit risk and incentivize the financial inclusion of the poor. It can also be used for evaluation processes by the government or impact investors.
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Review of European Studies; Vol. 10, No. 3; 2018
ISSN 1918-7173 E-ISSN 1918-7181
Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education
41
A Proposed Credit Risk Assessment for People at the Bottom of the Social
Pyramid in Cali, Colombia
Juan David Rivera Acevedo1 & Lina Martínez2
1 Lecturer Brandt School of Public Policy. PhD Candidate Center for Empirical Research in Economics and Behavioral
Sciences (CEREB) University of Erfurt, Germanys
2 Professor Universidad Icesi. Director Observatory of Public Policies (POLIS). Cali, Colombia
Correspondence: Juan David Rivera Acevedo, Lecturer Brandt School of Public Policy. PhD Candidate Center for
Empirical Research in Economics and Behavioral Sciences (CEREB) University of Erfurt, Germany. Nordhäuser Str.
63 99089 Erfurt. E-mail: juan_david.rivera_acevedo@uni-erfurt.de.
Received: April 10, 2018 Accepted: April 26, 2018 Online Published: May 30, 2018
doi:10.5539/res.v10n3p41 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/res.v10n3p41
Abstract
The informal economy accounts for half of the economic activity in Colombia. Street vending is a major part of the
informal sector. In the context of a rapid urbanization due to internal conflicts, low skilled workers find a last resort for
income generation as street vendors. Even though studies have revealed that street vendors can have high profits, they
usually remain poor. A primary reason is their continuous indebtedness outside the regulated financial market. This paper
proposes a comprehensive questionnaire survey on the socioeconomic profile of street vendors. This tool can be used to
assess the individual credit risk and incentivize the financial inclusion of the poor. It can also be used for evaluation
processes by the government or impact investors.
Keywords: Colombia, Credit Risk, Impact Investing, Informal Economy, Microfinance
1. Introduction
The informal economy in Colombia, like in many other countries in South America, accounts for about 50% of the
economic activity (ILO, 2014). Within the informal sector, street vending constitutes an important share. As an economic
sector, it is dynamic and provides goods and services to a large population. There is not enough accurate data to establish
the number of street vendors in Colombia or their living conditions, but the information available shows that street
vendors usually belong to the poor population and that low-skilled jobs are their last resort of income generation
(Donovan, 2008; Martínez et al., 2017).
Due to the many intersections with poverty reduction, the low-skilled labor market and urban planning, street vending
constitutes a relevant topic on the national and local policy agenda and is therefore an important area of research.
Motivated by the significant role that street vending plays in the Global South, the authors have undertaken several studies
to understand the living conditions and the socioeconomic dimension of this occupation in Cali, Colombia (Martínez &
Short, 2016; Martínez et al., 2017; Martínez & Estrada, 2017). It was found that street vendors report a higher income than
the average citizen, but they are unable to capitalize on their earnings and escape poverty. The reason is a vicious circle of
indebtedness and a high dependency on loan sharks (Martinez & Rivera-Acevedo, forthcoming). Nevertheless, street
vendors show the financial capacity to pay back their debts. The assumption is that they would profit from access to
credits from a bank or microfinance institution with lower interest rates, or other legal financial instruments.
Until now, the policies that different local governments in Colombia have implemented to cope with street vending, such
as relocating the vendors, have not worked. Intervention programs that consider the needs of street vendors are rare and
vary from city to city (Martínez & Short, 2016). Social programs targeting informal workers, and street vendors in
particular, should also focus on strategies for financial inclusion. This aspect has not yet been taken into account by the
government. The goal of this paper is to contribute with a tool that helps craft targeted interventions aimed at increasing
the financial inclusion of informal workers.
