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Annual Review of Sociology
Stress-Related Biosocial
Mechanisms of Discrimination
and African American Health
Inequities
Bridget J. Goosby,1Jacob E. Cheadle,1
and Colter Mitchell2
1Department of Sociology, University of Nebraska–Lincoln, Lincoln, Nebraska 68588, USA;
email: bgoosby2@unl.edu, jcheadle2@unl.edu
2Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48104, USA;
email: cmsm@umich.edu
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2018. 44:319–40
First published as a Review in Advance on
May 16, 2018
The Annual Review of Sociology is online at
soc.annualreviews.org
https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc- 060116-
053403
Copyright c
2018 by Annual Reviews.
All rights reserved
Keywords
allostatic load, discrimination, genomics, HPA axis, racism, social exclusion
Abstract
This review describes stress-related biological mechanisms linking inter-
personal racism to life course health trajectories among African Americans.
Interpersonal racism, a form of social exclusion enacted via discrimination,
remains a salient issue in the lives of African Americans, and it triggers a
cascade of biological processes originating as perceived social exclusion and
registering as social pain. Exposure to discrimination increases sympathetic
nervous system activation and upregulates the HPA axis, increasing physio-
logical wear and tear and elevating the risks of cardiometabolic conditions.
Consequently, discrimination is associated with morbidities including low
birth weight, hypertension, abdominal obesity, and cardiovascular disease.
Biological measures can provide important analytic tools to study the inter-
actions between social experiences such as racial discrimination and health
outcomes over the life course. We make future recommendations for the
study of discrimination and health outcomes, including the integration of
neuroscience, genomics, and new health technologies; interdisciplinary en-
gagement; and the diversification of scholars engaged in biosocial inequities
research.
319
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INTRODUCTION
Inequities in morbidity and mortality rates for African Americans compared to Whites are long-
standing and remain striking in the United States. Although the processes from which these
disparities arise are multifaceted, they are rooted in the historical legacy of racism that is woven
into the fabric of life in the United States. The United States is a racialized social system of
interlinked domains across layers of social organization (Reskin 2012), supported by practices and
behaviors that produce a network of relations at social, political, economic, and ideological levels
that together shape life chances and health inequities (Bonilla-Silva 2015). These forces act on
the bodies and minds of African Americans, eroding psychic resources and wearing bodies down.
We focus on a specific aspect of the United States’ racialized social system: the role of perceived
interpersonal discrimination over the life course. This review emphasizes how these negative social
experiences get under the skin via interactions with biological processes that support individuals’
capacities for responsivity and adaptation to stress.
Interpersonal discrimination is a mechanism of social exclusion that remains a pervasive prob-
lem in the United States (Priest & Williams 2018). In fact, in a 2017 national survey, 92% of
African Americans reported that discrimination exists in the United States today, and 75% of
those respondents believed that interpersonal discrimination is a significant social problem (NPR
et al. 2017). This review, therefore, focuses on (a) the pathways by which health inequities emerge
through interactions between the negative social experiences of interpersonal discrimination and
stress biology; (b) how these interactions emerge and are understood at different periods of the
life course; and (c) important new directions for future research at the intersection of the bio-
logical and the social. Biosocial processes linking discrimination to health are not exclusive to
African Americans, but we use African Americans’ unique conditions in the United States as an
important example. Much of what we discuss here is likely relevant to other stigmatized social and
racial/ethnic groups who experience high rates of interpersonal discrimination and social exclu-
sion (Pescosolido & Martin 2015). Moreover, the problem of racism is not unique to the United
States, and other societies also present racial health inequities to which the biosocial processes
reviewed here likely apply (Paradies 2006, Pascoe & Smart Richman 2009).
DEFINING DISCRIMINATION
Discrimination is the unjust or prejudicial treatment of a category of people. Minority racial
status is not a prerequisite for discrimination, but it is an important dimension along which
groups of people experience systemic adverse treatment (Williams & Mohammed 2009). This
systematic component with respect to race in general and African Americans in particular reflects
racism, that is, “the social categorization and stratification of social groups into races that devalues
and disempowers groups” (Priest & Williams 2018, p. 163). Racism is commonly conceptualized
across multiple levels. At the individual level, intrapersonal racism reflects individuals’ internalized
attitudes and beliefs about innate superiority or inferiority. Structural racism reflects the systematic
exclusion from institutions and markets, such as schools, employment, health, housing, credit, and
justice (Reskin 2012), as well as the withholding of symbolic resources within social institutions
and society more generally (Priest & Williams 2018).
Interpersonal racism, the focus of this review, is at a minimum a dyadic process of “discrimi-
nation between people, with varying degrees of frequency and intensity, including manifestation
from racially motivated assault to verbal abuse, ostracism, and exclusion” (Priest & Williams 2018,
p. 163). Such acts can reflect explicit biases (e.g., Jim Crow racism) and the aggressive acts of abuse
associated with racist ideologies, as well as implicit biases (e.g., aversive or colorblind racism) of
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which the perpetrator may not be aware (Bonilla-Silva 2017) and that produce subtler forms of
exclusion (e.g., microaggressions; Sue et al. 2007). Each of these dimensions of racism contributes
to African American health inequities, and each is interdependent with the others.
SOCIOLOGY AND HEALTH BIOLOGY
Systematic and meta-analytic reviews of traditional survey-based studies demonstrate that per-
ceived interpersonal discrimination is associated with a broad range of mental and physical health
outcomes (Paradies et al. 2015, Priest et al. 2013, Pascoe & Smart Richman 2009). These studies
document consistent correlations of perceived discrimination with psychological constructs such
as depressive symptoms, anxiety, anger, low self-esteem, and negative well-being, as well as as-
sociated physical manifestations including poor self-rated health, low birth weight, hypertension,
obesity, high blood pressure, and cardiovascular disease. Models linking discrimination to health
usually posit two global pathways. The first pathway comprises physiological stress-related pro-
cesses, and the second reflects behavioral patterns (e.g., alcohol and substance use, diet, sexual
risk; e.g., Richman et al. 2018). This review focuses on the first set of stress biology pathways.
The pervasive adverse influences of discrimination on health point to a complex set of in-
teractions between human biology, the human brain’s capacity for sociality, and our social in-
terdependencies on one another. Our brains process and prepare for environmental (i.e., social)
demands by monitoring, regulating, and coordinating internal systems in a process of predictive
regulation termed allostasis (McEwen 1998, Sterling 2012). Allostatic mechanisms manage en-
ergy and homeostatic parameters when confronted with a stressor (McEwen 1998). From a social
science perspective, these allostatic parameters—physiological states—are latent variables. Re-
vealing these physiological indicators (i.e., biomarkers) allows researchers to peer into processes
otherwise invisible to the observer and often to the participants themselves. Many biomarkers are
highly sensitive, making it possible to determine health status characteristics prior to the onset
of morbidity. Moreover, the latent nature of biological measures also assists in addressing re-
verse causality concerns (e.g., negative affect bias) through traditional survey measures that link
perceived interpersonal discrimination to different facets of self-reported health (Richman et al.
