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Revolution and Counterrevolution: Change and Persistence in Social Structures

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... 30 Singer notes that an entity has selfconsciousness provided that it is aware of itself as a distinct entity with a past and a future. 31 In what follows, I will argue that self-consciousness is what grounds of being a person. ...
... Rotten mostly in a contradictory modernity, Romania's deficit of evolution will trigger subsequent transitional pathologies, nourishing also adjacent burdens in its ascent to consolidation. In this context, relevant correlations appeared amid degree of social fragmentation, under-development and successful propagation of dysfunctional political models remain relevant 31 . Maybe one of the most eloquent samples of local democracy's uncertain limits refers to its attachment for a leader oriented political culture. ...
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Abstract The study intends to analyse patterns of transition and consolidation connected to Romanian scenario, in order to identify the vulnerabilities and dysfunctionalities derived from local trajectory towards democratization. The research is grounded on two major assumptions. First work hypothesis claims the existence of a strong particularism within Romanian rite of separation, entailing also significant differences in sphere of consolidation prospects, while second hypothesis sustains the conservation of societal modernization gaps, influencing the ascent to democratization. Exploratory endeavor utilize a comparative frame, decrypting the transitional mechanism trough filter of four regime change theories: functional approach, transnational view, genetic theory and interactive paradigm. Key words: post-communism, transition, democratic consolidation, reversibility, modernization
... has historically been used to describe resistance to a broad range of social and political movements. Various critics have identified backlashes against civil rights (Lipset, 1968), gay liberation (S. H. , environmentlism (Rowell, 1996;Switzer, 1997), feminism ; liberalism (Lipset, 1968;Lipset and Raab, 1970;Rogers and Lott, 1997;Dettmar, 2006), and 'political correctness' in general (Davis, 1997); indeed, as Thomas (2008) wryly notes, in popular discourses "'backlash' is used nearly everywhere nearly all the time" (p. ...
... Various critics have identified backlashes against civil rights (Lipset, 1968), gay liberation (S. H. , environmentlism (Rowell, 1996;Switzer, 1997), feminism ; liberalism (Lipset, 1968;Lipset and Raab, 1970;Rogers and Lott, 1997;Dettmar, 2006), and 'political correctness' in general (Davis, 1997); indeed, as Thomas (2008) wryly notes, in popular discourses "'backlash' is used nearly everywhere nearly all the time" (p. 615). ...
... "Counter-revolution" is used broadly to describe counter-movements or reactionary policies, and narrowly to refer to specific efforts of restoration that occur after a social or democratic revolution. Examples of the first approach are Seymour Martin Lipset's analysis of politics in Canada and the U.S., and his argument that a specific country's composition of elite and social structure can make it more or less progressive than another (Lipset, 1988), Karl Polanyi's notion of counter-movement to refer to the social efforts and policies counter marketization (Polanyi, 1944, pp. 79-80), and economic sociology scholarship which suggests that the Chicago school of economics works as a counter-revolution to Keynesianism (Leeson, 2000). ...
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In this article I interrogate three misapprehensions around the concept of counter‐revolution: (1) defining the old regime, (2) defining counter‐revolution's temporal boundary, and (3) different meanings of the countering actions. Using Egypt as a case study, I develop and apply a disaggregated and temporally sensitive framework to analyze the counter‐revolution. I argue that counter‐revolution was instigated during the revolutionary crisis (25 January–11 February 2011), accrued momentum during the extended transitional period (12 February 2011–30 June 2013) and achieved a decisive victory after the military coup of 3 July 2013. I interrogate the varieties of counter‐revolutionary actions in these periods: repression and propaganda, adopting a project of containment during the transitional period, then launching unlimited repression campaigns against revolutionaries, and expanding military rule. This framework helps make sense of how different forces change their positions over time, and of the contradictions and the dynamism of counter‐revolutionary actions.
... However, these social structures are fragile. The composition of households is changing, as migration, economic growth, and the desire for mobility generates changes to the pre-existing social structure (Platteau, 2015;Lipset, 2017). A well-functioning mortgage market can facilitate these important changes and help to mitigate disruption. ...
... However, these social structures are fragile. The composition of households is changing, as migration, economic growth, and the desire for mobility generates changes to the pre-existing social structure (Platteau, 2015;Lipset, 2017). A well-functioning mortgage market can facilitate these important changes and help to mitigate disruption. ...
