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“Crisis” and Crimean Tatars: Discourses of Self-determination in Flux
Abstract
Following Nabers’ seminal work that establishes a “missing link” between crises and transformations, this study focuses on the changes in the Crimean Tatar discourses about Crimean Tatar identity, crises, and Russian and Ukrainian “Others” with a special emphasis on the question of national self-determination. It suggests that a discursive shift of emphasis from the “Deportation crisis” to “Annexation crisis” among Crimean Tatars operates as a “myth” to deal with the inherent divide within the Tatar political movement and conceals the ongoing “hegemonic struggles” over the Crimean Tatar identity and its political representation. Exploring the multiplicity of discourses about Crimean Tatar self-determination, the study emphasizes the need to trace the universalizing and particularizing processes through which Crimean Tatar subjectivities are reconstructed.
... This then translates into disjuncture between individuals, their communities and the collective cultural experiences and identities. (Gulmez, 2018) Migrants and immigrant communities offer particularly vivid illustrations of instances where states and their institutions fail to provide smooth socialization and integration experiences. When such conditions combine, they render alienated individuals highly susceptible and vulnerable to becoming radicalized, and joining violent extremist groups. ...
Globalization has affected the education sector of Pakistan differently because of its peculiar and diversed security challenges. An extremely cunning hostile enemy on east who always stages all kind of clandestine operations against Pakistan. On the western border, Afghanistan has always remained a source of instability for Pakistan. US policy failures in Afghanistan and do more demand by Trump administration from Pakistan without acknowledging its sacrifices are a matter of concern. To retain their national interests transition-co forces are using fifth generation asymmetric warfare in this region. Almost all the segments of our society got affected by worst kind of terrorism and extremism in last fifteen years and the current target is our youth and educational institutes. According to the recent National Human Development Report published in May 2018, Pakistan has the largest percentage of youth ever recorded in its history. 64 percent of the total population is below the age of 30 while 29 percent is between the ages of 15 and 29 years. This youth buldge has critical implications for Pakistan because if not groomed and directed in right direction, will create internal implosion. Our enemy precisely identified our centers of gravity and attacking it with numerous means. Be it the Safora Ghot Karachi massacre of forty three innocent unarmed people by Saad Aziz - an Institute of Business Administration (IBA) Karachi graduate or the inhuman killing of human rights activist Sabeen Mahmood by the same man; the IS-indoctrinated and affiliated medical student Noreen Leghari’s case or the recent failed attempt on the MQM leader Khawaja Izharul Hassan by a Karachi University graduate, the incessant reality for Pakistani anti-terrorism strategists is that the extremists and terrorists have succeeded in infiltrating modern education institutions and the youth is being indoctrinated with the toxic ideology of the terrorists. With the defeat of the IS in Syria and Iraq the influx of militants to Pakistan could continue that could further complicate the situation.
This forum, as a part of the special issue on New Directions for Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), provides a diversity of answers to the question of how affects and emotions, and the search for ontological security, relate to foreign policy. By foregrounding the various ways to conceive the relationship between foreign policy, ontological security, collective identities, states’ autobiographical narratives, emotions and affective investments, the contributors to this forum examine and chart fruitful directions in FPA. Resende explores the analytical potentials of combining the theory of Ontological Security, Foreign Policy Analysis and Memory Studies to investigate how states invest in practices of ontological security by creating, remaking and defending their national narratives through historical memory. Solomon recollects how the September 11th attacks and the ensuing War on Terror contributed to his search for approaches which took affects and emotions seriously in IR, and which could help make sense of why some discourses, including foreign policy discourses, resonate with and are accepted by the audience in certain contexts. Finally, Sandrin provides an account of her encounters with the literature on the role of emotions in foreign policy and conveys how these texts helped her make sense of some puzzling aspects of Turkish foreign policy. Jimmy Casas Klausen served as lead editor of this forum. The manuscript passed through the regular double-blind peer review process to insure anonymity.