2018).
Processes in our bodies are typically affected before we get sick enough to consciously recognize
the change in our health condition. To the extent that stressors become chronic, the modulation of
allostatic regulation can begin to tax systems over time, placing strain on those systems and wearing
them out due to the accumulating allostatic load burden (see also McEwen 1998). Allostatic load
refers to the wear and tear on bodily systems that occurs from frequent allostatic modulation arising
from exposure to chronic stress. The ongoing strain can limit physiological adaptive capacity to
stress by causing a failure to adapt to repeated stressors, by halting neuroendocrine and autonomic
responses, and generally by limiting the ability to respond adequately to stressors (McEwen &
Gianaros 2010). In this way, we could say that allostatic states accumulate over the life course and
are, over time, converted into physiological allostatic load traits.
Biological measures, thus, hold potential for understanding how social conditions and experi-
ences adversely affect health over the life course and at different points within it. Such measures
allow researchers to peer back earlier into life before illness manifests, and to quantify the tolls
exacted by socioenvironmental conditions. Together, period-specific modulation and accumula-
tion processes are critical for characterizing the what, when, and why of health outcomes. We
cannot review all the biological pathways by which racism in the United States affects health (e.g.,
differential exposure to environmental toxins as a result of residential segregation, etc.), and we
focus instead on the subdomains of neurobiology, stress physiology, and genomic factors.
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Amygdala: a brain
region serving several
functions, including
processing basic
threats (including
physical pain and
social rejection),
memory, decision
making, and emotions
Dorsal anterior
cingulate cortex
(dACC): a subdivision
of the anterior
cingulate cortex
involved in appraising
social experiences,
including social pain,
physical pain, and
reward-based learning
and memory
Anterior insula (AI):
a limbic-related cortex
involved in processing
norm violations,
emotions, empathy,
social decision making,
interoceptive
awareness, and pain
Periaqueductal gray
(PAG): the primary
control center for
descending pain
modulation
Dorsomedial
prefrontal cortex
(DMPFC): a brain
region involved in
creating a sense of the
self and of the mental
states of others
(“theory of mind”) and
in processing social
threat and exclusion
Ventromedial
prefrontal cortex
(VMPFC): a brain
region involved in
social decision making
and emotion
regulation
DISCRIMINATION AND HEALTH OVERVIEW
Sociologists have long recognized the pivotal role of social support and connection in human
health (House et al. 1988). Durkheim’s (1951) argument that social dynamics pattern individual
pathologies, of which integration and anomie are critical factors, is a staple of sociological training.
Interpersonal racism and the associated exclusionary acts of discrimination, whether intentional
or due to insensitivity, withhold their targets’ opportunities for inclusion and support. Targets of
racism and discrimination are thereby denied the symbols of group membership and the motivating
positive emotional energy that individuals derive from successful social experiences (Collins 2014).
Because interpersonal discrimination is socially patterned by racism, these experiences contribute
to large-scale population health inequities by regulating stress exposure risk beyond other forms
of social disadvantage [e.g., socioeconomic status (SES)] that are also patterned by racism (Glass
& McAtee 2006, Phelan & Link 2015).
To characterize why these experiences are harmful, it is important to begin not with the body,
but with the brain. For a social stressor like perceived interpersonal discrimination to get under
the skin, it must first get into the mind. Figure 1 presents a conceptual model illustrating the
stress-related pathways connected to interpersonal discrimination that we describe in the following
sections (see also Albert et al. 2013).
Neural Processing of Social Threats
In everyday language, negative social experiences are referred to as painful. When we have been
mistreated, we “feel hurt” by the experience (Eisenberger 2012). There is truth in these colloqui-
alisms. The neural structures supporting the emotional component of pain (as compared to the
somatic component) are shared with those supporting the experience of social pain that results
from social rejection and exclusion (Eisenberger 2012). Social connection is an important facet of
human survival. The mechanisms supporting protection from physical threats via physical pain
may have been conserved to support the feelings of social pain experienced when social inclusion
and therefore survival are threatened (Eisenberger 2013). The pathway between interpersonal dis-
crimination, neurobiological processes, and perceived discrimination is depicted in Figure 1.
A number of brain regions are responsible for processing different aspects of fear and pain,
including the amygdala, the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (dACC), the anterior insula (AI),
and the periaqueductal gray (PAG). These regions detect and coordinate responses to perceived
threat, and along with the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (DMPFC), they further support different
aspects of social exclusion processing (Eisenberger 2013), suggesting the shared basis for physical
and social pain mentioned above. These systems further interact with those that process safety in
the absence of negative outcomes, including the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (VMPFC) and the
posterior cingulate cortex (PCC) (Delgado et al. 2006, Schiller & Delgado 2010). Together, these
different systems monitor and respond to the social environment, including threats to inclusion,
and interact with key brain regions that mediate stress response systems.
These regions are embedded in large-scale intrinsic functional networks, including the salience
network (somatovisceral emotional experiences), the mentalizing network (“theory of mind”), and
the central executive network (cognition) (Barrett & Satpute 2013). The interactions within and
among these networks allow the social environment to be processed and monitored, support
socioenvironmental learning, and enable future social experiences and the anticipation of the po-
tential threats embedded in future encounters (Eisenberger & Lieberman 2004). Consequently,
whereas interpersonal discrimination can have localized harmful effects on a person via the im-
mediate needs it presents, the threat of such experiences is also a learning process, as depicted in
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1
23
4
Interpersonal racism
Perceived discrimination
Allostatic load
SNS/SAM Glucocorticoids Inammation
Epigenetic processes, gene expression
Low birth weight, hypertension, obesity,
diabetes, cardiovascular disease
Learning, anticipation,
vigilance, behavior
Genetics, individual
experiences, life course
development
Hypothalamus
Pituitary
Adrenals
Flow of external to internal processes
Bidirectional ow from internal to external
Figure 1
Visual description of the reviewed biosocial links between interpersonal discrimination and health. This
figure is a visual abstract of the themes discussed in the paper and is not representative of all possible
biosocial relationships. Arrow boxes indicate temporal processes, blue boxes capture a range of predictors
and outcomes, and ovals indicate specific physiological response products that, over time, reduce health. In
section () interpersonal discrimination is identified by the brain as a stressor requiring immediate
physiologic response, and also, over time, it becomes a learned process that creates anticipation and vigilance
towards possible future exposures. Sympathetic nervous system arousal occurs in response to discrimination
stress exposure () and in concert with the upregulation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical axis
(). Together, these systems initiate stress activation including sympathetic-adrenal-medullary (SAM),
glucocorticoid, and inflammatory responses. When stress exposure is chronic, these responses create
allostatic load, or wear and tear on the body, and increase risks for a variety of adverse health outcomes
throughout the life course. Epigenetic processes and gene expression () contribute to the process in a
bidirectional manner. Social stress can potentially moderate gene expression and epigenetic processes over
the life course and across biological systems. The temporal nature of this process is depicted in the left to
right flow of Figure 1 and the epigenetic/expression feedback in Figure 1. Abbreviations: SAM,
sympathetic-adrenal-medullary system; SNS, sympathetic nervous system.