This study presents a survey with 62 questions on demographic aspects, employment and health care, household
characteristics, income and expenses, access to the banking system and credit history. All the questions have been used
and tested before by either the government, regulated financial institutions or the authors in previous studies, but are
arranged in a new constellation for the purpose of this study. The results of the survey can be used to create a profile of the
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poor that discloses their financial status and reveals under which conditions they are creditworthy. This instrument of
individual credit risk assessment can reduce information asymmetries and help include the poor population into the formal
financial market.
The paper is divided into four sections. The first section gives an overview of the urbanization process in Colombia, the
role of the informal economy and the limited access of poor people to different legal financial institutions (e.g. bank, MFI).
It also gives an overview of different mechanisms of financial inclusion in Colombia. The second section presents the
suggested questionnaire survey to profile the creditworthiness of poor population groups. Afterwards, policy
recommendations and alternative financial instruments are discussed in the third section, and conclusions are drawn in the
fourth section.
2. The Informal Economy and Financial Access in Colombia
Latin America experienced a rapid urbanization between 1925 and 1975, rising from 25% to 61.2% of the population
living in cities (Cerrutti & Bertoncello, 2003). Urbanization has contributed to reduce poverty and child mortality rates,
and increase human development indicators such as educational attainment (Christiaensen & Todo, 2014). Colombia, as
one of the major countries in the region (48 million inhabitants), experienced the same transformation. Nowadays, about
75% of the population in Colombia lives in cities (DANE, 2015a). There are three populous cities in the country: Bogotá
(7 million), Medellin (2.5 million) and Cali (2.4 million).
Cali is an economic hub in the Pacific region. It is located in the department of Valle del Cauca, which contributes to about
4.1 percent of total GDP in the country (Banco de la República, 2013). Most of its economic activity has derived from
sugar cane production and other agricultural activities.
One of the major drives of population growth in Cali is rooted in the armed conflict. In 1990, the city had only about 1.7
million inhabitants, and the large population growth experienced in the last decades is partially due to the resettlement of
displaced people (Poveda, 2011). These migration flows have aggravated inequality, increased poverty and restrained
economic opportunities for poor people. It is estimated that about 25% of the city population lives in poverty (DANE,
2013).
The Colombian government stratifies neighborhoods and households according to access to public services. This
stratification is a mechanism to classify households based on their living and socioeconomic conditions. The strata scale
goes from one to six: one and two are classified as poor; three and four represent the middle class; five and six are
classified as rich (DNP, 1997).
For most poor people (strata 1 and 2), an economic activity in the informal sector is the last resort to earn a living. In
Colombia, the informal economy covers a wide range of activities, from garbage collectors to street vendors and owners
of small companies (ILO-FORLAC, 2014). Given the heterogeneity of this sector and the lack of reliable data, it is
difficult to assess the magnitude of the informal economy. However, official statistics report that about half of the
population in Colombia earns a living with an informal occupation (DANE, 2015b). People who work in the informal
sector are characterized by the lack of a sufficient skill set to find employment in the formal sector, unstable working
conditions and vulnerability to economic slowdowns due to an insufficient social protection system (Gaspirini &
Tornarolli, 2007).
Another important characteristic of the informal sector is the exclusion from formal economic structures like banking
(Chen, 2005, 2012). Informal workers do not have access to credit by regulated financial institutions given their lack of
collateral and/or employment stability. Traditionally, banks grant large loans to clients with a low credit risk which allows
a low transaction cost per dollar lent and a high probability of repayment. Lending to the poor is not attractive for
traditional financial institutions because of the high administrative cost, lack of deposits and low revenues (Serrano-Cinca
& Gutierrez-Nieto, 2014). The exclusion from formal financial services pushes the poor towards informal credit markets,
such as payday-loans or moneylenders, who charge predatory interest rates (Mallick, 2012). Despite certain limitations,
the main resource of formal credit for people at the bottom of the pyramid are microfinance institutions (from now on
MFIs) (Banerjee et al., 2015; Weiss & Montgomery, 2005; Quinones & Remenyi, 2014).
