The New Political Culture
Abstract
The New Political culture, which began to take shape in the 1970s, continues to challenge many assumptions of traditional politics, especially on issues of environmentalism, growth management, gay rights, and abortion. Concerned mostly with home, consumption, and lifestyle, the New Politics emerges fully in cities with more highly educated citizens, higher incomes, and more high-tech service occupations. Leadership does not come from parties, unions, or ethnic groups but rather shifts from issue to issue: leaders on abortion are distinct from leaders on environmental issues. Based on data gathered by the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, the most extensive study of local government in the world to date, this book provides an explicit analysis of the social structural characteristics that encourage or discourage the New Political culture. The New Political culture, which began to take shape in the 1970s, continues to challenge many assumptions of traditional politics, especially on issues of environmentalism, growth management, gay rights, and abortion. Concerned mostly with home, consumption, and lifestyle, the New Politics emerges fully in cities with more highly educated citizens, higher incomes, and more high-tech service occupations. Leadership does not come from parties, unions, or ethnic groups but rather shifts from issue to issue: leaders on abortion are distinct from leaders on environmental issues. Based on data gathered by the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, the most extensive study of local government in the world to date, this book provides an explicit analysis of the social structural characteristics that encourage or discourage the New Political culture.
... As Clark and Inglehart, amongst others, have argued, the social values that dominate today's advanced economies are less easily captured by social class distinctions (Abramson and Inglehart 1995;Clark and Hoffmann-Martinot 1998). Lines of division between interest groups are increasingly likely to have a cultural or social dimension, as opposed to an economic one. ...
... Some leaders appear to be less persuaded by the new values of their electorate than others. In a context in which little research has as yet been completed on new value stances and their policy consequences, it is necessary to chart adoption and resistance to the New Political Culture (NPC) by exploring political systems around the world (Clark and Hoffmann-Martinot 1998). As political histories generate distinctive political cultures, this could feed into the selective policy adoption of values associated with the New Political Culture, and opposition to others. ...
... Other than this, the most obvious inter-municipal distinction in terms of responsiveness to interest groups came from the strength of local political party organizations. In places where local parties are regarded as strong organizations (see Clark and Hoffmann-Martinot 1998), responsiveness to interest groups is higher. Note that this applies not just to business groups (Table 4.3) but also to low-income groups (Table 4.5) and to neighborhood groups (Table 4.6). ...
... In recent decades the literature in the field of culture and politics (Thompson, Grenstadt and Selle, 2005) has focused on several debates related to civic culture (Almond and Verba, 1989), to mass society, to advanced industrial societies (Inglehart, 1990;Clark and Hoffmann-Martinot, 1998), and to how such societies ac- quired an important role in explaining processes and mechanisms of political trans- formations (Tilly, 2001: 24), but altogether in the perspective of a political culture design. ...
... The available knowledge on this subject demonstrates that the political field pos- sesses nowadays a new and complex cultural and geographical dimension (Clark and Hoffmann-Martinot, 1998). The role of politics is however less defined when it comes to its political potential, in particular if we attempt to analyse the way in which contemporary cultural praxis might create alternative views of political contexts. ...
En un contexto contemporaneo, el concepto de redes de poder es una herramienta ineludible en el estudio de la sociedad politica. La superposicion del poder politico y de las muchas redes de entidades que conforman el contexto social, constituyen las comunidades politicas. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo desarrollar el estudio de ejemplos historicos del fenomeno de las transmisiones transatlanticas de normas, creencias y valores que han alterado el sentido de la comunidad luso-brasilena. En este sentido, la historiografia contemporanea ha registrado un proceso de renovacion de los dominios de la historia cultural y politica, en el que el estudio de las relaciones entre Portugal y Brasil gano visibilidad. Como el analisis de las perspectivas del documental para demostrar las formas politicas y culturales. A finales del siglo XX, la imagen y el documental seran mecanismos importantes de comunicacion y de mejora del imaginario cultural y simbolico entre Portugal y Brasil. Sin embargo, las nuevas configuraciones politicas en el marco del proceso de globalizacion confiscan y transformar esas imagenes. Poder reformado transferido de las instituciones a los individuos permite otras lecturas de las comunidades linguisticas culturales y politicos.
... Multicultural globalization promotes a recognition of genuine global diversity, cultural pluralism and the equal worth of diverse identities and languages (Korobeynikova and Vodopiyanova, 2020). While economic integration, technological advancements and political globalization push societies toward a more unified global system, cultural diversity remains one of the most essential and enduring aspects of human life (Bennett, 2017;Clark, 2018;Healey and Stepnick, 2019). This duality has sparked significant debates on how to balance global interconnectedness with the need to safeguard and celebrate the uniqueness of individual cultures (Bhatia, 2018;David, 2017;Johnston-Guerrero, 2016;Macy, 2021). ...
Purpose
This study aims to explore the relationship between global unity and cultural diversity in an interconnected world, examining how globalization influences cultural exchange while preserving identities. Using hybrid thematic content analysis (HTCA), it reveals how cross-cultural collaboration can be fostered amid global challenges like climate change, health crises and technology. The research offers insights into integrating global efforts with local cultural nuances to create sustainable solutions. By bridging qualitative and quantitative approaches, it provides new perspectives on harmonizing global interconnectedness with cultural preservation in governance, technological innovation, diplomacy and education.
Design/methodology/approach
This research applied content analysis, thematic analysis and HTCA to examine global unity and cultural diversity. Content analysis highlighted key themes in international frameworks, whereas thematic analysis delved into elements promoting cultural preservation and adaptation. HTCA synthesized these insights, combining content-focused themes with broader cultural, economic and policy perspectives. Data sources included academic literature, international policy documents and case studies from UNESCO and regional cultural policies.
Findings
The findings reveal that while globalization drives global unity, cultural diversity remains crucial for preserving individual identities. Key themes include multiculturalism, cultural exchange, hybridization and resistance to homogenization. While globalization can erode local traditions, it also fosters cultural enrichment, seen in fusion cuisine, multilingualism and ethical fashion. The research identifies strategies for balancing global unity and cultural diversity, such as hybrid approaches to environmental sustainability, integrating cultural insights into global health and inclusive technological innovations like AI and virtual reality. It also highlights the role of institutions like UNESCO in promoting cultural diplomacy and the challenges in balancing global governance with cultural diversity.