Posterior cingulate
cortex (PCC):
a brain region highly
interconnected with a
wide range of intrinsic
control networks,
including the
processing of emotions
and memory
Intrinsic functional
networks: widespread
brain regions that are
functionally
interconnected when
processing task
demands
the outward arrow box in Figure 1. These encounters shape how individuals understand their
experiences, form expectancies for future encounters, and therefore monitor and prepare the body
(i.e., predictive regulation) for the social interactions embedded in the social environments they
inhabit and pass through (i.e., vigilance; Blair & Raver 2012, Lewis et al. 2015).
These neural processes are therefore important for monitoring and recognizing discrimination
as a first phase in the downstream stress-related physiological cascades that we have depicted in
the descending pathways in Figure 1. Several studies now document the links between activity in
the neural regions involving social exclusion–related brain areas and different aspects of the stress
process. These regions monitor the environment for social feedback, including threats to social
inclusion, and coordinate physiological responses (Eisenberger 2013).
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Salience network:
network involved in
detecting and filtering
salient stimuli, with
anatomical
connections important
for autonomic nervous
system and hormonal
modulation
Mentalizing
network:
a network involved in
understanding the
mental states of self
and others that guide
or are responsible for
overt behavior
Central executive
network: a network
subserving basic
cognitive processes
such as attentional
control, cognitive
inhibition, inhibitory
control, working
memory, and cognitive
flexibility
Central nervous
system (CNS): the
part of the nervous
system containing the
brain and the spinal
cord
Peripheral nervous
system (PNS): the
nerves and ganglia
outside the brain and
spinal cord that relay
information from the
CNS to the rest of the
body
Autonomic nervous
system (ANS):
a largely unconscious
PNS subsystem
regulating bodily
functions such as heart
rate, digestion,
respiratory rate,
pupillary response,
urination, and sexual
arousal
Sympathetic Nervous System
At the broadest level, the nervous system consists of the central nervous system (CNS), which
contains the brain and spinal cord, and the peripheral nervous system (PNS), which contains
nerves and ganglia outside of the CNS. An important subdivision of the PNS is the autonomic
nervous system (ANS), which controls a range of bodily functions (e.g., heart rate, respiration,
digestion). In the ANS, the sympathetic nervous system (SNS) prepares the body to deal with
the demands of the environment, including threats to social inclusion (Bosch et al. 2009), and it
is responsible for the fight-or-flight response. A related balancing branch, the parasympathetic
nervous system (PSNS), manages recovery (rest-and-digest response). The SNS and PSNS work
mostly, but not entirely, in opposition to one another. SNS modulation, in particular, can be
damaging to health when stress is chronic (see Figure 1).
CNS activity in the dACC, AI, PAG, and amygdala associated with social exclusion and inclu-
sion processing (Eisenberger 2013) is connected to increased SNS activity (e.g., blood pressure,
heart rate) (Critchley et al. 2003, McEwen & Gianaros 2010). Moreover, damage to the dACC
decreases reactivity to mental stressors (Critchley et al. 2003), suggesting that the dACC mediates
ANS activity. VMPFC activity during fear extinction tasks predicts decreased SNS activity (Phelps
et al. 2004) and reduced cardiovascular responses during a social stressor (Wager et al. 2009), pos-
sibly due to associations with the PSNS (H¨
ansel & von K¨
anel 2008). The hypothalamus mediates
SNS reactivity to social exclusion threats such as perceived discrimination. The hypothalamus is
a structure located in the limbic system composed of small nuclei that manage a variety of ANS
functions. Relevant hypothalamus-mediated SNS activity has been referred to as the sympathoa-
drenal or sympathetic-adrenal-medullary (SAM) system (Cohen et al. 2007). SNS-triggered SAM
activity releases the adrenal hormones epinephrine/adrenaline and norepinephrine/noradrenaline,
which increase blood sugar, heart rate, and blood circulation, and reallocates energy to be utilized
during the acute-phase response to a stressor.
An important consequence of this elevated SAM activity is increased wear and tear on the
cardiovascular system (Brotman et al. 2007). Cardiovascular responding shows different patterns
depending on whether the stressor is positive or negative. In the former case, heart rate increases
and blood vessels dilate, lowering total peripheral resistance while increasing cardiac output and
keeping blood pressure relatively stable. During negative stressors, by contrast, blood vessels con-
tract, restricting blood flow for fast circulation and increasing blood pressure (Brondolo et al. 2003).
This elevated blood pressure, amounting to hypertension when chronic, is particularly dangerous
due to increased blood viscosity from elevated blood glucose levels and to increases in certain
cholesterol particles that contribute to arterial scarring and elevated cellular inflammation, which
are precursors to atherosclerosis (Sapolsky 2004). These conditions are all indications of higher
allostatic load in the body and markers of accelerated stress-induced wear and tear (McEwen 1998).
HPA Axis
Sociological research has sought to understand the stress process in terms of socially patterned
stressors that shape mental and physical health (Pearlin 2010). These studies have documented
stress typologies and characterized key mediators and moderators in the stress process, such
as social support (Pearlin 1999). The stress process model argues that the consequences of exposure
to stressors such as chronic economic hardships create psychological burdens that are challenging
for individuals to bear, leading to declines in health resulting from maladaptive psychological and
behavioral coping (Turner 2013). More recent stress process models include attention to physi-
ological stress reactivity, adaptation, and load via the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis
( Jackson et al. 2010, Turner 2013), depicted in Figure 1.
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Sympathetic nervous
system (SNS):
the fight-or-flight
subsystem of the ANS
that accelerates the
heart rate, constricts
blood vessels, and
raises blood pressure
Parasympathetic
nervous system
(PSNS): a subdivision
of the ANS that serves
to slow the heart rate,
increase intestinal and
glandular activity, and
relax the sphincter
muscles
Sympathetic-
adrenal-medullary
(SAM) system:
hypothalamus-
mediated stress
response system that
controls adrenaline
and noradrenaline
release, upregulating
the SNS and
downregulating the
PSNS
Along with SNS/SAM processes, the HPA axis is a key mediator of stress responsivity and
long-term health outcomes. The HPA axis is a complex set of interactions comprising direct ef-
fects and feedback loops among the hypothalamus, the pituitary gland, and the adrenal glands.