This study focuses on the cultural diplomacy of Crimean Tatar and Lithuanian American diasporas, who both suffered from deportation at the hands of the Soviets and are conducting anti-Russian diplomacy today. Historical films are useful in terms of showing how the diasporic communities seek to reconstruct a collective memory on a traumatic event and tame their anxieties of death, meaninglessness, and condemnation that constitute “unknown unknowns” by turning them into the fear of a “known unknown” through securitization. Therefore, this study aims to grasp the multiplicity of anxieties reflected upon the Crimean Tatar and Lithuanian diasporas’ recent historical films that demonstrate how diasporas’ varying anxieties translate into diverse strategies of political representation and mobilisation against Russia. It thus reconciles the scholarship on diaspora’s memory politics with anxiety/fear nexus in securitization theory.
In March 2014 following the military intervention of the Russian troops into the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the latter announced its independence and, through the illegal referendum, declared its entrance into the Russian Federation. The period between 2014 and 2016 this article concentrates on is considered as transitional period insofar as the most important issues were to be solved. Among them, one can name the formation of the institutions and legal framework, new appointments and political elites. This article argues that the main objective of Kremlin during the mentioned period was rapid and unobstructed inclusion of Crimea into the Russian Federation after the military invasion and annexation. While Moscow aimed at accelerated creation of the institutions and legislative base in Crimea, it filled Crimea with the Russian elites removing all local professionals. At the same time, Moscow not only neglected the issues of the human rights and rights of minorities but tried to prevent the emergence of the opposition voices. Author employs analysis of the legislation related to the transition period as well as the media coverage of the issues.
Present era can be categorized due to its speed of changes. Pakistani society got affected by worst kind of terrorism and extremism in last fifteen years. The root causes of prevailing security environment in Pakistan are multifaceted, complex and are derived from structural, as well as micro-level conditions. Objective of this research is to highlight the gaps in security doctrine of Pakistan. Both qualitative and quantitative methodology in the format of Knowledge Attitude and Practice (KAP study) is selected. Primary question of this research was to find the gaps in national internal security policy of Pakistan. This primary question is further sub divided into ten sub questions. Implementation modalities and the impediments of National Internal Security Policy (NISP) 2014 are also discussed. This research finds out that national internal security policy 2014 was a vibrant document and right step in the domain of policy formulation but demanded non-pragmatic results from security operators. Majority of its drawbacks are removed in in its later version of 2018-23. Survey and questionnaire based analysis is also made part of this article along with recommendations as submitted by respondents.
The occupation of Crimea determined the Crimean Tatars to react with obvious and clear-cut response: condemning the Russian aggression against the Ukrainian territorial integrity. This paper aims to analyze the post-2014 Crimean hybrid conflict situation of the Crimean Tatars, by investigating how the Crimean Tatars conditions have evolved under the Russian invasion forces for the last five years. In order to understand the post-2014 situation, the paper also focuses and examines the forced deportation (Sürgün or the Soviet Genocide), as well as Turkey's foreign policy reactions toward this regional conflict. Civil disobedience and nonviolent strategy of the Crimean Tatars have been used to pressure the Russian public opinion and political elites regarding the unlawful and unfair act toward the Ukrainian and Crimean sovereignty. In addition, the Crimean Tatars have voiced their concerns and demands in the international political arenas. Overall, the paper focuses on the repercussions of the Crimean crisis from political, psycho-social and international perspectives.