The literature offers a mixed picture regarding MFIs. On the one hand, some researchers claim that microcredits do not
only increase income and consumption, but also have a positive impact on the quality of life of the borrowers (Swain,
2012). On the other hand, it is argued that high interest rates and unethical collection methods may compromise this
positive effect of credit accessibility to the poor (Kar & Swain, 2014). Contrary to traditional businesses, the strong social
principles of some MFIs drive them to find ―difficult‖ customers instead of focusing on their most profitable customers
(Serrano-Cinca et al., 2015). It is important to point out that loans to the poor have repayment rates of 97% (Ashta, 2009).
However, in environments with large information asymmetry, borrowers tend to take multiple loans from different MFIs
(also known as double-dipping) and combine them with loans from moneylenders which leads to inefficiencies and
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ultimately default (Guha & Chowdhury, 2013; Mallick, 2012).
Microcredits have a high transaction cost which translates into high interest rates for the poor. The interest rates demanded
by MFIs are the result of: losses due to loan impairment, profits (or re-investments for NGOs and non-for-profit MFIs),
cost of capital and cost of screening, monitoring and enforcing small loans (Armendáriz & Morduch, 2010; Kar & Swain,
2014; Roberts, 2013). The administrative cost of microloans can go up to 40 percent of the loan size (Braverman &
Guasch, 1989). This creates a bias towards short-term production cycle investments, such as petty retail, where borrowers
can follow tight repayment schedules soon after the loan is granted (Dalla Pellegrina, 2011). Furthermore, different
borrowers face different transaction costs, but the lack of information blocks the opportunity to offer loans which are
tailored to the needs of individual borrowers (Guha & Chowdhury, 2013). In Colombia, the maximum interest rates
demanded by MFIs are regulated by the government. At the time of this research, the cap for microcredits is 4.58% per
month (Superintendencia Financiera de Colombia, 2017).
Moneylenders have the same kind of transaction costs as MFIs (screening, monitoring and enforcing small loans), but
demand higher interest rates due to the illegal nature of moneylending (about 20% per month). However, they are more
convenient than MFIs in terms of accessibility and cash-flow. For example, a worker enforcing a loan for an illegal
moneylender requires a higher wage than an employee in an MFI because wages include the opportunity cost of
potentially being incarcerated.
Apart from MFIs, some cities Colombia are exploring different mechanisms sponsored and/or regulated by the
government that provide credit access for the poor. One mechanism is through utility companies (operated by the
government or private investors). Two examples stand out. The first one is called ―Brilla‖ and covers several regions in
the country. This program is operated by a private gas company. After revising the clients‘ payment history, the company
offers clients with good credit records the opportunity to use a line of credit to buy durable assets such as appliances.
Clients pay the quote of the durable asset plus their monthly gas bill. More recently, this line of credit was opened for
educational programs using a multilateral bank loan (Trochez, 2014; IADB, 2017). Following this business strategy, the
public services company of Medellin (EPM) offers credit cards, microfinances and also open credit lines for home
improvements and investments such as household expansions and renovations (EPM, 2017). The second strategy, also
implemented in Medellin, is ―Banco Oportunidades‖. The program has been implemented since 2013 and is possibly the
most comprehensive intervention that provides credit to the poor in the country. It has credit lines for microfinances,
educational loans and cooperatives, and has a targeted program for street vendors. The interest rate is usually below
market value (0.91% per month) and individuals who have been reported as risky-borrowers in credit score databases by
formal financial institutions can access small loans equivalent to about a minimum monthly salary (Alcaldía de Medellín,
2017).
Other emerging methods of financial inclusion of the poor are peer-to-peer lending and impact bonds. Peer-to peer lending
brings together non-institutional borrowers and lenders. Borrowers upload their business plan on a specialized website
and lenders decide under which terms they are willing to provide the requested capital (Mild et al., 2015). In this context,
individual investors bear the credit risk instead of financial institutions specialized in risk-management (Serrano-Cinca et
al., 2015). As many loans are not secured, only the estimated return of the productive activity can be expected. Currently,
the opportunity cost of investment on peer-to-peer platforms is high since the investors‘ risk is still not fully compensated
(Mild et al., 2015).