The primary function of the HPA axis is to regulate metabolic (neuroendocrine) and immune
function (McEwen & Gianaros 2010). This system is primarily responsible for metabolizing car-
bohydrates, fats, and proteins; for gluconeogenesis (internal production of blood glucose); and
for inflammatory immune function regulation (Sapolsky 2004). The HPA axis elevates circulating
hormone levels, starting with the activation of corticotropin releasing hormone (CRH), which
triggers the production of adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH) into the bloodstream. ACTH
triggers the release of glucocorticoid hormones, including cortisol. Cortisol, a stress hormone,
regulates metabolic function (e.g., circulating blood glucose, fat storage, insulin response), immune
response (e.g., increased inflammation for wound healing), and mood (Sapolsky 2004). Cortisol
facilitates easy energy access by reducing the body’s sensitivity to insulin, the hormone responsible
for regulating uptake of blood glucose for storage in cells, while increasing gluconeogenesis. In
addition, cortisol promotes the breakdown of fats into fatty acids (lipolysis) and contributes to the
initial inhibition of inflammatory and acute-phase immune responses to infection (McEwen 2003).
Neural sensitivity to social exclusion and reactivity to negative social experiences such as per-
ceived interpersonal discrimination are linked directly to HPA axis activity. For example, social
stress experiments show increased HPA activity in response to social evaluative threats (Bosch
et al. 2009, Dickerson et al. 2009). Greater activity in the brain regions involved in processing
and monitoring for threat is also implicated. Activation in the dACC during a mental stress task
is associated with increased stress hormone output (Wang et al. 2005), and increased cortisol is
also predicted from dACC and DMPFC activity in response to social exclusion (Dedovic et al.
2009). Although such increases are adaptive in the short term, chronic increases in circulating
blood glucose, coupled with the dampened response to insulin regulated by higher cortisol lev-
els, heighten the risk for insulin resistance, abdominal obesity, and type 2 diabetes (Black 2003).
As with SNS/SAM, HPA pathways also create wear and tear on the arteries via an increase in
particle-dense blood. This increased blood viscosity is thought to cause inflammation and arterial
scarring, both of which are risk factors for cardiovascular disease and indicators of allostatic load
(Seeman et al. 2010).
Genomics
Genetic research is perhaps the most controversial area of biologically informed sociological re-
search. Concern that genetic research will be used to support racist agendas is a reflection of the
larger societal problem of racist ideologies, racial domination, and dehumanization (Zuberi et al.
2015). In practice, genomic research on African ancestry groups lags behind studies of European
ancestry groups, despite evidence that more multiethnic research is needed (Need & Goldstein
2009). This lag partly reflects the challenges of population stratification and admixture resulting
from slavery, a reliance on nonrepresentative higher-SES European-ancestry samples, a genotyp-
ing technology tailored for the more genetically homogenous European ancestry, and the complex
politics of race (Bentley et al. 2017, M´
arquez-Luna et al. 2017, Popejoy & Fullerton 2016). Conse-
quently, Eurocentric estimates perform poorly for groups from different ancestral lineages and who
experience different environments (M´
arquez-Luna et al. 2017, Ware et al. 2017). Multiple reviews
document the current methods, results, and major concerns of genetic research for social scientists,
including the lack of diversity in study populations (Duster 2015, Freese 2008, Mitchell 2018).
The a priori rejection of genetic information based on the key (and well-documented) distinc-
tion between genetic ancestry and the social attribution of race impairs our understanding of how
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life in a racialized social system affects health through genetically influenced biological pathways.
Genetic variation, depicted in the entering arrow box in Figure 1, contributes to variability
of all the biological systems discussed above, and therefore it influences the individual capacities
underlying sensitivity to social exclusion and need for inclusion (Preller et al. 2016), emotional and
physiological reactivity (Mitchell et al. 2013, Moore & Depue 2016, Pluess 2015), and individual
differences in allostatic load accumulation (Brody et al. 2013). Moreover, the activity of genetic
networks varies during development, modulating the organism’s responses to the environment at
different life stages (Manuck & McCaffery 2014, Mitchell et al. 2013). Biosocial interactions likely
occur at a much higher level of biological organization than the gene, which is likely why most
genetic effects are exceptionally small and come from across the genome (Belsky et al. 2013). Be-
cause the genome evolved to set the parameters for environmental responsiveness, understanding
the underlying architecture of these biological processes provides clear benefits. Further, genes
may be highly informative if we consider that some of the biological levels are too dynamic or
too invasive to measure, such as the neurotransmitter systems that regulate communication be-
tween nodes in the neural networks involved in monitoring and responding to social inclusion and
exclusion (Preller et al. 2016).
Moreover, it is more useful to think in terms of genomics and not just genes, as we have indi-
cated at the bottom of Figure 1. The gene is a predictor that can be linked to the environment via
gene by environment interaction (GxE), but other genome features occupy different locations in
causal models with environmentally dependent pathways. Gene expression is the process by which
the information contained on the chromosome (DNA, epigenetics, etc.) is used to assemble func-
tional gene products. Research indicates that social stress regulates gene expression, potentially
moderating allostatic response and load accumulation. For example, social stress is associated with
upregulated pro-inflammatory immune response and downregulated antiviral immune response
(Slavich & Cole 2013). Loneliness is also implicated in differential expression of the genes involved
in reward circuits in the CNS (Canli et al. 2017), and the social stress of loneliness is associated with
differential expression of genes containing glucocorticoid receptor response elements (Cole 2013).
Gene expression is also dependent on epigenetic processes, as indicated by the dashed feedback
loop in Figure 1. Epigenetics—for example, DNA methylation—is the study of the chromo-
somal alterations that influence gene activity and expression without changing the nucleotide
sequence (Champagne 2018). Methylation, the process by which methyl groups attach to DNA
by binding to a cytosine base, typically diminishes and can even turn off gene expression (less
commonly, genes can also be turned on). Interpersonal discrimination is associated with meth-
ylation patterns (Brody et al. 2016, Saban et al. 2014), as is stress more generally (Champagne
2010, Mitchell et al. 2015). Epigenetic regulation of the genome is environmentally dependent and
sensitive to social experience. Both methylation (Horvath 2013) and length of telomeres—DNA
sequences at the end of the chromosome that (generally) shorten with aging and stress (Shalev
et al. 2013)—appear to provide indications of the degree of cellular adversity and biological aging.
Interpersonal discrimination is associated with shorter telomere length in adults (Chae et al. 2014,
Lee et al. 2017) and in the placentas of newborns of women exposed to discrimination during
pregnancy ( Jones et al. 2017). Further, it is well documented that all of these genomic processes
(from epigenetics to gene expression) are highly developmental and change throughout the life
course (Champagne 2010, Manuck & McCaffery 2014, Mitchell et al. 2015, Shalev et al. 2013).