... There is a need for more studies on the subject in varying national contexts. As Lipset (1968) stated, ''Without examining social relations in different nations, it is impossible to know to what extent a given factor actually has its suggested effect' ' (p. 19). ...
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Our study explores the unemployment patterns of local-born and immigrant youth in Hong Kong. Hong Kong provides a unique context to evaluate assimilation outcomes without a race effect. Based on data from the 2011 Hong Kong census, the findings support the classical assimilation perspective, the segmented assimilation perspective, and the paradox of assimilation. The fact that immigrant youths have higher unemployment rates than local-born youths in Hong Kong is related to their lower levels of education and arriving in Hong Kong at older ages. However, the difference in the unemployment rate between Hong Kong local and immigrant youths could be even wider if the income levels of immigrant parents were not higher. The findings suggest that the dynamics of assimilation are complicated even in places outside North America.
... For Upset, the formative event for both the United States and Canada was the American Revolution as it led directly to the creation of Upper Canada (now Ontario) by America's outcast tories. 5 The Revolution had no relevance, however, to Alberta's settlement, which came more than a century later. The contention here is that Alberta's political culture congealed in conjunction with the province's formative event at the turn of the twentieth centurythe disappearance of good, cheap agricultural land in the United States and the emergence of Alberta and western Saskatchewan as North America's "Last Best West." ...
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Americans play a vital role towards Alberta's exceptionalism in Canadian politics, the province where federal and provincial conservative parties have been strongest and where resistance to federal intrusions has been the most vigorous in English Canada. Connections to the rest of Canada have meant that socialism has also had some presence in Alberta politics. The UPA's emphasis on monetary reform rendered its followers susceptible to conflating those ideas with those of the British-based Social Credit movement. Social Credit in Alberta inherited both the UFA's political base and some of its American-inspired ideas, such as inflating the money supply and the right to recall elected legislators. Religion served as a filament binding Alberta and the US. Americans brought with them over two dozen evangelical sects, including the Disciples of Christ to which Wood belonged.
... The protest, focusing on a secretly taped and publicized speech of Prime Minister Gyurcsány (…we were lying and doing nothing…) was steered to centre on morality and 'the betrayal of the nation'. This was an ample evidence of cultural politics (Lipset : 1969) dominating political life for at least two decades, if not for centuries: the elevation of pragmatic, economic policy issues to the level of Weltanschaung, of cultural identity and moral. As we heard the rightist/! ...
... The logic underlying the government protection argument is that high unemployment increases public awareness of the risk of becoming unemployed and also triggers sympathy for those already unemployed. This hypothesis had previously been used by Lipset (1968) to explain prosperity and stability in post-war Europe. Blekesaune (2007: 399) found that an increase in unemployment was associated with increased support for welfare state policies measured as governmental responsibility for economic provision and redistribution. ...
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In this article an examination is made of the association between unemployment and public demand for government intervention in the economy. The main hypothesis is drawn from the theory of issue ownership: public opinion is likely to shift to the left in times of high unemployment combined with a leftist government. Research on issue ownership has typically focused on case studies of particular countries. We extend the discussion to a much larger setting. Relying on data from the International Social Survey Programme from 23 OECD countries in the time period 1985–2007 we find a combined effect of issue ownership and agenda setting. An increase in unemployment leads the public to hold more leftist economic opinions when the government belongs to the left. However, ownership of an issue cannot be guaranteed to last if a party fails to deliver outcomes that are promised and expected from its historical legacy.
... There is a dearth of studies in the literature focussing on the Canadian blue-collar worker. Since previous researchers hâve documented attitudinal différences between Canadian and American samples at the managerial level (12,18,20,30) it was considered necessary to investigate whether similar différences exist at the blue-collar level in Canada. ...
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This study investigates the relationships among Company satisfaction, company commitment and work involvement for a sample of blue-collar workers drawn from packaging, power distribution and manufacturing industries in Canada. Guttman scaling, factor analysis and correlational analysis are the statistical techniques employed to analyze the data. The results confirms the hypothesized positive relationship among the three attitudes.
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A crisis of legitimacy is a crisis of change. Therefore, its roots must be sought in the character of change in modern society. Crises of legitimacy occur during a transition to a new social structure, if (1) the status of major conservative institutions is threatened during the period of structural change; (2) all the major groups in the society do not have access to the political system in the transitional period, or at least as soon as they develop political demands.