Impact bonds are an impact investment vehicle. Impact investing refers to investments that deliver measurable
social/environmental returns along with financial profits (Bugg-Levine & Emerson, 2011; Nicholls, 2010; Ormiston et al.,
2015). Impact bonds are an outcome-based policy-making strategy in which private investors receive a rate of return if
pre-agreed social/environmental outcomes are achieved (Liebman, 2011; Rivera-Acevedo, 2015). At the time of this
research, 93 impact bonds are being implemented, including one in Colombia (Social Finance UK, 2017). This instrument
shows great potential in the area of poverty alleviation through financial inclusion combining seed capital, savings, skills
training, coaching, confidence-building and social support (Instiglio, 2017).
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3. Assessing the Credit Risk of Street Vendors
Population data in Colombia as in many other countries in Latin America- is scarce. In general, cities lack reliable and
timely information about the living conditions and socioeconomic status of the inhabitants, as it is not continually
collected by local administrations. This is usually due to a lack of funding as well as an absence of evaluation culture
which restricts an informed policy-decision making process. The last population census was collected in 2005. Even
though the central administration has implemented different population surveys since, these are mostly representative of
smaller regions (―departamentos‖).
Information about banking and access to credit is not available at city level and is not collected systematically by the
central government. According to reports by the Colombian financial union association (―ASOBANCARIA”), about 26
million of Colombians have had access to at least one banking service by 2017. Most of those services are referred to
saving accounts and only 54% of those services were used at least once in the past 6 months (El Tiempo, 2017). This
information, however, does not disclose the socioeconomic background of the customers and says little about the financial
inclusion of the poor.
One effort made by the government to introduce the poor to the regulated banking system was to make mandatory saving
accounts for the deposit of money from ―Familias en Acción‖ (FA). FA is one of the largest welfare programs in Colombia.
It gives bi-monthly cash transfers to mothers in strata 1 and 2 based on their age and number of children. The precondition
of a bank account has been implemented since 2010 and currently, over 2.5 million families are beneficiaries of this
program (Prosperidad Social, 2017).
Access to formal financial institutions is expensive. In Colombia, it is necessary to open a bank account when employed in
the formal sector. Salary bank accounts require at least a handling fee. The cost of this handling fee is only marginal if
receiving a salary deposit once or twice a month. In the informal sector, pay-day jobs such as domestic work, construction
or street vending are common and do not have access to salary bank accounts as they cannot guarantee a reliable income.
The option of a saving account is given, but it involves a handling fee plus a fee and waiting time for every withdrawal and
deposit. In that regard, the day-to-day structure of street vendors increases the opportunity cost of banking as it is a
short-term commercial activity that requires a constant cash-flow and instant cash payment since merchandise is usually
purchased from wholesalers on a daily basis (Martínez & Rivera-Acevedo, forthcoming).
In a previous analysis, the authors found that the average monthly income of a street vendor is 20% higher than the income
of an individual in the same socioeconomic strata with more education, and also higher than the income of an average
middle class individual in the city (Martínez et al., 2017). But despite their higher income, street vendors are unable to
capitalize on their earnings through durable goods like a household. 38% of individuals in strata 1 and 2 own a house,
whereas only 28% of street vendors report the same asset (ibid). A possible reason explaining the inability of street
vendors to capitalize on their earnings and move out of poverty is their high indebtedness rate with payday-loans
(Martínez, Rivera-Acevedo, forthcoming). Their major source of credit are illegal moneylenders. This is due to their lack
of access to regulated banking services and legal credit because of generally high transaction costs and a high level of
information asymmetry.