Research limitations/implications
This research is limited by its reliance on secondary data from policy documents and literature, without primary data from affected communities or policymakers. Future studies could incorporate interviews and surveys to gain first-hand perspectives. In addition, the geographic focus on documented globalization effects limits broader applicability; more inclusive case studies across diverse cultural contexts are recommended.
Practical implications
The study offers actionable insights for policymakers, educators and cultural leaders to promote inclusive cultural exchange and hybridization strategies. It emphasizes balancing globalization benefits with cultural heritage protection. Practical applications in education, health and technology should consider cultural differences for more inclusive and effective solutions, such as integrating global citizenship and cultural sensitivity in educational policies.
Social implications
The study emphasizes how intercultural understanding and collaboration can enhance social cohesion in multicultural societies. It advocates for celebrating diversity, fostering cultural dialogue and promoting inclusive global policies to build peace and address global issues while maintaining diverse identities.
Originality/value
This study’s originality lies in its methodological triangulation, using HTCA as a novel approach to unify content and thematic insights. By integrating content analysis, thematic analysis and HTCA, this research offers a unique multidimensional analysis of global unity and cultural diversity, revealing how these aspects can coexist within globalization.
... Political culture usually consists of two functions: on the one hand, it guides people's lives. On the other hand, it transcends the content of current life, i.e., it transcends the existing conditions of the economy and society and becomes a conceptual and psychological force that guides social change [9][10][11]. As an important part of social ideology, political culture is the mode of political orientation and attitude of political behavior accumulated by human beings in long-term political practice, shaping all aspects of social and political life, taking a foundational position in political development, and providing an important ideological and psychological foundation for political development [12][13][14][15]. ...
As an important part of the national superstructure, the development of political culture requires deep consideration by top-level designers. In view of the extensive use of the predictive function of deep learning technology, this paper applies it to the prediction of China’s political culture development. A deep feed-forward neural network model is initially constructed using deep learning and neural networks, and then a combined GRU-LSTM prediction model is constructed to enhance the overall model. In addition, due to the strong textual nature of political culture, semantic network analysis and thematic modeling analysis are incorporated into the model, by which information on the development of political culture can be identified and detected. The model’s predictive performance is evaluated, and the consistency of its prediction results with the actual situation is analyzed. Finally, the strategy for developing political culture is generated. The MSE, MAE, and R² values of the GRU-LSTM model are the optimal test results among all models, and its prediction performance is the best. During the decade from 2011 to 2020, the focus of China’s political culture development has changed from patriotism and people-centeredness to openness and pluralism. The prediction results during the ten years have always been consistent with the actual situation. The single-item accuracies of China’s political culture development are patriotism (97.06%), people-centeredness (96.31%), collectivism (79.44%), openness (92.40%), and pluralism (94.35%).
... Por seu lado, a par destas transformações, vai-se igualmente desenvolvendo uma nova cultura política na sociedade civil, notavelmente visível nas novas gerações mais escolarizadas e com novas práticas de interação sociocultural e de consciencialização política -e agora confrontadas com uma série de novos dilemas e dificuldades (Clark & Hoffman-Martinot, 1998;Seixas & Guterres, 2019;Villaverde Cabral et al., 2008). Os diferenciais entre as respostas políticas e as necessidades e exigências sociais -particularmente visíveis em sectores essenciais como nos casos da habitação ou da mobilidade -têm desenvolvido tensões de nova ordem, e um consequente crescimento de manifestações político-sociais e de movimentos cívicos (Seixas & Guterres, 2019). ...
O mundo faz-se de mudanças, de inovação, de resposta a desafios. As transições digitais, ecológica e para a sustentabilidade, aliadas a fenómenos globais mais ou menos imprevisíveis tornam cada vez mais evidente a necessidade e importância do conhecimento como suporte à tomada de decisão. Neste processo, a Geografia assume um papel central. Este foi o mote para organizar um livro sobre os desafios geográficos da gestão territorial, analisando a evolução recente e os caminhos para a sua implementação plena em Portugal. Esta obra pretende ser uma ferramenta de apoio ao planeamento e governação do território, considerando as recentes dinâmicas sociais, económicas, culturais e ambientais em Portugal, bem como a necessidade de políticas públicas mais eficientes e no âmbito do Plano de Recuperação e Resiliência, do Portugal 2030 e dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável da Agenda 2030.
... Por seu lado, a par destas transformações, vai-se igualmente desenvolvendo uma nova cultura política na sociedade civil, notavelmente visível nas novas gerações mais escolarizadas e com novas práticas de interação sociocultural e de consciencialização política -e agora confrontadas com uma série de novos dilemas e dificuldades (Clark & Hoffman-Martinot, 1998;Seixas & Guterres, 2019;Villaverde Cabral et al., 2008). Os diferenciais entre as respostas políticas e as necessidades e exigências sociais -particularmente visíveis em sectores essenciais como nos casos da habitação ou da mobilidade -têm desenvolvido tensões de nova ordem, e um consequente crescimento de manifestações político-sociais e de movimentos cívicos (Seixas & Guterres, 2019). ...
O mundo faz-se de mudanças, de inovação, de resposta a desafios. As transições digitais, ecológica e para a sustentabilidade, aliadas a fenómenos globais mais ou menos imprevisíveis tornam cada vez mais evidente a necessidade e importância do conhecimento como suporte à tomada de decisão. Neste processo, a Geografia assume um papel central. Este foi o mote para organizar um livro sobre os desafios geográficos da gestão territorial, analisando a evolução recente e os caminhos para a sua implementação plena em Portugal. Esta obra pretende ser uma ferramenta de apoio ao planeamento e governação do território, considerando as recentes dinâmicas sociais, económicas, culturais e ambientais em Portugal, bem como a necessidade de políticas públicas mais eficientes e no âmbito do Plano de Recuperação e Resiliência, do Portugal 2030 e dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável da Agenda 2030.
... In the service space, the model of the service scene comprises the three dimensions of spatial function and layout, atmosphere elements, and symbols [29]. This paper mainly follows the scene theory of the Club Atlético Nueva Chicago Urban School [30]. Not only did they study consumption as an activity, but also focused on the social organization of consumption, using scenarios to organize consumption into meaningful social forms, which provides a new perspective for the study of urban commerce. ...