Keywords:Crimea, Crimean Occupation, Crimean Tatars, Turkey, Soviet Genocide (Sürgün)
The article deals with the transformation of the Crimean Tatars’ institutions and discourses after the 2014 conflict around Crimea. It shows the change in the balance of power of traditional institutions such as Mejlis and Muftiyat , which for many years represented secular and religious components of Crimean Tatars’ ethnic identity. It tells how the Mejlis was dismissed from the political stage in Crimea, while the Muftiyat has enjoyed a great support by new authorities. This transformation and threats to societal security inevitably led to reassessment of previous views and goals of the main actors in the Crimean Tatar community and the formation of new institutions with hybrid composition and discourse. The article focuses on organization such as ‘Crimean solidarity,’ which was formed in 2016 as a reaction to authorities’ pressure over the Crimean Tatars. Using discourse analysis of statements of activists of this organization and content analysis of social media, the author presents the main topics of its discourse and types of activity. She shows how the traditional Islamic discourse of activists of this organization has been transformed by the incorporation of the main concepts of secular discourse developed by the Mejlis . The author argues that the appearance of ‘Crimean solidarity’ indicates the blurring of lines between secular and religious, and ethnic and Islamic in the Crimean Tatar society. It shows how people with different backgrounds and agendas manage to leave their differences aside to support each other in the face of a common threat.
National minorities in Crimea have been subject to systematic violations of their rights since the illegal annexation of Crimea by Russia on 18 March 2014. Documented violations have occurred in the areas of freedom of expression, conscience, and religion; the right to peaceful assembly and association; freedom of
the media and access to information; the right to a fair trial and effective remedy; the right to education in one’s native language; and linguistic and cultural rights. The de facto authorities in Crimea have neglected to investigate cases of grave violations of the rights to life, liberty, security, and physical integrity. The response of the international community has been limited. While Western countries pursue non-recognition policies towards Crimea, international sanctions introduced in response to the occupation of Crimea are weak, and there have been no measures taken to address the international humanitarian law and human rights violations in Crimea. Limited support is available to human rights organisations focused on or working in Crimea, and human rights monitors still cannot gain access to Crimea. The European Union, and the European Parliament, in particular, should actively advocate for the establishment of an international human rights monitoring presence in occupied Crimea. Tailor-made support programmes should be offered to Ukrainian government agencies and civil society working towards the protection of the rights of Ukrainian citizens in Crimea. The European Parliament should continue raising the issue of human rights violations in Crimea and monitor individual cases. Furthermore, the Council of the European Union should consider imposing sanctions for the
violations of international humanitarian law and human rights in occupied Crimea.
The article examines the role that foreign Islamic organisations play in the whole process of Islamic revival in Crimea. Their role can be observed in every sphere of that process: support for autonomous Muslim communities; building of mosques; organisation of Islamic education; financing pilgrimage to Mecca. Despite their huge role, the presence of foreign Islamic organisations is often seen by national Crimean Tatar leaders as a threat to the unity of the people and even to stability in the peninsula. Foreign sponsors of the Islamic revival are often charged with fostering 'radical' Muslim organisations which are forming an Islamic opposition to the major Crimean Tatar national and religious bodies. To explain this ambivalence requires a more detailed analysis of the role of foreign Muslim organisations in the Islamic revival in Crimea. To achieve this, I propose to examine their role both through a quantitative analysis of their impact in the revival process and from the point of view of the Crimean Tatars themselves.
Crimean Tatars were deported by Stalin from Crimea to Central Asia in 1944. This paper focuses on the Crimean Tatars’ cultural revival, beginning in 1989 following their mass return to their homeland. We analyse the interaction of the Crimean Tatars with other ethnic groups both in Central Asia during the deportation years and in Crimea following their return to the homeland. In addition, the impact of interaction with other ethnic groups on the Crimean Tatars’ ethnic identity and culture is examined. A constructionist approach is adopted, with special attention given to the role of interaction with different cultures and state policies in shaping ethnic and cultural identities. Emphasising the necessity of distinguishing ethnic and national identities from cultural identity, the authors argue that hybridity, as one of the new concepts aiming to challenge static and essentialist approaches to ethnicity and culture, is useful in explaining cultural content rather than the notion of the ethnic boundary. The paper is based on fieldwork carried out in Crimea in 2001 and 2002, during which 100 in-depth interviews were conducted with Crimean Tatars, Ukrains and Russians.
This book investigates a phenomenon in world politics that is largely overlooked by scholars, namely entities lacking international recognition of their status as independent states. It includes case studies on the Eurasian Quartet, Kosovo, Somaliland, Palestine, Northern Cyprus, Western Sahara and Taiwan.