An information asymmetry is present when one party has more or better information than the other. In terms explained by
Akerlof (1970), lenders face adverse selection and moral hazard problems. Adverse selection is present because the lender
does not know if the project is good or not (or if the street vendor is capable of selling the products). Moral hazard is
present because the lender does not know if after receiving the loan, the borrower will successfully realize the project or if
after the project succeeds, the borrower will pay back the loan plus the interest. The best way to reduce information
asymmetries is using outside rating firms and guarantees (Akerlof, 1970). However, the poor do not have any collateral
and rating firms are too expensive. Therefore, a different approach is needed.
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Source: Adapted from (Oh & Johnston, 2014)
Figure 1. Pricing decision model
Oh & Johnston (2014) studied the credit card market and proposed a pricing model for managing credit risk. The model
consists of four factors that influence the consumer interest rate: Credit scoring, risk-based pricing, behavioral scoring and
the relationship between the bank and the borrower. Credit scoring contains information regarding credit history,
willingness to pay and ability to pay. Risk- based pricing takes into account credit reports, default risk, and group pricing.
Behavioral scoring comprises payment behavior and ‗‗through-the-door‘‘ (TTD) analysis, which includes factors such as
education level and income status. The relationship factor consists of information regarding trust and the reliability of the
information provided (see figure 1). This pricing model for credit cards can be adapted to a microloan context by also
taking into account that the factors explaining default on peer-to-peer loans are the purpose of loans, annual income,
current housing situation, credit history and indebtedness (Serrano-Cinca et al., 2015).
As a result of previous studies by the authors, one of the major hypothesis of this present study is that risk borrowers with
a long history of unregulated credit sources (such as payday-loans) pay back their debts and that therefore their repayment
capacity is high. However, given the unregulated nature, transactions in the moneylending business are not officially
recorded and cannot be taken into account for formal lending purposes, even though this additional information can help
build a more accurate profile of a risk borrower.
In order to determine the profile of a risk borrower, a set of 62 questions was created concerning the economic capabilities
of the poor (see annex 1). These questions are a tool to reduce information asymmetries between financial organizations
and lenders who do not comply with lending standards set by regulated financial institutions. Some of the questions are
widely used by national and local governments to target social welfare beneficiaries and identify spending priorities to
support the poor. Other questions have been used by regulated financial institutions or the research center POLIS of the
University ICESI in Cali. As in other studies by the authors, the questionnaire survey is designed to be taken by pollsters.
The proposed borrower risk profile is divided into five components: i) demographic information; ii) employment and
health; iii) household conditions; iv) income and expenses; v) access to banking services and indebtedness (see figure 2).
The section of employment and health accounts for three aspects. First, questions taken from national surveys
implemented by the central government collect information about employment and sector (formal or informal). A second
set of questions explores the quality of employment, e.g. hours worked, benefits besides salary, employment satisfaction
and employment stability. All the questions included in this component have been tested in Cali in extensive population
surveys. The results show a high prevalence of informal employment, scarce benefits, and low employment stability
within the sample population (POLIS, 2017). Thirdly, this section accounts for the perceived health condition, which is a
key proxy of productivity.
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The component household conditions are mostly drawn from national surveys that assess basic needs in households such
as sanitation conditions, access to potable water and building structure. These surveys have been widely implemented in
Latin America and at the national level. The statistical agency of the country (DANE) has designed and tested composite
indicators to determine a household‘s unmet basic needs (Feres & Mancero, 2001). This study follows the methodological
guidelines implemented by the government to establish the extent of unmet needs amongst risk borrowers.
Source: Authors
Figure 2. Credit Risk Assessment for People at the Bottom of the Pyramid
The questions in the income and expenses component are a simplified version of the ones used in official surveys by the
government, given the low educational attainment of our target population. This section inquires about access to welfare
programs and retirement program contributions. The questions have been tested in previous studies with poor populations
such as garbage collectors (Estrada et al., 2017) and street vendors (Martínez et al., 2017). The results of these studies
have been used to portray the living conditions of the most impoverished population of Cali. For example, a garbage
collector earns less than 7 dollars per day on average, and their entire income is spent on shelter and food for about 4
people (the average family size).