Street commerce is the basic unit of urban structure and an important part of people’s life. With the continuous advancement of online commerce, people’s consumption habits and consumption patterns have begun to change. (1) Background: During the epidemic, the global business environment changed dramatically, and traditional street business has also been hit hard, leaving a lot of idle space. The question is how to solve the problem of activating the commercial street space after its decay, and realize its sustainable development. (2) Methods: This paper takes the commercial space of Nonglin Street as the object, constructs the relevant factors affecting the commercial space of the street by using the theory of scenes, and collects the data by means of a field investigation and questionnaire. According to a weight analysis and satisfaction analysis, the advantages and disadvantages of the commerce in Nonglin Street are understood. (3) Results: The importance of the three variables of the appearance, comfort and diversity of the commercial space in Nonglin Street is very high and the satisfaction is low. (4) Conclusions: Nonglin Street need to increase diversified forms of business, open block space, integrate regional cultural symbols, and improve the management model of street commerce.
... Pembangunan politik identitas tersebut, menjadi konsentrasi dari penelitian ini sebagai reproduksi kekuasaan (Bourdieu, 1989). Ada perspektif yang berbeda sebagai peneliti dalam membaca intraksi sosial yang terjadi dalam sebuah kontestasi pemilu yang terlahir dalam sistem Demokrasi, bahwa tindakan konsolidasi tak terlahir begitu saja (Clark, 2018 ;Swartz, 2012;Bourdieu, 1989). Politik identitas awalnya berangkat dari adanya persamaan, seperti persamaan nasib, territorial dan agama (Barelly et a., 2021). ...
Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menunjukkan memahami relasi kuasi pada mekanisme reproduksi kuasi politik etnis Tionghoa pada pemilu legislatif 2019 di Makassar. Interaksi kelompok masyarakat dan aktor etnis tionghoa untuk mendapatkan kekuasaan politik melalui perwakilan legislatif di Makassar belum mendapatkan telah yang mendalam. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif-ekploratif dengan pendekatan studi kasus, dimana studi eksploratif ini berusaha untuk melihat relasi kuasa etnis Tionghoa di legislative Kota Makassar. teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu “reproduksi kekuasaan” dari Pierre Bourdieu. Hasil penelitian ini terbukti etnis Tionghoa di Kota Makassar mampu menjalin relasi kuasa secara efektif. Terbukti dengan adanya tokoh politik dari etnis Tionghoa mendapat tempat startegis diberbagai bidang khususnya dalam lembaga legislatif Kota Makassar.
... Aside from the distinct possibility that modern protest movements change the rule of politics (cf. Clark and Hoffmann-Martinot, 1998) and are themselves transformed in the course of their struggles, the list of SAGE © George Ritzer and Barry Smart 2001 SAGE Reference movements Euchner develops shows that it is very difficult to clearly distinguish between 'ordinary' and extraordinary' political events. ...
... But in present day, local towns are mostly responsible for state-administered roads and education, and these states are some of the most centralized in the nation. 6. Postmaterialists, which Brooks (2000) also refers to as Bobos, are relatively afflu- ent, college-educated young professionals who tend to emphasize quality of life and social issues over economic issues, or material and physical security (Clark, 1998;Inglehart, 1997;Jain, 2000). ...
... The general principles and policy objectives for culture in the Balkans are consistent with the existing international and EU policies such as environmental policy aimed at sustainable development and protection of the environment and nature, economic and social cohesion of the region by improving competitiveness of tourism, spatial development through balanced cultural development and the provision of equal access to culture Under the new situation, firstly, there is a rapid change and development of urban policies and urban governance from the traditional administrative schemes to new business management models (Cox, 1993 and1995) and new radical urban governance models focused on growth (economic and demographic) of cities through offered quality of space (Clark and Rempel, 1997· Clark and Hoffmann-Martinot, 1998· Clark et al, 2002. Secondly, urban planning appears to take for all categories and groups of cities an important new role as an economic development tool. ...
This paper attempts an exploration of economic, social and environmental issues that are related to the promotion of cultural heritage of reference areas in the Balkans. The assessment of the value of cultural heritage contributes to the proper management of cultural identity and hence to the promotion of the image of a region. The enhancement and promotion of cultural identity, focusing on sustainable development, is a key issue in urban planning. In theoretical level it is analyzed the economic, social and environmental aspects of an area that affect the promotion of the cultural reserve and are related to the promotion of the area image. The socio-economic conditions, quality of life, historical traditions and aesthetic values directly affect the cultural environment as an extension of the global environmental system. Contemporary planning policies include practices for the protection and promotion of cultural assets through innovative applications, fulfilling technological requirements. The importance and wealth of cultural reserve in the Balkans is particularly demonstrated by the large number of monuments and sites classified as "World Heritage Sites" by UNESCO, contributing to the promotion of the cultural image of the region, through practical effects. Through specific reference examples, in this paper, we present the new urban policies that enhance the image of the Balkans, highlighting their characteristics. The objective is to evaluate/assess the implementation of economic, social and environmental aspects in planning as an anticipated public benefit in cultural promotion of areas in the Balkans.
... The question of what drives the shift toward the NPC has driven the research program. Terry Nichols Clark and Vincent Hoffman-Martinot have identified seven general elements of the NPC: (1) the classic left-right dimension has been transformed, with immigration, women, and many new issues no longer mapping onto one single dimension; (2) social and fiscal/economic issues are explicitly distin- guished, work no longer driving all of them; (3) social and cultural issues like identity, gender, morality, and lifestyle have risen in salience relative to fiscal/economic issues; (4) market individualism and social individualism have both grown, with people seek- ing to mark themselves as distinct from their surroundings; (5) the postwar national welfare state looses ground to federalist and regionalist solutions; parties, unions, and established churches are often replaced by new, smaller organizations that may join into social movements (6) instead of rich versus poor, or capitalisms versus socialism, there is a rise of issue politics-of the arts, the environment, or gender equality-which may spark active citizen participation on one such issue, but each issue may be unrelated to the others; (7) these NPC views are more pervasive among younger, more educated, and affluent individuals and societies (Clark & Hoffmann-Martinot, 1998). Multicausal approaches typically combine survey data with a vast range of other materials, including socioeconomic indicators, official documents, oral history, and ethnographic descrip- tions. ...
This article critically discusses the field of political culture research. It reviews the historical development of the concept of political culture since the 1950s. It examines some of the key authors and approaches in political science and political sociology. Special attention is paid to the conceptual and methodological innovations of the last few decades, including neo-Tocquevillian, multi-causal and neo-Durkheimian approaches to the study of the concept.