DISCRIMINATION AND HEALTH OVER THE LIFE COURSE
The stress process model provides an important heuristic guide for understanding the conse-
quences of socially stratified and patterned stressors for well-being (Pearlin 2010). Of particular
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importance is how exposure to chronic stress is regulated by ascribed characteristics of varying
social value (i.e., race) and their convergence with role statuses (i.e., student, parent, employee
etc.) over the life course (Pearlin 1999). Over their lives, individuals move from birth (when ad-
verse birth outcomes shape health and developmental trajectories), to childhood (when social
networks remain small and dependency on parents remains high), through adolescence (when
social networks expand and youth individuate from parents), and into adulthood (with its myriad
roles, demands, and dependencies). For stigmatized groups like African Americans, it is worth
considering whether some periods may be more sensitive to social rejection and exclusion than
others and how health deficits accumulate over that time (Colen 2011). The social exclusion of
interpersonal discrimination is a moment of learning that conditions how future social interactions
are experienced. It is also a moment of allostatic responding via SNS/SAM, HPA, and genomic
mechanisms that, when viewed over the life course, contribute to a stress-response time series
over which allostatic loads accumulate. Considering this process over the life course is important
to understand the when, why, and what of physiological functioning and therefore to identify
the first emergence of the biological manifestations of health disparities documented by midlife.
The temporal nature of this process is depicted in the left to right flow of Figure 1 and the
epigenetic/expression feedback in Figure 1.
Birth
African Americans experience substantially disparate birth outcomes compared to Whites. Birth
disparities have not improved significantly since the Jim Crow era (Sullivan 2013), and the odds
of low birth weight (<2.5 kg) and preterm birth for African Americans remain respectively 1.6
and 1.9 times larger than they are for Whites, even after controlling for a variety of factors
like SES (Schempf et al. 2007). Notably, the odds of unfavorable birth outcomes among African
immigrants in the United States decline substantially as time spent in the country increases,
converging with those of African American women by the third generation (David & Collins
1997). African American women exposed to discrimination during pregnancy have elevated blood
pressure, and their offspring have lower birth weights and higher preterm delivery risks (Hilmert
et al. 2008, 2014; Slaughter-Acey et al. 2016), outcomes strongly correlated with infant mortality
(Collins & David 2009, Schempf et al. 2007).
The in utero environment is a critical period shaping health risk trajectories.Exposure to stress-
ful conditions influences the neural and physiological stress pathways of the fetus via cascading
metabolic, epigenetic, and gene expression alterations (Champagne 2010, Godfrey & Barker 2001,
Mitchell et al. 2015, Thayer & Kuzawa 2015). Poor birth outcomes are associated with abdominal
obesity, insulin resistance, hypertension, type 2 diabetes, and cardiovascular disease (Nobili et al.
2008, Singhal et al. 2003), conditions for which African Americans are disproportionately at risk
(CDC 2005, Zhang et al. 2009). Though these conditions represent health risks, they are the
body’s way of preparing the offspring for the environmental stressors that may be experienced
outside the womb. In this way, the environment in the womb mirrors maternal stress-related
factors, preparing the child for the mother’s social environment.
For example, women who experience stress while pregnant secrete higher levels of CRH from
both brain and placenta, upregulating fetal neuroendocrine and HPA axis response during key
developmental periods of gestation (Collins & David 2009). Consequently, the fetus may be ex-
posed to higher levels of stress hormones, including cortisol, which can restrict growth and elevate
preterm delivery risk (Shapiro et al. 2013). When the fetus is exposed to high levels of stress hor-
mones through the placenta, glucocorticoid (i.e., stress hormones) receptors are downregulated
in the hippocampus, disrupting a key pathway modulating HPA axis activation. At the same time,
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receptor density in the amygdala is increased, affecting a key region involved in SNS/SAM and
HPA responsivity and activation (Wadhwa 2005). These influences may emerge through epige-
netic processes that prepare the offspring for life in a high-stress environment. In other words,
the in utero environment prepares the offspring stress reactivity profile for stressful environ-
mental conditions outside the womb (Kuzawa & Sweet 2009, Mitchell et al. 2015, Shalev et al.
2013).
Childhood and Adolescence
In many ways, African American children in the United States are not given the same opportunities
to enjoy childhood as White youth (Goff et al. 2014). By the time they reach three or four years
of age, young children of color are able to discern the members of dominant social groups and to
perceive negative racial stereotypes (Averhart & Bigler 1997, Branch & Newcombe 1986). This
awareness may reflect African American experiences of discrimination in the form of racial slurs and
taunts, bullying and social exclusion, harassment by the police, and the disproportionate allocation
of punitive treatments in school (Perry & Morris 2014, Sanders-Phillips 2009). Consequently,
African American children are at risk of experiencing elevated feelings of danger, social isolation,
and psychological distress (Sanders-Phillips 2009). Together, these factors work to upregulate
stress response systems via brain-mediated pathways, and in combination with greater stress across
life domains due to factors such as residential segregation and other features of the United States’
racial hierarchy (e.g., Massey & Denton 1993), they may exceed some individuals’ ability to cope
and respond effectively (Sanders-Phillips et al. 2009).
In their systematic review, Priest and colleagues (2013) found that exposure to discrimination
from birth through age 18 was linked to a range of negative mental health outcomes. Early life
stress is linked to higher blood pressure, blood glucose, body mass index, and pro-inflammatory
immune function in childhood and adolescence, thus elevating chronic disease risk as youth age and
physiological insults accumulate (Goosby et al. 2016, Miller & Chen 2010). In children as young as
9 or 10 years old, exposure to discrimination is associated with elevated blood pressure and higher
inflammatory markers (Goosby et al. 2015) as well as flatter diurnal cortisol curves (Martin et al.
2012). Moreover, a number of studies now document genomic (i.e., GxE, epigenetics, telomere
length, etc.) correlates of social experiences disproportionally experienced by African American
children that may modify stress-health pathways in the long term (Champagne 2018, Mitchell
et al. 2017, Notterman & Mitchell 2015, Shalev et al. 2013).
Adolescence is marked by a host of interlinked physiologic and social transitions, including
neural sensitivity to social exclusion (Masten et al. 2009). Motivated by the biological changes due
to pubertal onset and development, youth become increasingly aware of their status in peer social
hierarchies as they shift from parents to peers as their primary socializing agents (Goosby et al.
2013). They may also become aware that they inhabit highly racialized systems of oppression as
they are exposed to discriminatory experiences in the expanding range of social environments their
autonomy allows them to navigate (Hope et al. 2015, Morris & Perry 2016). Also during this time,
adolescents may be exposed to more discrimination and become increasingly cognizant of the
vicarious discrimination and microaggressions experienced by themselves, their family members,
friends, peers, and others (Wickrama et al. 2017). Such experiences may add to or exacerbate their
existing stress burden, increasing allostatic load earlier in life and setting the stage for morbidity
and mortality inequities including obesity, hypertension, and cardiovascular disease (Goosby &
Heidbrink 2013).