Cosmopolitan Spaces: Europe, Globalization, Theory endeavors a highly innovative reading of both globalization theory and contemporary European transformations. Interpreting cosmopolitanism as a politics of space, Rumford positions his analysis at the intersection of two exciting currents in contemporary social science research: the 'spatial turn' in the social sciences and the renewed interest in cosmopolitanism. Rumford elaborates a completely new theoretical framework for understanding the contemporary social and political transformation of Europe, and takes issue with many aspects of the globalization-inspired accounts of Europeanization which remain blind to the spatial dimensions of change. In addition to its compelling reading of cosmopolitanism, Cosmopolitan Spaces: Europe, Globalization, Theory,offers a provocative critique for thinking about Europe in terms of Empire, and advances the startling claim that Europe should be considered 'postwestern'.
Since the formation of the UN in 1945 the international community has witnessed a number of violent self-determination conflicts such as the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Chechnya, Kashmir, and South Sudan that have been a major cause of humanitarian crises and destruction. This book examines the scope and applicability of political self-determination beyond the decolonisation process. Explaining the historical evolution of self-determination, this book provides a theoretical examination of the concept and background. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, the author analyses self-determination in relation to contemporary conflicts, which inform and drive a coherent theoretical framework for international responses to claims for self-determination. Built upon an examination of the conceptual foundations of self-determination, this book presents a new understanding and application of self-determination. It addresses the important question of whether self-determination claims legitimate armed violence, either by the self-determining group's right to rebel, or by the international community in the form of humanitarian intervention. The Politics of Self-Determination will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, international relations, security studies and conflict studies.
National Self‐determination and Secession brings together a number of original essays by leading figures in the field on the ethics of secession. It examines such questions as: When is secession justified? What is a people and what gives them a right to secede? Is national self‐determination compatible with liberal and democratic principles? It offers fresh insight into debates about contested territory, the problem of minorities, and the place of secession in resolving national conflicts.
This book examines recognition of new states, the practice historically employed to regulate membership in international society. The last twenty years have witnessed new or lingering demands for statehood in different areas of the world. The claims of some, like those of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eritrea, Croatia, Georgia, and East Timor, have achieved general recognition; those of others, like Kosovo, Tamil Eelam, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Somaliland, have not. However, even as most of these claims gave rise to major conflicts and international controversies, the criteria for acknowledgment of new states have elicited little systematic scholarship. Drawing upon writings of English School theorists, this study charts the practice from the late eighteenth century until the present. Its central argument is that for the past 200 years state recognition has been tied to the idea of self-determination of peoples. Two versions of the idea have underpinned the practice throughout most of this period - self-determination as a negative and a positive right. The negative idea, dominant from 1815 to 1950, took state recognition to be acknowledgment of an achievement of de facto statehood by a people desiring independence. Self-determination was expressed through, and externally gauged by, self-attainment. The positive idea, prevalent since the 1950s, took state recognition to be acknowledgment of an entitlement to independence in international law. The development of self-determination as a positive international right, however, has not led to a disappearance of claims of statehood that stand outside of its confines. Groups that are deeply dissatisfied with the countries in which they presently find themselves continue to make demands for independence even though they may have no positive entitlement to it. The book concludes by expressing doubt that contemporary international society can find a sustainable basis for recognizing new states other than the original standard of de facto statehood.
Much social theory takes for granted the core conceit of modern culture, that modern actors - individuals, organizations, nation states - are autochthonous and natural entities, no longer really embedded in culture. Accordingly, while there is much abstract metatheory about "actors" and their "agency," there is arguably little theory about the topic. This article offers direct arguments about how the modern (European, now global) cultural system constructs the modern actor as an authorized agent for various interests via an ongoing relocation into society of agency originally located in transcendental authority or in natural forces environing the social system. We see this authorized agentic capability as an essential feature of what modern theory and culture call an "actor," and one that, when analyzed, helps greatly in explaining a number of otherwise anomalous or little analyzed features of modern individuals, organizations, and states. These features include their isomorphism and standardization, their internal decoupling, their extraordinarily complex structuration, and their capacity for prolific collective action.