... Bossi called on citizens of "henceforth independent Padania to throw of the colonial yoke of the hateful Roman imperialism and to cut all ties with Rome, a symbol of oppression" 26 . Bossi appointed the election of self-proclaimed parliament of the Republic of Padania for October, 1997. he self-proclaimed parliament consisting of 200 people was headed by the former mayor of Milan 26 . It was not required to submit documents in order to vote. ...
Background/Objectives: Separatist parties of Northern Italy, South Tyrol, Venice and Sardinia are understudied. The objective of the article is to identify factors and tendencies in the development of separatist movements in modern Italy. Methods: The authors applied the historical neoinstitutionalism, as well as actor-centric approach and the "funnel of causality" model. The methodology of the historical neo-institutionalism has been modified here through the identification of long-term and shortterm, objective and subjective factors of separatism. The economic, social, political and socio-cultural resources of the separatism actors' influence in Italy of 1991-2016 have been revealed. The empirical indicators of separatist movement strategies have been selected. Findings: The authors have determined the long-term and short-term factors influencing the choice of institutional structure and policies of separatist movements. The specific traits of the activity of separatist forces in different regions have been defined. The institutional forms of separatist organizations, the reasons for the growth of their public support have been identified. It has been proved that the fragmentation of the Italian party system blurs the line between the organizational forms of a political party and social movement and increases the chances of new regional parties. The political strategies of separatist movements and parties in Italy have been revealed. The Northern League alternates in its activity federalization and separatism strategies, depending on the macroeconomic cycle phases and the ratio of party coalitions. The "Venetian independence" Party and the Sardinian Action Party, Union of South Tyrol shooters have opted for radical secessionist strategies. Separatist parties and movements are characterized by the growing use of information technologies like online referendums and groups in social networks to promote their strategies. Application/Improvements: Political analysis and assessment, comparative analysis of the political parties and movements, improvement of algorithms and conceptual framework of the analysis of modern separatism, teaching of comparative political science and country study at universities.
... Pelas análises dos autores que defendem esse enfoque, entre os quais se enquadram Cabral e Silva (2006), essa NCP, segundo nossa leitura, associaria valores pós-modernos, com ênfase na defesa dos direitos individuais, na maior tolerância para diferentes padrões de comportamento, na abertura para experimentação no plano individual, no menor grau de subordinação às normas preconizadas pelo Estado, via de regra acompanhadas de certo conservadorismo no nível de políticas econômicas. Segundo Clark e Hoffmann-Martinot (1998), a NCP se caracterizaria por sete elementos-chave: (i) modificação da dimensão clássica entre direita e esquerda; (ii) separação explícita das questões sociais e econômico-fiscais; (iii) maior importância para as questões sociais decorrentes da exacerbação das desigualdades socioculturais do que para as demandas econômicas; (iv) crescimento paralelo do individualismo de mercado e da preocupação social; (v) questionamento ao Estado de Bem-Estar Social; (vi) emergência de políticas centradas em questões-chave e ampliação da participação cidadã, por um lado, e declínio das organizações políticas hierárquicas, por outro; (vii) defesa fervorosa das concepções da NCP entre as sociedades menos hierárquicas e os indivíduos mais jovens, mais instruídos e os que vivem mais confortavelmente (Clark e Hoffmann-Martinot, 1998). No Brasil, a clivagem " direita versus esquerda " somente faz sentido para a pequena parcela da população altamente politizada . ...
The article analyzes in comparative perspective the similarities and differences between the political culture of the population resident in Campos dos Goytacazes (RJ) and Maringá, Paysandú and Sarandi, set of municipalities that we call Maringá magnified. On the comparative analysis between the Regional Poles two major theoretical questions that unify the proposal of this work are prioritized. The first corresponds to the classical concerns relating to the operation of democracy and citizens’ participation in the public life. The second refers to the impacts that the processes of change, differentiation and trajectory of life impacted in different groups, personal values that present, in different ways, an arc that goes from traditional conservatism to the legitimization of new habits and posture.
... cultura política (NCP), cujo principal formulador é o sociólogo Terry Clark (ver, entre outros, Clark e Inglehart, 2007;Clark e Hoffmann-Martinot, 1998;e Clark e Navarro, 2007), e avaliar os limites e as possibilidades dessa abordagem para interpretar a cultura política brasileira contemporânea 1 . O centro de nossa preocupação teórica está vinculado, de modo especial, à compreensão do significado desses processos sobre as metrópoles como expressão das áreas mais modernas da sociedade brasileira e à discussão em torno da existência de um possível "efeito metrópole" sobre a cultura política, sobretudo nos aspectos relacionados à NCP. ...
This article discusses the formulations of the theoretical school known as the New Political Culture (NPC), seeking to evaluate the limits and possibilities of this approach for interpreting contemporary Brazilian culture. Based on research by the Network of Metropolitan Observatories in partnership with other Brazilian and international institutions, the authors argue that this approach is limited in its ability to analyze current changes in Brazil, where the values and behaviors related to NPC, although gaining strength in recent decades, are far from constituting the main existing cultural grammar.
... Cities of north and south, west and east Europe, shift to new modes of urban regulation, from public urban reform to the entrepreneurial city of public-private partnerships - (Newman & Thornley, 1996;Bailly et al., 1996;Craglia et al., 2004). This constitutes a 'New Political Culture' or the 'New Urban Politics' (Cox, 1995;Clark et al., 1998;Beriatos et al., 2004) enhancing the cultural economy of cities after the loss of their industrial economy (Scott, 2000;Hall, 2000), or representing them as commodities in an ongoing economic-noneconomic debate (Kourliouros, 2003). Mediterranean Europe, which has not experienced much of an industrial revolution, slides easily from spontaneous urbanisation to urban entrepreneurialism, postmodernism and urban competition (Leontidou, 1993;. ...
... Hallinnan tutkimuksessa tarvitaan analyysia rakenteiden ja toimijoiden välisistä suhteista, jotka ilmenevät verkostoina eri tasoilla (Payne 2000). Politiikan tutkimuksessa uuden hallinnan käsitteellä on ilmeisiä liittymäkohtia 'uuteen poliittiseen kulttuuriin', jonka eräitä tunnuspiirteitä ovat yleinen hierarkkisuuden ja keskusjohtoisuuden väheneminen, siirtyminen puoluekeskeisyydestä enemmän asia-ja teemakeskeiseen orientaatioon ('single-issue politics') sekä ihmisten kasvanut tietoisuus ja aktiivisuus vaikuttamisessa oman elinympäristönsä laatuun (Clark & Hoffman-Martinot 1998). Stoker (1998) on arvioinut uuden hallinnan mahdollisuuksia ja rajoitteita. ...