Studies examining African American/White differences from adolescence into adulthood sug-
gest that the secretion of cortisol among African American adolescents is higher at bedtime and
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flatter during the day, indicating higher levels of stress activation (DeSantis et al. 2007). These
profiles are also possible indications of reduced allostatic responding due to stress cascade modi-
fications resulting from persistent stressor anticipation and exposure (DeSantis et al. 2007, 2015).
Consequently, adolescent reports of discrimination are associated with flatter cortisol curves in
adulthood (Adam et al. 2015). Importantly, diurnal cortisol curves appear to peak during days
characterized by positive affect, as indicated by a steeper decline during the day (Hoyt et al.
2015). Interpersonal discrimination is also positively associated with higher allostatic load (Brody
et al. 2013) and elevated pro-inflammatory cytokine markers (Brody et al. 2015), an indicator of
inflammation.
Adulthood
Adulthood is generally the time when illness manifests. Earlier life course stages set up the health
patterns during adulthood, altering aspects of CNS social processing, moderating health physi-
ology and genomic mechanisms, and accumulating wear and tear. Stressors broaden and deepen
with age, social roles become more complicated, and family and other interdependencies become
more crucial. Given these many challenges, early adversity sets the individual baseline upon which
the unique stressors of adulthood continue building.
Emerging adulthood. Emerging adulthood (∼ages 18–29) involves various transitions or turn-
ing points, including education, employment, parenthood, and marriage, all of which can transpire
in the context of interpersonal discrimination (Hope et al. 2015). Such disruptive exposures can
exacerbate the existing stress burden associated with normative transitions during this period.
Indeed, the African American/White allostatic load gap is already pronounced at ages 18–24 and
continues to widen through middle age (Geronimus et al. 2006). In one functional magnetic res-
onance imaging (fMRI) study on discrimination, adults in this age range showed greater social
pain–related CNS activity and reduced neural activity associated with emotion regulation in re-
sponse to negative social treatment, though discrimination was associated with lower social pain
but greater regulatory CNS activity (Masten et al. 2010).
Important experimental laboratory studies have demonstrated that exposure to discrimination
for African American college students is linked to ANS and SNS responses. Blood pressure,
an indicator of SNS activation, is positively associated with discrimination in individuals with
lower Afrocentric orientation relative to college students with stronger Afrocentric orientation
(Neblett & Carter 2012). Perceived discrimination among African American (but not White)
college students is linked to lower heart rate variability, an indicator of SNS-PSNS modulation
and a cardiovascular risk factor (Hill et al. 2017, Williams et al. 2017). These laboratory studies
provide important clues regarding the physiological load accumulated by minority college students
in predominantly White spaces.
As they transition into parental roles, African Americans must consider their children’s ex-
periences with race-related stressors such as discriminatory experiences in schools and with law
enforcement (Dow 2016). Though little is known about how these worries affect parents’ health,
there is evidence that such conditions can lead to psychological stress and rumination (Murry
et al. 2001). Indeed, according to one estimate among college-educated adults, African Ameri-
cans’ allostatic load levels are 32% higher than those of comparable Whites (Howard & Sparks
2015). However, it is not clear how much of this disparity is due to the unique contributions of
parenting stress, to the high probability of contacts with Whites for this group of relatively advan-
taged African Americans (i.e., interpersonal discrimination), and to other factors (i.e., structural
or intrapersonal racism, behaviors, etc.).
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Middle age through senescence. By middle age, African American adults show numerous signs
of accelerated aging. For example, as measured by telomere length, African American women aged
49 to 55 are estimated to be 7.5 years biologically older than SES-comparable White counterparts
(Geronimus et al. 2010). There is recent evidence indicating that African American adults aged
51 and older who reported the highest lifetime discrimination exposures had shorter telomere
lengths relative to those who reported low to moderate levels of lifetime discrimination (Lee et al.
2017). Discrimination among middle-age and older African Americans is also associated with
other health-related markers predictive of chronic stress–related conditions such as diabetes, heart
disease, and stroke. Discrimination is associated with higher levels of the inflammatory marker
C-reactive protein (Lewis et al. 2010), elevated stress hormones (Fuller-Rowell et al. 2012),
abdominal/visceral fat (Lewis et al. 2011), high blood pressure (Lewis et al. 2009), oxidative stress
(Szanton et al. 2012), and coronary artery calcification (Everage et al. 2012). These outcomes are
important to note given the acute differences in health outcomes between African Americans and
Whites during middle age, and they likely reflect patterns of wear and tear accumulation over
many years.
African American adults have persistently higher allostatic load relative to Whites until they
reach age 60–65, at which point such disparities appear to reduce in magnitude, perhaps due
to mortality selection (Levine & Crimmins 2014). When comparing the allostatic load levels of
African American and White adults, Duru and colleagues (2012) found evidence that the disparities
in diabetes- and cardiovascular-related mortality were partially explained by allostatic load, and
these differences were independent of SES (Duru et al. 2012). These findings are significant given
that African Americans are also more likely to experience earlier onset of age-related chronic
diseases and fatal chronic conditions (Levine & Crimmins 2014). In fact, 28% of cardiovascular
deaths among African Americans occur at less than 65 years of age compared to 13% for Whites,
a difference that persists after controlling for SES (Jolly et al. 2010).
It is important to recognize the intersecting life-course pathways that come to shape African
American health disparities, including factors such as improved SES that may lead to additional
race-related stressors. Indeed, a recent study using the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of
Youth (NLSY79) showed both that African Americans reported higher rates of discrimination
as they moved up the socioeconomic ladder relative to their SES-stable counterparts and that
the high rates of discrimination explained the racial disparity in health outcomes among upwardly
mobile adults (Colen et al. 2018). Additionally, an important and understudied area requiring more
attention is the role of death and bereavement as an extension of systemic racial inequality that
interpersonal discrimination likely contributes to. African American health inequities contribute
to the likelihood of experiencing the loss of multiple loved ones over the life course, which is a
traumatic and acute stressor that appears to exacerbate individual and intergenerational health
risks within African American families (Umberson et al. 2017).
FUTURE ISSUES
In this review we have emphasized stress-related processes modulated by experiences of inter-
personal discrimination, so we now focus on promising directions within this domain. There
remain a number of important avenues for continuing to illuminate the harsh inequities of life
in a racialized social system. We have focused on African Americans in this review, but research
on other marginalized social groups exists (though substantially smaller), and at a time of in-
creased aggression and hostility toward people of color, immigrants, sexual minorities, and people
of non-Christian faiths, more research is needed. In this final section, we discuss important de-
velopments emerging across a variety of disciplines that hold promise for better measurement
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of racial inequality and the dynamic, adaptive biosocial pathways through which social condi-
tions shape health trajectories. Rather than reifying disciplinary boundaries, we see great value in
incorporating biological assessments into sociological research.