While examining the two Spiritual Administrations as well as the other independent/unregistered groups, the focus should be not only on their fundamental ideologies, but also on the political objectives of those viewpoints for which they are being utilized. Accordingly, the research questions of this article will focus on the following themes: 2.1 What are the religious and political (if any) short and long-term goals and aspirations of DUMK and DTsMK in Crimea? Is there any common ground between these two Muftiyats? 2.2 What are the opinions of DUMK and DTsMK about the other “independent” Islamic factions in Crimea? 2.3 What are the religious and political (if any) short and long-term goals of the HUT, Salafis, and Ar’Raid in Crimea? Is there any common ground between these groups vis-à-vis the future aspirations? 2.4 What are the major structural factors that set the grounds for the evolution of these ideologies on the peninsula? What kind of influences do these groups have on the majority of the Crimean Tatars and on the Ukrainian Muslims in general? 2.5 What are the opinions of HUT, Salafis, and Ar’Raid’s on transnational Islamic movements and violence around the globe? 2.6 What are these group’s views of the Ukrainian state, the European West, and the United States?
This article focuses mainly on language and those aspects of culture that are directly related to its revitalization vis-à-vis Crimean Tatars; other aspects fall outside the immediate scope of this study. The article examines the needs of other FDPs in terms of linguistic and cultural revival. Recommendations to State authorities in Kiev, regional authorities in Crimea, FDPs themselves, and the international community, aimed at generating a new and improved framework for revitalizing language and culture more generally are proposed. Against the background of Crimean political landscape, this research employed multi-method data collection that drew on semi-structured, face-to-face in-depth interviews, participant observation,and content analysis of documents and Crimean newspapers. The data collection took place in 2012, summer.
The work highlights the role of Hizb ut-Tahrir, an international religious organization, in Crimea, Ukraine. The essay focuses on Hizb ut-Tahrir's contribution to the revival of Islam in Crimea. Within Hizb ut-Tahrir focus, the work gives general trends of modern Islamic developments in Crimea. It also reviews the rebirth of Islamic literacy among Muslims and the factors that affected further dissemination of Islam in Crimea. The author argues that such Islamic organizations as Hizb ut-Tahrir have influenced the increase in Islamic literacy among Crimean Muslims. Spiritual Administration of Crimean Muslims also plays an important role in keeping alive Muslim rituals and practices such as wedding and funeral traditions. The paper is based on interviews with Crimean politicians and Crimean Muslims. The essay concentrates mainly on the importance of Islam among Crimean Muslims and the revival of Islamic fundamentalism in Crimea. Unlike some of the European countries, Ukrainian legislature is quite liberal to Hizb ut-Tahrir and some other Islamic movements that are acknowledged as radical are not banned in Ukraine. The research examines the consolidation and rise of Islam among Crimean Tatars and at the same time, it reviews the opposite trend of Islamic radicalization and loss of democratic traditions in some of the Islamic movements.
Much social theory takes for granted the core conceit of modern culture, that modern actors—individuals, organizations, nation states—are autochthonous and natural entities, no longer really embedded in culture. Accordingly, while there is much abstract metatheory about ‘actors’ and their ‘agency,’ there is arguably little theory about the topic. This article offers direct arguments about how the modern (European, now global) cultural system constructs the modern actor as an authorized agent for various interests via an ongoing relocation into society of agency originally located in transcendental authority or in natural forces environing the social system. We see this authorized agentic capability as an essential feature of what modern theory and culture call an ‘actor,’ and one that, when analyzed, helps greatly in explaining a number of otherwise anomalous or little analyzed features of modern individuals, organizations, and states. These features include their isomorphism and standardization, their internal decoupling, their extraordinarily complex structuration, and their capacity for prolific collective action.
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