... Because wealth may alleviate an agency's fiscal stress, this factor is also thought to cause a de-emphasis in Outcome II Efficiency (Niskanen, 1971). The second rival is an underclass thesis (Clark, 1994a; Lineberry, 1977; Nivola, 1979) that argues that policy outcomes are distributed according to class distinctions typically measured by race or ethnicity and poverty. Describing a " double standard, " Lineberry (1977) indicates that the thesis assumes a zero-sum allocation where " them that has, gets " (p. ...
An old administrative adage has reemerged in public organizational studies that views government agencies as corporate-like in behavior and policy making. The new twist in this enterprise thesis is the emphasis placed on competitive market conditions in determining how policy outcomes are patterned to favor some stakeholders over others. Applying regression analysis to a sample of 42 urban transit agencies, the study finds market conditions pose significant influence on skewing policy outcomes but do not necessarily cause a trade-off harmful to social-program clients. One implication is that introducing market conditions into the environment of public agencies may be a superior reform option to privatization.
... Here questions are being asked that seek to draw out differences in political orientation amongst city leaders from the same party. Publications which utilise this data source include Clark (1994) and Clark and Hoffman-Martinot (1998). 7. Case studies of individual authorities provide informative insights on the disposition of such councils. ...
This paper focuses on the changing geography of social housing supply in England since the passing of the 1988 Housing Act. This Act marked a key transition point in national housing policy, as it transferred primary responsibility for social housing provision from local authorities to housing associations. Examining construction rates for every lower‐tier local authority in the nation, the question asked is whether this shift was accompanied by a new geography of social housing completions. In particular, the paper asks whether there has been a weakening of the impact of local party control and housing need in building rates. The answer on political party effects is that the Act has not had this effect, principally because there was little by way of notable political party inputs in dwelling construction by the mid 1980s. As regards responsiveness to housing needs, it is concluded that (geographically) this has strengthened since the 1988 Act was passed. Drawing on interviews with executives in housing associations and local authorities, the paper explores why these changes have occurred.
Bu çalışma, demokrasilerdeki siyasal kültürün, çoğulcu ve çoğunlukçu demokrasi anlayışları üzerindeki etkisini analiz etmektedir. Makale, demokrasi anlayışlarının toplumsal siyasal kültürle nasıl bağlantılı olduğunu ve bu bağlamda nasıl oluştuğunu araştırmaktadır. Çoğulcu demokrasi, farklı grup ve çıkarların rekabetine dayanan bir perspektif sunarken, çoğunlukçu demokrasi, toplumun çoğunluğunun egemenliğine odaklanmaktadır. Çalışma, bu iki demokrasi anlayışının siyasal kültürdeki yansımalarını ve toplumların demokrasi algısını ele almaktadır. Ayrıca, demokratik katılım ve temsilin bu iki perspektif altında nasıl değiştiğini tartışmaktadır. Bu çalışma, demokratik kurum ve süreçlerin toplumsal siyasal kültüre nasıl biçim verdiğini anlamak isteyen araştırmacılar ve politika yapıcılar için önemli bir kaynaktır.
Le présent travail vise à contribuer au renouvellement du regard sur des institutions (conservatoires, théâtres, etc. ), apparentées en ce qu'elles concernent des praticiens impliqués dans la gouvernance des entités où ils interviennent. La réflexion part d'un constat empirique, à savoir que les conservatoires de musique, même situés à proximité les uns des autres, ne se ressemblent pas et assemblent des pratiques très hétérogènes. La thèse a été problématisée à partir de l'interrogation suivante : Alors que le système qui institutionnalise la transmission du savoir musical est orienté vers des pratiques formellement homogénéisées, pour quelles raisons les logiques institutionnelles des conservatoires restent hétérogènes ? Sur quelles différenciations reposent les particularismes locaux de la reproduction des musiciens ? Le cadre de la présente recherche est clairement bi-disciplinaire, à la fois sociologique et historique. L'approche épistémologique a été centrée autour de l'hypothèse de l’indétermination et de la diversité hétérogène : (1) des processus socio-historiques qui configurent les logiques institutionnelles des conservatoires, (2) des réseaux d'interdépendance qui les traversent, (3) de leurs périmètres institutionnels. Au niveau de la description sociologique, / l'approche différencialiste a été utilisée. Issue de la sociologie compréhensive de la culture développée par Max Weber à partir des années 1910, la description part de définitions et de périmètres familiers à l'observateur et prend en conséquence les institutions culturelles qui étaient soutenues et reconnues par les instances nationales (par exemple, le CRR de Marseille) comme point de référence pour décrire par différence les institutions et pratiques culturelles hétéronomes (soutenues par les cercles municipaux, les instances européennes, etc. ).
IAFOR Journal of Education: Volume 5 – Issue 1
Editor: Bernard Montoneri, Tamkang University, Taiwan
Published: March 1, 2017
ISSN: 2187-0594
https://doi.org/10.22492/ije.5.1
https://iafor.org/journal/iafor-journal-of-education/volume-5-issue-1/
This chapter makes three specific points joining current discussions on urbanization in the global urban age. First, we discuss the traditions in sociological writings on urbanization in the nineteenth century and explain how they have shaped sociological urbanization research until present. We contrast the major theoretical perspectives on urbanization developed mainly over the twentieth century. We illustrate how varying interpretations of what is urban have resulted in divergent theoretical perspectives. Furthermore, we highlight the importance of adding culture to the demographic process in theorizing urbanization as the world becomes more global and cultural factors become more salient. Finally, we propose that, rather than assuming uniform global urbanity, further investigation can productively study the variability of urbanization in different places and the dynamics of how these are changing. We introduce a scenic approach to capture some of these new changes.
Można sformułować tezę, że odpowiedź na pytanie o zróżnicowanie regionalne Polski powinno zatem obejmować także badanie zróżnicowania sprawności instytucjonalnej oraz że na podstawie dotychczasowych badań mapy takiej skonstruować nie można. Mamy nadzieję, że analizy przedstawione w niniejszym opracowaniu mogą być krokiem w tym kierunku i że poszerzą naszą wiedzę o przebiegu procesów rozwojowych w Polsce.