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The section about access to banking services and indebtedness inquires about credit history, type of loaner (moneylender,
MFI, bank) and interest rates in current and past loans. All the questions in this section have been tested with street
vendors in Cali. The results show that on average, street vendors have a higher monthly income than a worker in the
formal sector with greater educational attainment. However, the high indebtedness of street vendors makes it almost
impossible to capitalize on the earnings and escape poverty (Martínez & Rivera-Acevedo, forthcoming).
The information collected through this survey provides the necessary independent variables to analyze the risk of default
(dependent variable). Conducting the survey before and after the loan is granted will offer specific insights into the effect
of the loan on the quality of life of the borrowers. Continuous monitoring of the variables will establish a lending risk
profile of the poor and reduce the information asymmetries that lenders must assess before lending to informal workers.
The profile risk that is created with the information collected through this survey is one of the main inputs for
implementing programs that promote financial inclusion.
4. Discussion and Policy Implications
The informal economy in Colombia is a relevant and interesting research topic. The informality and its consequences in
general, as well as the economic activity of street vending in particular, are of high priority for policy-makers.
The internal armed conflict caused the relocation of farmers from rural areas to the cities. The sudden influx of people
without the necessary skills to thrive in urban areas segregated them into economic activities in the informal sector. This
sector is characterized by unstable working conditions, vulnerability to economic cycles and a lack of access to formal
financial institutions. Street vending represents an important part of the informal sector. It is a cash-based day-to-day
activity that requires a constant money flow. Without access to formal financial institutions, street vendors turn to illegal
moneylenders for the necessary cash to run their business.
Street vendors in Cali have the financial capacity to pay back their debts, but are trapped by moneylenders and
payday-loans. They have a higher income than the average working age citizen, especially other individuals classified as
poor by national standards who work in the formal sector and have higher levels of education. Nevertheless, they are not
able to capitalize on their earnings and remain cataloged as poor (strata 1 and 2) because the interest rates demanded by
moneylenders absorb their profits (interests rates can reach up to 20% interest per month). An alternative to moneylenders
are MFIs offering credits at comparatively lower interest rates but the access is limited.
The current policies implemented by the government of Cali to cope with informality and street vending in particular have
not shown the desired outcomes. Therefore, the proposed tool aims at reducing information asymmetries to incentivize the
financial inclusion of the poor. The borrower risk profile based on the questionnaire survey with five components offers a
comprehensive overview of the needs and re-payment capabilities of the poor. However, data collection is expensive.
Nevertheless, this task could be carried out by official entities of the city. So far, the different government offices that
operate social programs in Cali using public resources do not have a standardized format to characterize the beneficiary
population. They often collect irrelevant information. Furthermore, their instruments usually do not draw conclusions
about the living conditions of the beneficiaries, and even less about access to credit and indebtedness. The advantages of
data collection through government offices are as follows. First, the government can rely on timely standardized
information about the living conditions of the poor with access to public social programs. Second, it would provide the
opportunity to craft better targeted programs for credit access. Thirdly, it would save the government money because the
data collection could be carried out at the same time as the mandatory update of the program participants. This
questionnaire, besides providing the basis to determine the socioeconomic profile of the poor, can also become a useful
tool for the government for evaluation purposes, incentivizing the practice of data-based policies.
Individual profiles can increase the flexibility in loan disbursement and repayment schedules as well as reduce the overall
transaction cost of microloans. Profiles can be categorized in a rating which can be easily accessible to financial
institutions, including MFIs and banks. These ratings can also reduce double-dipping and diminish the transaction costs
related to loan due diligence, especially for MFIs. As discussed by Mallick (2012), individual profiling can enhance
investment productivity, even more so, if loans are combined with skills training, coaching, confidence-building and
social support as in the case of impact bonds.