Neurobiology
We began our review of biosocial mechanisms noting the importance of the CNS as the mediator
of social experience and regulator of SNS/SAM and HPA axis activity. Neurosociological progress
since Massey (2002) in his 2001 presidential address to the American Sociological Association in-
troduced the limbic system and its role in cognition has been limited. That is not to say, however,
that there has been no progress. Theorists have grappled with the role of social encounters in
positive emotions and motivation (Collins 2014) and with the relationships between emotions and
neurobiology for social organization (Turner 2007). A more recent wave of scholars is becoming
involved in neuroscience research using brain imaging to answer sociological questions (Kalkhoff
et al. 2016; Kiat & Cheadle 2017; Kiat et al. 2016, 2017; Melamed et al. 2017). At the same time,
there is a growing interest in combining demographic population perspectives with neuroscientific
frameworks (Falk et al. 2013). We have argued that because the brain is the key mediator of both
experience and physiological regulation (McEwen 1998, Sterling 2012), a deeper understanding of
it is necessary for broadly conceptualizing stress-related and experiential emotion-based processes.
Such understandings are likely important for genetic and some genomic pathways, because many
pathways that are considered sociologically relevant (e.g., 5-HTTLPR) underlie neurobiological
systems. Imaging technologies may, in the future, shed light on how discrimination affects struc-
tural and functional neural network connectivity and may thereby illuminate important aspects
of social and emotional processing. Currently, the neuroscience of discrimination exposure is in
its infancy if compared to general experiences of social exclusion, and more work is needed to
determine how these experiences influence the brain to modify the ways individuals experience
and process complex social environments and interactions (Kiat et al. 2016, Masten et al. 2010).
The brain is the organ that decodes and responds to social experiences and is an important new
frontier for sociological researchers.
Sensor-Based Health Measurement
The knowledge base for understanding the basic biological pathways supporting health has de-
veloped rapidly and continues to do so. New assays and technologies will continue to provide
greater insight into specific mechanisms within different systems as the utility of saliva, blood,
and other tissues continues to expand. Whereas biological researchers seek to peer into different
processes in the body, sociologists often seek more global indicators and indexes, for example
when they use multiple biomarkers to estimate allostatic load. Although many of the biological
underpinnings already in place have utility in sociological research, looking forward sociologists
may begin considering noninvasive biosignals as compared to, or for use in conjunction with,
biomarkers. Rapid technological development is quickly expanding the nature and type of tools
available to researchers thanks to the tremendous diffusion of smartphones and wearable devices
as technology companies seek to capitalize on these markets.
The tools of ambulatory research (Trull & Ebner-Priemer 2014), such as ecological momentary
assessment, promise to more accurately characterize the nature of discriminatory experiences, their
frequencies, and the ways they are experienced. Discrimination research has mostly relied on scales
with item categories that provide only gross estimates of exposure rates. Cell phone frameworks
are now available for passive data collection (Ferreira et al. 2015), along with applications for
collecting real-time social contact networks within which individuals’ social experiences can be
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situated (Fournet & Barrat 2014). Wearable devices are also receiving a great deal of attention,
with consumers using a range of sensors to gather data about themselves with the goal of informing
their health decisions (Swan 2013). Health assessment devices currently use signals measured on
the body, such as photoplethysmography (PPG) sensors for heart rate (Lu et al. 2009), changes in
skin conductance due to SNS activity (Boucsein 2012), and accelerometers (Goosby et al. 2018).
These approaches provide detailed information on aspects of the CNS, the PSNS, and physical
activity and sleep. Taken together, this engineering-based side of biological assessment holds
promise for monitoring emotional lability, activity and sleep recovery, social contacts, and high-
frequency participant reports on these and other factors. The timescales of some of these processes,
sometimes of the order of seconds, can be much finer than they are for traditional biomarkers,
which can span minutes or years. However, these measures assess state-based allostatic processes
and will need to be linked to longer-term measures of trait-based traditional biomarkers of allostatic
load to clarify how dynamic dimensions of interpersonal discrimination are associated with health
biology to form biosocial signals of sociological significance.
Genomics
As described above, the vast majority of work linking genetics to health outcomes has been con-
ducted on White European-ancestry populations (Need & Goldstein 2009, Popejoy & Fullerton
2016), and in their current state many of these genetic correlates do not perform as well in
non-European-ancestry populations (Ware et al. 2017). Nevertheless, as more African and other
non-European genetic work is conducted, the CNS underpinnings of social exclusion sensitivity
and vigilance, HPA reactivity, and behavioral or health outcomes may help detect the effects of
discrimination by controlling how genes and experiences interact to regulate the risks of poor
health outcomes. Discrimination may, like other social stressors, be moderated by genotype (i.e.,
by GxE). Finding those GxE will be challenging, and understanding the stress dynamics by which
interpersonal discrimination affects health-related processes may require greater use of molecu-
lar approaches such as epigenetics and gene expression. Further, in nearly all genomic research,
ancestry will continue to be an incredibly complex confounder. Ancestry is strongly correlated
with genotype frequency, and it may be strongly correlated with, but not be the same as, socially
ascribed race (Guo et al. 2014), which is what typically defines health inequities. Extremely careful
and thoughtful research is needed to disentangle GxE factors and explain how discrimination
interacts with the body to dysregulate physiological systems and increase allostatic load, thereby
becoming embodied.
The relatively recent use of genomic mechanisms in stress—and especially discrimination—
research has not afforded sufficient time to fully determine which measures are robust biological
mechanisms and which are symptoms of health decline. For example, is telomere shortening
associated with discriminatory stress resulting in higher rates of cancer, or is telomere shortening
simply a summary of chronic systemic dysregulation (especially at younger ages)? Work in the
next decade will likely begin by separating the extent to which these measures are acting as
mechanisms or biomarkers. This distinction almost certainly varies by stressor and health outcome
combination. Biosocial researchers are finally harnessing the necessary longitudinal data in non-
White samples to address these types of questions with respect to the unique constellations of
stressors experienced by non-European-ancestry populations (see Popejoy & Fullerton 2016), and
such research is supported by a recent NIH funding opportunity for social epigenetics research
on minority health and health disparities. The models resulting from this research will provide
new opportunities for understanding how social and genetic factors interact to shape complex
behavioral phenotypes and disease susceptibility.