Pierwsze dwa rozdziały niniejszego opracowania zawierają krótkie omówienie kolejno: dotychczasowej wiedzy o zróżnicowaniach regionalnych Polski oraz znanych z wcześniejszej literatury podejść do badania sprawności instytucjonalnej.
W kolejnym (trzecim) rozdziale przedstawiamy założenia metodyczne przeprowadzonego badania empirycznego. Sprawność instytucji samorządowych definiujemy tutaj jako zdolność do: (i) odpowiadania na potrzeby społeczności lokalnej, (ii) uzgadniania celów, (iii) sprawnego podejmowania decyzji, (iv) realizacji uzgodnionych celów. W oparciu o tę definicję proponujemy szereg wskaźników mierzących poziom sprawności. W badaniu koncentrujemy się na danych dotyczących samorządów szczebla gminnego, ale dla potrzeb analiz zróżnicowań regionalnych dane te agregowane są do poziomu 16 województw.
Kolejne dwa rozdziały – czwarty i piąty - poświęcone są omówieniu wyników analiz empirycznych oraz próbie ich interpretacji. Wskazują one, że wiele elementów sprawności instytucji samorządowych ma – podobnie jak wiele innych zjawisk opisywanych przez studia regionalne w Polsce – wymiar wschód-zachód kraju. Niewątpliwie opisane tu zjawisko stanowi dodatkową barierę dla zmniejszania rozpiętości poziomu rozwoju między regionami. Dużo wskazuje na to, że podobnie jak to wskazywał Putnam (1992) w swoich badaniach dotyczących Włoch, na taki kształt zróżnicowań w sprawności administracji samorządowej mają wpływ nie tylko historyczne procesy rozwoju gospodarczego, ale przede wszystkim rozwój instytucji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.
The main purpose of policy making is the formulation of a solution to handle social issues. As frequently emphasized, public policy aims to solve a problem; therefore, goals are nothing more than a description of the ideal situation when the problem is solved. After a problem has arisen, the political forces of government, parliament and bureaucracy are responsible for developing different options and solutions to solve the problem addressed by public policy. The formulation and programming phase usually results in the adoption of normative decisions that change national or international law.
The location and building of big hazardous infrastructures is a typical feature of the
modernization process, in all countries and epochs. Since they are usually useful for a large
region but their impact is very localized, the people living around the places where these
facilities are active, or where their building is planned, very often organize and perform
protest activities against them.
Starting from the presentation of recent data about these issues in Italy, considered as
a good example of a liberal democracy country, the article is set to discuss their social
and political consequences, focusing in particular on the so-called “NIMBY syndrome”, its
development and the strategies elaborated by public and private actors to cope with it.
We demonstrate the utility of a new methodological tool, neural-network word embedding models, for large-scale text analysis, revealing how these models produce richer insights into cultural associations and categories than possible with prior methods. Word embeddings represent semantic relations between words as geometric relationships between vectors in a high-dimensional space, operationalizing a relational model of meaning consistent with contemporary theories of identity and culture. We show that dimensions induced by word differences (e.g. man - woman, rich - poor, black - white, liberal - conservative) in these vector spaces closely correspond to dimensions of cultural meaning, and the projection of words onto these dimensions reflects widely shared cultural connotations when compared to surveyed responses and labeled historical data. We pilot a method for testing the stability of these associations, then demonstrate applications of word embeddings for macro-cultural investigation with a longitudinal analysis of the coevolution of gender and class associations in the United States over the 20th century and a comparative analysis of historic distinctions between markers of gender and class in the U.S. and Britain. We argue that the success of these high-dimensional models motivates a move towards "high-dimensional theorizing" of meanings, identities and cultural processes.
Complementary and alternative medicine refers to the use and benefit of non-allopathic medicines, which is presently increasing in Western societies. This study, on one hand, shows the presence and the form that this new fashion among the population adopts. On the other hand, it shows the spatial distribution of the tendency in CAM. This refers to its distribution according to neighborhoods and metropolitan territories. For this purpose, the city of Seville, Spain, a middle European city present in the network of global cities, has been selected for this study. To show this sociological reality, quantitative methodology has been conducted within two years beginning from 2013 to 2014. The database that was created provided information about the offer of the CAM, specifically 100 different practices related with the complementary and alternative medicine of 450 Centers and professionals. This is with a total of 1338 number of answers.
This article explores how individuals reflect on their digital experiences of actualizing fantasies to make sense of their everyday actions, particularly in the context of video gaming. Our study takes a qualitative approach to understanding the context of materializing consumer fantasies, as initially experienced and actualized in video games, and how these fantasies are transformed into material reality, through an investigation of an illustrative case of mass street protests, the 2013 Gezi Protests in Turkey. The findings suggest that digital virtual experiences in video games have obvious manifestations in the material world, as consumers travel on the borders of reality, moving back and forth into the liminoid terrain of the digital virtual, and provide a deeper understanding of how the blurred boundaries between the virtual and material are established in practice.
Creativity is treasured from the natural sciences through the arts. But contexts transform how creativity works. This chapter explores links between creativity and economic development, creative cities, and civic engagement of citizens. It illustrates a framework for analysis which joins two past traditions. Democratic participation ideas come mostly from Alexis de Tocqueville, while innovation/Bohemian ideas driving the economy are largely inspired by Joseph Schumpeter and Jane Jacobs. New developments building on these core ideas are in the first two sections. Reconsideration of each tradition leads to partial integration of the two: participation joins innovation. This is the main theme on the third section; the buzz around arts and culture organizations can be critical to drive the new democratic politics and cutting edge economies. Buzz enters as a new resource, with new rules of the game. It does not dominate; it parallels other activities which continue. The fourth section shows how these patterns vary across distinct scenes, specifying 15 dimensions of scenes measured in 1000s of zip codes and other small areas from Korea to the USA to Spain.
Creativity is treasured from the natural sciences through the arts. But contexts transform how creativity works. This chapter explores links between creativity and economic development, creative cities, and civic engagement of citizens. It illustrates a framework for analysis which joins two past traditions. Democratic participation ideas come mostly from Alexis de Tocqueville, while innovation/Bohemian ideas driving the economy are largely inspired by Joseph Schumpeter and Jane Jacobs. New developments building on these core ideas are in the first two sections. Reconsideration of each tradition leads to partial integration of the two: participation joins innovation. This is the main theme on the third section; the buzz around arts and culture organizations can be critical to drive the new democratic politics and cutting edge economies. Buzz enters as a new resource, with new rules of the game. It does not dominate; it parallels other activities which continue. The fourth section shows how these patterns vary across distinct scenes, specifying 15 dimensions of scenes measured in 1000s of zip codes and other small areas from Korea to the USA to Spain.