The proposed risk profile can also be used by impact investors. Granting credit access to people at the bottom of the social
pyramid can be a profitable business. One of the major challenges of impact investing is to provide measurable
social/environmental impact. In this context, the questionnaire gives a clear overview of the quality of life of the
borrowers which can be used as a baseline to measure the impact of microcredits on users. Furthermore, a private
company could use the questionnaire and develop a rating to sell it to the government, peer-to-peer platforms, banks, and
MFIs, similar to traditional credit score databases. In addition, a utility company in Cali could develop a program similar
to ―Brilla” in which beneficiaries have access to credit as well as savings.
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5. Conclusions
This paper presents a comprehensive questionnaire survey that covers five essential components of living conditions, such
as financial status including different aspects of indebtedness. It is designed to be taken by trained pollsters, e.g.
employees of the local government offices. The target group is the population at the bottom of the social pyramid in
Colombia, but could be adapted to other countries in the Global South. The results of the questionnaire can be used as an
instrument for credit risk assessment that takes into account the financial activity of an individual in the formal and
informal sector. This could facilitate the inclusion of the poor in the regulated banking system, where credits can be
obtained at a much smaller interest rate and under secure conditions. In general, the survey can be used as an effective tool
for the government to develop outcome-based policies. According to the findings of the survey, the government can
implement targeted social programs that reduce poverty and increase the quality of life of the citizens. The outcome of
these projects can be measured with the same questionnaire. Since Colombia has a rare practice of data collection, this
would foster an evaluation focused culture. A further option to apply the survey can be the impact investing market as a
complement to traditional banks or MFIs. The most interesting financial instruments in this sector are impact bonds and
peer-to-peer lending, which also comprise aspects like skill training and coaching.
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Annex 1. Survey - Credit Risk Assessment for People at the Bottom of the Social Pyramid
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... En muchos países en vías de desarrollo, la inclusión financiera no es un objetivo de política pública, lo que se traduce en que la inclusión financiera queda determinada por las reglas del sistema financiero y no por políticas sociales. En Colombia, por ejemplo, el acceso al sistema financiero presenta grandes obstáculos a las personas que no tengan un trabajo formal, bienes durables o ingresos mensuales constantes que permitan reducir los costos de manejo de productos financieros (Acevedo y Martínez, 2018). Las personas excluidas del sistema financiero deben recurrir a mecanismos de acceso a crédito por medio de canales informales y no regulados como préstamos a amigos, familiares o prestamistas de pago diario que cargan intereses por encima de la tasa de usura (Serrano-Cinca y Gutiérrez-Nieto, 2014). ...
... El acceso universal a servicios financieros regulados no es un objetivo de política pública en muchos países en vía de desarrollo (Claessens, 2006). La baja inserción de la población más pobre y la clase media vulnerable al sistema financiero tiene implicaciones importantes en la reducción de pobreza, ya que, sin la posibilidad de acceso a crédito regulado, la población excluida del sistema financiero debe recurrir a formas de créditos informales que son más costosas y que perpetúan un círculo de pobreza (Acevedo y Martínez, 2018). ...
... Los préstamos con amigos y los préstamos a paga diarios o gota a gota, como se conocen en Colombia, representan respectivamente el 33,4 y el 5,9% de los mecanismos de endeudamiento que utilizaron los encuestados de clase media. El préstamo gota a gota se puede definir como un préstamo pagado a través de cantidades pequeñas con una frecuencia alta de pago (Hernández-García y Oviedo-Gómez, 2016) y con intereses que pueden llegar hasta el 20% mensual más altos para los informales (Acevedo y Martínez, 2018). La tarjeta de crédito, que es el mecanismo de deuda más costoso en el sistema regulado, fue la primera opción para endeudarse (35,8%). ...
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