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Training
As biological data expand into sociology, there is a tremendous need for collaboration between
biological scientists and health inequality and discrimination researchers across a range of increas-
ingly relevant fields, such as computer science and engineering, molecular biology, immunology,
and neuroscience. Biosocial problems are hard problems. Scholars in these areas will continue to
explore the links between stress and health alongside their colleagues in the social sciences, and
it is worth considering how this research will benefit from the inclusion of sociologists in inter-
disciplinary teams. Sociological perspectives that emphasize the role of discrimination at multiple
levels of social organization have much to offer because they inherently recognize that discrim-
ination today reflects ongoing historical processes whose roots spread deep and wide within our
culture. In the same way that sociologists are unfamiliar with the complexity of biological systems,
biologists and health scientists tend to be reductionist with respect to social context. Furthermore,
the sociologists who study different facets of discrimination themselves come from diverse back-
grounds, experiences, and perspectives. In particular, just as the biological data have often been
examined in White or European-ancestry samples, the vast majority of researchers in this area are
White. We strongly encourage scholars of color to lend their experience, knowledge, and skills
to this work, and we believe that broad and inclusive participation will help protect the future
of biosocial science from the mistakes of the past. In short, biosocial work—even concerning
discrimination—will continue to expand rapidly, and we argue it will be far more consequential
and accurate if sociologists are significantly involved.
CONCLUSION
This review has focused on an important dimension of the United States’ racialized social sys-
tem: the role of interpersonal discrimination and how this social experience becomes embodied.
Through stress process mechanisms, social experiences are translated into short-term physiological
states; over time, through learning processes and repeated experiences, the allostatic modulation
of physiological states accumulates allostatic load and potentially modifies and is modified by
genomic processes. The health inequities experienced by African Americans over the life course
begin at birth, when reproductive processes program the newborn for the stressful environment
experienced by the mother, whose level of physiological stress is the result of a life-long adapta-
tion process. Although we have pointed to some promising directions for future research, other
scholars would almost certainly have pointed in other directions and emphasized discrimination
at other levels of social organization. The mechanisms conducive to poor health are many, and
large-scale patterns of racial inequity have long been embedded in different facets of the racist so-
cial organization of the United States. However, even if we strip away the broad macro-structural
patterns of inequality in the United States and focus instead on the systemic yet small-scale in-
terpersonal interactions in which discrimination is enacted face-to-face, differential treatment via
exclusionary acts has large-scale consequences for population health.
SUMMARY POINTS
1. The majority of African Americans believe interpersonal discrimination is an important
social issue.
2. Interpersonal racism is enacted through discrimination, a form of social exclusion that is
processed in the brain as social pain in the same regions associated with the emotional
components of physical pain.
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3. Activity in the neural regions that process social exclusion is associated with increased
SNS and HPA axis activity.
4. SNS and HPA activity increase the risk of cardiometabolic conditions and cardiovascular
wear and tear.
5. Genomics can be an important analytical tool to investigate the interactions between
experiences of racial inequality and life-course health outcomes.
6. Discrimination against African Americans is associated with adverse birth outcomes,
hypertension, abdominal obesity, cardiovascular disease, and other associated morbidities
over the life course.
7. In the future, sociologists are encouraged to integrate neuroscience, genomics, and new
health technologies; to engage in interdisciplinary collaboration; and to diversify the pool
of scholars engaged in biosocial health inequities research.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors would like to thank Doug Massey and the anonymous reviewer for their helpful
comments on earlier drafts.
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Annual Review
of Sociology
Volume 44, 2018
Contents
Prefatory Article
On Becoming a Mathematical Demographer—And the Career
in Problem-Focused Inquiry that Followed
Jane Menken pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp1
Theory and Methods
Historical Census Record Linkage
Steven Ruggles, Catherine A. Fitch, and Evan Roberts ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp19
Interpreting and Understanding Logits, Probits, and Other Nonlinear
Probability Models
Richard Breen, Kristian Bernt Karlson, and Anders Holm ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp39
Social Processes
Consumer Credit in Comparative Perspective
Akos Rona-Tas and Alya Guseva ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp55
Control over Time: Employers, Workers, and Families Shaping Work
Schedules
Naomi Gerstel and Dan Clawson ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp77
Silence, Power, and Inequality: An Intersectional Approach to Sexual
Violence
Elizabeth A. Armstrong, Miriam Gleckman-Krut, and Lanora Johnson pppppppppppppppppp99
Formal Organizations
Globalization and Business Regulation
Marie-Laure Djelic and Sigrid Quack ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp123
Transnational Corporations and Global Governance
Tim Bartley pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp145
Political and Economic Sociology
Boundary-Spanning in Social Movements: Antecedents and Outcomes
Dan Wang, Alessandro Piazza, and Sarah A. Soule pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp167
Globalization and Social Movements
Paul Almeida and Chris Chase-Dunn ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp189
v
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Political (Mis)behavior: Attention and Lacunae in the Study of
Latino Politics
Michael Jones-Correa, Hajer Al-Faham, and David Cortez ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp213
Differentiation and Stratification
Credit, Debt, and Inequality
Rachel E. Dwyer ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp237
Environmental Inequality: The Social Causes and Consequences
of Lead Exposure
Christopher Muller, Robert J. Sampson, and Alix S. Winter ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp263
Occupations, Organizations, and Intragenerational Career Mobility
Arne L. Kalleberg and Ted Mouw pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp283
Poverty in America: New Directions and Debates
Matthew Desmond and Bruce Western pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp305
Stress-Related Biosocial Mechanisms of Discrimination and African
American Health Inequities
Bridget J. Goosby, Jacob E. Cheadle, and Colter Mitchell ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp319
Individual and Society
The Reversal of the Gender Gap in Education and its Consequences
for Family Life
Jan Van Bavel, Christine R. Schwartz, and Albert Esteve ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp341
Demography
Integrating Biomarkers in Social Stratification and Health Research
Kathleen Mullan Harris and Kristen M. Schorpp ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp361
The Sociology of Refugee Migration
David Scott FitzGerald and Rawan Arar ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp387
Policy
Modern Trafficking, Slavery, and Other Forms of Servitude
Orlando Patterson and Xiaolin Zhuo ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp407
Redistributional Policy in Rich Countries: Institutions and Impacts
in Nonelderly Households
Janet C. Gornick and Timothy M. Smeeding ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp441
Sociology and World Regions
Families in Southeast and South Asia
Wei-Jun Jean Yeung, Sonalde Desai, and Gavin W. Jones pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp469
vi Contents
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From Chicago to China and India: Studying the City in the
Twenty-First Century
Xuefei Ren ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp497
Globalization of Quantitative Policing: Between Management and
Statactivism
Emmanuel Didier ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp515
Latin America, a Continent in Movement but Where To? A Review of
Social Movements’ Studies in the Region
Mar´ıa Incl ´an ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp535
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 35–44 ppppppppppppppppppppppppppp553
Cumulative Index of Article Titles, Volumes 35–44 ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp557
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Sociology articles may be found at
http://www.annualreviews.org/errata/soc
Contents vii
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