Creativity is treasured from the natural sciences through the arts. But contexts transform how creativity works. This chapter explores links between creativity and economic development, creative cities, and civic engagement of citizens. It illustrates a framework for analysis which joins two past traditions. Democratic participation ideas come mostly from Alexis de Tocqueville, while innovation/Bohemian ideas driving the economy are largely inspired by Joseph Schumpeter and Jane Jacobs. New developments building on these core ideas are in the first two sections. Reconsideration of each tradition leads to partial integration of the two: participation joins innovation. This is the main theme on the third section; the buzz around arts and culture organizations can be critical to drive the new democratic politics and cutting edge economies. Buzz enters as a new resource, with new rules of the game. It does not dominate; it parallels other activities which continue. The fourth section shows how these patterns vary across distinct scenes, specifying 15 dimensions of scenes measured in 1000s of zip codes and other small areas from Korea to the USA to Spain.
The term “public opinion” connotes both a phenomenon of mass political behavior and a field of study with both scholarly and applied aspects. This chapter will attempt to summarize major findings about public opinion, including its origins, correlates, content, and consequences. Particular attention will be given to the narrower concept of “ideology” and the applicability of that concept to the mass public.
This article examines the proposition that in American cities higher levels of social capital lead to higher quality governmental performance, even when controlling for the cities’ political culture, demographic variables, and quality of life. Two indicators of social capital are employed: level of diffuse social and political trust and level of involvement in local fraternal organizations. The quality of a city’s governmental performance is indicated by data published by the Government Performance Project completed by Governing: The Magazine of States and Localities and the Maxwell School at Syracuse University. The quality of performance is measured in five domains (financial management, human resource management, information technology management, capital management, and managing for results). Political culture is assessed using the Elazar distinctions among Moralistic, Traditionalistic, and Individualistic culture types. Demographic composition is assessed through aggregate census statistics on poverty, educational attainment, and non-White populations. Quality of life indicators are derived from Places Rated Almanac. In the 20 cities available for this study, the results indicate that the level of social capital has a significant independent impact on the quality of urban governmental performance, even when controlling for political culture, demographic variables, and overall quality of life. Implications are drawn for efforts at building social capital as a means to enhance democratic governance and improve government performance.
This article sets out to examine regeneration policies in Prague. After introducing the concept of regeneration and regeneration theories and reviewing foreign cases of regeneration of problem neighbourhoods, the authors analyse the situation in Prague and attempt to answer three basic questions: How do the authorities in Prague approach social-spatial inequalities and urban regeneration in the city? What are the objectives of the city's regeneration policies and what tools are used? Who are the main actors involved in regeneration policies and how do they relate to each other? The study of documents and interviews with the people who are the actors involved in regeneration policies showed that the 'regeneration policies for problem neighbourhoods' in a post-socialist city differ significantly from the approaches applied in Western cities. In Prague regeneration policies do not rank high on the ladder of local political priorities, and local politicians implicitly assume that the situation in the city and its districts and neighbourhoods will improve, existing problems will be eliminated, and the city's inhabitants will see a rise in their economic and social status. A detailed analysis showed that the lack of emphasis placed on the regeneration of problem neighbourhoods is mainly due to structural factors. Socio-spatial inequalities in Prague are still smaller than in most otherwise comparable cities in the Western world, the spatial concentration of existing problems is not too great, and the spatial patterns of social and economic problems in the city do not overlap very much. Spatial concentrations of problems in Prague are thus far mainly found in a micro-local form, encompassing just individual buildings, clusters of buildings, or at most one to several blocks.
The question of whether a government works well or poorly is not just a matter of concern for the citizens of whatever region that government governs; it is also of interest to scientists and analysts in a variety of fields. However, information about a government's performance is of use to the government itself. This article tries to answer the question of how government performance can be measured. It is impossible to come up with a generally acceptable and universal system of performance measurement, but the dozens of ways of measuring government performance can essentially be divided into four groups. The first group of approaches uses indicators of the socio-economic development in the governed area to measure a government's performance. The second group of approaches comprises attempts to measure government performance by means of a subjective evaluation by citizens of the governed territory or by various experts. The third group of approaches includes all attempts at measuring government performance that focus on procedural and institutional effectiveness and the quality of government performance. The last group is made up of attempts to measure government performance with the aid of aggregate indexes, which are mathematical-statistical aggregates of subindicators representing various forms of government activity, the conditions in the territory governed by the government, and a subjective evaluation of government performance by citizens, by the people in government themselves, and by various experts. Individual sub-indicators characterise various types of government activity, and it is their aggregate that measures overall government performance.
Sub-national government of public affairs in France is quite open to creativity and flexibility. Since the 1950s the State has emitted more than four hundred decrees to decentralize political institutions and to modernize administrative procedures. Regional and local authorities show a relevant capacity to rationalize management practices, to control costs, and to upgrade policy effectiveness. The picture of France as a conservative when not stalled bureaucratic polity is quite inaccurate empirically when not driven by prejudices.
O artigo tem como objetivo analisar em perspectiva comparada as semelhanças e
diferenças entre a cultura política da população residente nos Polos regionais
do Norte Fluminense (Macaé e Campos) e na RMRJ. Este artigo foi também motivado
pela necessidade de se identificar os principais determinantes da cultura
política dessas localidades, a partir dos fatores cognitivos – representados
pelos indicadores de Socialização Secundária e Exposição à Mídia Informativa – e
dos fatores relacionados à participação política – representados pelos
indicadores de Associativismo e Mobilização Sociopolítica.
ABSTRACT Appraisal of anger terms is based on past experience recollections, social norms, and gender roles. The objectives of this study were to find combinations of emotional components presented by a new composite variable that will exhibit differences between genders and differentiate between anger terms in Hebrew. The sample was comprised of forty students, Hebrew native speakers who participated in a web based study. Participants were asked to rate eight anger terms in Hebrew on a number of features that comprised five emotional components: subjective feelings states body reactions, expressions, action tendencies, and cognitive evaluations. A two-factor between-subjects multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted. A simplified multivariate composite, defined as subjective experience minus regulation, explained 10% of the gender difference. Another simplified composite, which combines the additive effect of the subjective experience and the actions that accompany this emotional state, explained 14% of difference between the anger terms. The findings are discussed with respect to appraisal theory and social constructivist conceptualization.