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persistent theme among critics of Jews—particularly those on the pre-World War II right—has been that the Bolshevik revolution was a Jewish revolution and that the Soviet Union was dominated by Jews. This theme appears in a wide range of writings, from Henry Ford's International Jew, to published statements by a long list of British, French, and American political figures in the 1920s (Winston Churchill, Woodrow Wilson, and David Lloyd George), and, in its most extreme form, by Adolf Hitler, who wrote: Now begins the last great revolution. By wresting political power for himself, the Jew casts off the few remaining shreds of disguise he still wears. The democratic plebeian Jew turns into the blood Jew and the tyrant of peoples. In a few years he will try to exterminate the national pillars of intelligence and, by robbing the peoples of their natural spiritual leadership, will make them ripe for the slavish lot of a permanent subjugation. The most terrible example of this is Russia.1 This long tradition stands in sharp contradiction to the official view, promulgated by Jewish organizations and almost all contemporary historians, that Jews played no special role in Bolshevism and indeed were specifically victimized by it. Yuri Slezkine's book provides a much needed resolution to these opposing perspectives. It is an intellectual tour de force, alternately muddled and brilliant, courageous and apologetic.
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If it is true, as Pat Carlen (2010) claims, that contemporary 'justice' policies are exhibiting all the signs of 'penal populism' and 'risk crazed governance', then social democratic criminologists face the dual challenge of explaining why these policies are not only not working but also how this fact continues to be explained away. At stake here are two central questions: firstly, what grounds are available to secure the intellectual legitimacy of criminology; and, secondly, what ways of knowing could secure the legitimacy of a social-democratic criminology. The paper begins by exploring what is at stake when what appears to be a very large number of criminologists claim that theirs is an 'empirical scientific' discipline. The paper argues that neither mainstream criminology nor social democratic criminology can base any claims to intellectual legitimacy by relying on an 'empirical scientific' frame. The paper draws on Spencer (1987) to advance the 'unpalatable thesis' that, as far as the actual practice by conventional criminologists of their kind of social science goes, 'they do not know what they are doing' (Spencer 1987: 333) and that their ignorance of this fact has serious consequences for the progress of their field. The paper shows that there is a gap between the actual practice of conventional criminology and its claims to 'scientific empiricism': what is actually on offer is an 'imperfect empiricism'.The long-forgotten work of Bentham, adumbrated by Vaihinger (1935) and Fuller (1967), is then traced and some of the implications of this theory of fictions for contemporary representations of crime are noted. One implication briefly charted here is that any social democratic criminology needs to rehabilitate the proper role played by fictions as they grapple with the 'wicked problems' that currently populate this field. The long-standing affectation of 'scientific empiricism' by many practicing criminologists has long camouflaged the inability of conventional criminologists to address what are properly 'wicked problems'.
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For many decades after II World War the differentiation of political standpoints and attitudes in modern societies could be described according to a normal curve (bell curve). But for several years this interpretation has become inadequate because of the increasing polarization of political preferences in contemporary societies, leading to bipolar opposition inside them. The explanation of this change by economical agents is not satisfying, because similar processes have been noticed in many societies quite different from the economic standpoint. The reason of social polarization and bipolar opposition is cultural one and reflecting tension between tradition and innovation, especially in the age of globalization, escalating this process.
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In the modern social sciences, the concept of confidence or trust is considered an essential element of the socio-cultural potential of each given society. Trust in the institutions of the socio-political system is the basis and condition for its effectiveness and is the central element of its [the system] legitimation. Many researchers view trust in the media from the point of view of public confidence in the authorities, which is formed by providing the media with this or that information.Trust is based on a cognitive process that discriminates among persons and institutions that are trustworthy, distrusted, and unknown. Therefore, the concept of trustworthiness is central to understanding and predicting trust levels.In this work, we viewed trust as a manifestation of social capital. At the same time, trust antecedents are trustworthiness and propensity to trust.Proceeding from the resource approach, the credibility (trustworthiness) of the media is a set of ideas and attitudes of the audience: reflecting the public’s expectations that the media will implement some of the practices that allow the audience to increase or maintain their social resources.The goal of this work was to establish a causational relationship between the level of trustworthiness (social capital) of the political power (via its administration and mass media) and the level of trust in its messages by youth as they are transmitted via MSM; while the rise of information through the Internet is rising in Russia and the overall propensity to trust is falling.
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