... The issue of violence in the writings of Rosa Luxemburg seems to be present mainly in studies which focus on her criticism of political violence as used by capitalism and imperialism (Cocks 1996;Zarembka 2002;LeBlanc 2011;Bieler et al. 2016;Nixon 2018). Not much has been written about her attitude towards revolutionary violence. ...
Rosa Luxemburg is considered as important critic of the economic and political violence which is indispensable to the capitalist system. However, little is written about her concept of revolutionary violence, as is usually the case in the context of her criticism of the Russian revolution. The aim of the article is to reconstruct her views on revolutionary violence based on less known sources. The analysis shows that the Polish Marxist was an original theoretician of revolutionary violence who consiedered the issues of armed uprising and the use of brutal means against counter-revolutionaries in an interesting and unique way.
Celem pracy "Pozabotaniczne znaczenie zielników. Albumy kwiatowe Róży Luksemburg i Elizy Orzeszkowej jako źródła badań kulturoznawczych" jest weryfikacja tezy, czy nienaukowy zielnik może być przedmiotem badań kulturoznawczym. Przedmiotem pracy jest analiza zielników Elizy Orzeszkowej i Róży Luksemburg traktowanych jako zapiski własne. Interpretowane są jako dzieła wizualno-tekstowe i są uzupełnione o analizę listów. Praca zawiera także skrócone biografie Orzeszkowej i Luksemburg, a także wprowadzenie do tematu, opisujące historię powstania pierwszych zielników na ziemiach polskich i literatury na temat zielnikotwórstwa.
W pracy udało się wykazać, że zielniki mogą pełnić różne funkcje i być obiektem badań humanistycznych. Główne wnioski płynące z pracy dotyczą możliwości wykorzystywania nienaukowych zielników, w celach analizy procesów formowania się języka czy interpretowanie ich jak pamiętników.
Despite the recent revival of revolutionary commitment in response to left melancholia, I suggest that the contemporary academic left has not adequately addressed the difficulty of responding to failure as an inevitable aspect of revolutionary politics. The dominant tendency has been to try to offset the risk of failure by managing revolutionary action in line with a pre-given model of revolutionary change – only to limit the range of possibilities for revolutionary engagement. To address this problem, I draw on Rosa Luxemburg, a foremost revolutionary thinker, whose experiences of disappointment led her to rethink the notion of revolutionary commitment as a practice of learning from failure. This rethinking of commitment suggests a different way of engaging with failure – one that expands our imagination of political possibilities beyond the confines of the dominant contemporary responses to left melancholia and enriches their visions of revolutionary change.
Rosa Luxemburg (1871–1919) is commonly known as a political thinker, economist, and revolutionary socialist. A person of versatile interests and skills, she was certainly a widely admired public speaker, journalist, publisher, teacher, translator, editor, and party leader, as well as an amateur botanist, an occasional painter, and–particularly in her final years–an avid birdwatcher. What also powerfully comes through in her writing (especially her letters), but has received little attention to date, is that she had the mind and pen of an urban ethnographer. In her thick, vivid accounts of urban sights and sounds, Luxemburg generously tapped into her senses and emotions, in the process revealing how affect shapes urban experiences and imaginaries. Focusing on practices and politics of maintenance and care, this paper offers an analysis of Luxemburg’s multisensory descriptions of her urban surroundings and ‘the unavoidable challenge of negotiating a here-and-now’ that Doreen Massey theorized as throwntogetherness. Taking seriously Luxemburg’s observations in and about the city recorded in her letters and botanical notebooks reveals the small acts of commonplace theorizing that in academia are still too rarely recognized for what they are.
In an era in which policing governance is constantly evolving, little guidance exists on effective strategic partnerships to meet the challenges of the 21st century. The global shift to evidence-based policing increased imperatives for police reliance on behavioural science research, yet current police training does not encompass the multidisciplinary spectrum of skills needed. This chapter critically examines types of partnerships needed for contemporary Australian police functioning at a state and federal level. Examples of good partnership practice in research, problem solving and training are described. Mechanisms to access the diverse range of skills and methodologies to address contemporary problems and overcome institutional barriers are identified, specifically cultures of secrecy, difficulties sharing information within policing agencies, and inadequate funding. Ways to build transdisciplinary partnerships where partners share solutions are outlined. Finally, we discuss implications of these models for policing practice and policy.
The ‘university becoming’ will need to question not only the increasingly undemocratic and illiberal societies within which it operates but also its own sense of purposefulness. The literature within the field of higher education has been good at challenging neoliberalism: its anti-public sector and pro-private sector policies and the impact of that policy orientation – coupled with post 2008 economic austerity measures leading to escalating levels of inequality – on higher education and society at large. But it has been less good at catching up with analysing and critiquing the post-neoliberal, nationalist and protectionist policies associated with the new authoritarianism establishing itself within old and aspiring democracies across Europe. This new authoritarianism plays fast and loose with the truth, relies on spectacle and nostalgic rhetoric, manipulates the supposed ‘free’ press and is fronted by charismatic (and often hopelessly ineffectual) leadership.
The article seeks to explain why spontaneity, a concept that political theorists have given scant attention to, matters. It argues that it matters because it delivers a capacity for producing democratic change that is urgent to reflect on amidst a prevailing mood of grief over a democracy lost. To stimulate this reflection, the article engages with Rosa Luxemburg’s work, showing how her understanding of spontaneity as an initiative that delivers something for democracy lays the groundwork for a theoretical orientation that allows us to notice the effects of spontaneity on democracy without overplaying its short-lived nature.
The opening chapter provides an overview of Arendt’s life and work and identifies some of the characteristic elements of her own thinking: its responsiveness to world events; its refusal to be confined to any single disciplinary frame; its crossing of professional and institutional boundaries; and its multilingual versatility. Ideas coalesce and form around lived experience. Arendt’s life was at once extreme and at the same time highly fortunate in that she was caught up in the terror of the Holocaust, but miraculously managed to escape it. Throughout her life she was aware of the horrors of totalitarianism, the immense suffering of the Jewish community, and her own and her mother’s pluck (and luck) in escaping the Holocaust.
This chapter distinguishes between two approaches to spontaneous politics, as moment and as beginning, and it identifies their limits. It argues that whereas the first approach (exemplified in the work of Wolin and Rancière) empties spontaneous politics of its creative potential, the second approach (exemplified in the work of Hardt and Negri) asserts the creativity of spontaneous politics, yet reduces it to one form: self-activity. Seeking to escape the narrowness of these two projections of radical democracy, the paper turns to Rosa Luxemburg’s work. It argues that in the synthesis she draws between spontaneity and organisation, reform and revolution, we find a third option for radical politics.
In an era where internationalism is on the retreat in the Western world, a modified version of Rosa Luxemburg’s thinking about internationalism can serve as a useful guide for those concerned about relations between peoples in different countries. Luxemburg contributes to existing internationalist, cosmopolitan and transnational approaches by offering a unique set of answers to questions about the appropriate ethics, political project and tools to be adopted. Her ethical stance of the universal worth of all people was informed both by a deep sense of empathy and her theoretical analysis of capitalism. She believed that citizens had a duty to hold their governments accountable for foreign policy and that the world formed a single system and community. The political project was one of radical transformation and equality. European nations faced the option of transforming into more egalitarian and peaceful societies or descending into barbarism. Central to this transformation was a constant struggle against militarism and imperialism. Key tools for transformation included mass mobilisation, vibrant democratic debate and revolutionary reform of the political system. Problematic aspects of Luxemburg’s internationalism that require revision include her insensitivity to the importance of national identity and Eurocentrism.
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