This introductory text makes a commented presentation of the five articles that comprise the present dossier in the light of theoretical and bibliographical references on the topics of participation, political culture and cities. Our aim is contributing to the debate regarding deliberative democracy and its repercussions on the current sociological theory. The text is structured so that to allow linking the themes worked out in the articles, beginning by retrieving the historical context and theoretical references of the dimensions involved in the contents of the dossier.
This essay analyses late-Victorian understandings of the relationship between the press, imperial diplomacy, and popular enthusiasm for empire, and examines how newspapers explained their own role in the imperial rivalries of the 1890s. During imperial disputes between Britain and France (particularly the Fashoda crisis) and between Britain and the USA (the Venezuela boundary dispute) contemporaries claimed that self-interested ‘jingo’ elements of the political elite had sought to foment conflict by manipulating ‘public opinion’, but had been defeated by statesmen (who had used the press for legitimate diplomatic purposes) and by ‘the people’ (who were averse to war). This contrasted with contemporary comments about the role played by the press in provoking wars between the USA and Spain and between Britain and the Transvaal: both the press and the people seemed to succumb to an irrational popular ‘jingoism’, and to sweep statesmen along in their wake. However, this essay argues that these contemporary verdicts about the role of newspapers in focusing popular imperialism have been too easily accepted by historians. During the imperial rivalries of the 1890s the press played an important role as a medium of transnational communication, but did not push statesmen into expansionism.
Para entender la relación entre comunicación, ciudadanía y derechos es necesario analizar por separado tres campos de la comunicación: el político, el social y el cultural. La investigación que se presenta en este artículo busca desarrollar un nuevo concepto de ciudadanía comunicativa, un modelo y unas herramientas metodológicas que permitan abordar de manera comprehensiva e integradora la relación entre comunicación, ciudadanía y derechos. El proyecto contempla el análisis de los regímenes socio-comunicativos en un contexto de conflicto armado (Colombia), en un contexto multicultural enfocado hacia la acción política de los migrantes (Reino Unido), y en una sociedad donde el control político gubernamental afecta los derechos políticos y de expresión (Italia). El objetivo es describir, analizar y explicar cómo estas condiciones afectan los derechos humanos en estos países y cómo se puede exigir justicia, igualdad y libertad desde una perspectiva de la comunicación.
In the face of the intense ongoing theoretical and methodological debate about political participation within Political Sociology, our purpose is to map the international literature that deal with proposals of classificatory typologies to be applied on the modalities of political participation. The outcomes of the debate are of paramount importance for the discipline to strengthen its analytical capability to grasp the transformations occurring in the universe of participation. The paper ends with a set of methodological proposals for the advancement of research studies in the field.
The question of whether a government works well or poorly is not just
a matter of concern for the citizens of whatever region that government governs; it
is also of interest to scientists and analysts in a variety of fields. However, informa-
tion about a government’s performance is of use to the government itself. This arti-
cle tries to answer the question of how government performance can be measured.
It is impossible to come up with a generally acceptable and universal system of per-
formance measurement, but the dozens of ways of measuring government perfor-
mance can essentially be divided into four groups. The first group of approaches us-
es indicators of the socio-economic development in the governed area to measure
a government’s performance. The second group of approaches comprises attempts
to measure government performance by means of a subjective evaluation by citi-
zens of the governed territory or by various experts. The third group of approaches
includes all attempts at measuring government performance that focus on proce-
dural and institutional effectiveness and the quality of government performance.
The last group is made up of attempts to measure government performance with
the aid of aggregate indexes, which are mathematical-statistical aggregates of sub-
indicators representing various forms of government activity, the conditions in the
territory governed by the government, and a subjective evaluation of government
performance by citizens, by the people in government themselves, and by various
experts. Individual sub-indicators characterise various types of government activi-
ty, and it is their aggregate that measures overall government performance.
Citizenship education has been at the centre of a major policy review in England since 1997. This has culminated in: the introduction of Citizenship as a new statutory subject in schools for all 11 to 16 year olds; the establishment of a citizenship pilot programme for 16 to 19 year olds and the creation of an active communities unit within government. This paper sets developments in England within the wider review of citizenship education which is currently taking place globally. It then focuses on the policy process concerning citizenship education in England as part of a government drive aimed at bringing about civic renewal in British society. It goes on to examine emerging lessons from research and evaluation concerning the progress of the citizenship education initiative, with a particular emphasis on its progress in schools and colleges. The lessons from England have implications for wherever citizenship education is developed.
This paper examines the role of promotion prospects in explaining class differences in political preferences at different points in the life-cycle. The argument contains four main propositions. First, that present resources are often discounted in favour of future rewards when making political choices. Second, that the extent of future rewards is a key distinguishing characteristic of social classes Third, that differential perceptions of future opportunities for rewards will lead to individuals in different classes preferring parties that are at different points along a left-right continuum. Fourth, that with age there is a diminishing utility of future rewards and increasing importance is therefore attached to present resources, which reduces the discounting of present for future rewards when making political choices. These hypotheses are tested using British national survey data The evidence, although of a limited nature, supports all four propositions. It is concluded, tentatively, that class differences in left-right partisanship among young people are primarily a result of class differences in expectations concerning future occupational rewards. Among older respondents, however, present resources are of considerably greater importance in explaining political divisions between classes. Empm cal support is therefore obtained for the role of prospective rewards in providing individuals in different classes with divergent interests, but this role diminishes in importance as the future foreshortens.
It has recently been argued that class divisions in politics are being altered by the emergence of conflicts over nonmaterial issues. Since the main support for the new ("postmaterialist') left is in the middle class, segments of the middle class are attracted to the left, while more traditionalist working-class voters move to the right. This paper uses log-linear association models to test this argument, examining occupation and party choice in France, Italy, and the Netherlands from 1973 to 1985. While there is evidence of a postmaterialist dimension, its importance is generally stable across time and cohorts. The conclusions still hold when education is taken into account. Recent political developments are better understood as a general shift in attitudes among all classes than as a change in the relative importance of different class divisions. -Author