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https://doi.org/10.17159/1947-9417/2017/2091
ISSN 1947-9417 (Online)
© The Author(s) 2017
Education as Change
www.educationaschange.co.za
Volume 21 | Number 3 | 2017 | #2091 | 17 pages
Published by the University of Johannesburg and Unisa Press. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of
the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/)
ARTICLE
SOCIAL NETWORKS AMONG LAND
REFORM BENEFICIARIES AND THEIR USE
IN SUPPORTING SATELLITE SCHOOLS IN
ZIMBABWE: A CASE STUDY OF A SATELLITE
SCHOOL
Kudzayi Savious Tarisayi
University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
kudzayit@gmail.com
Sadhana Manik
University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
Manik@ukzn.ac.za
ABSTRACT
This article examines the ways in which land reform beneciaries in a selected community
use their social networks to support a satellite school. Contemporary literature on the
implications of land reform in Zimbabwe revealed a number of perspectives, which include
the political, human rights, livelihoods, and agricultural productivity perspectives. However,
a social capital perspective interrogating the educational benets of land reform was
absent. This paper reports on a study, guided by the social capital theoretical frameworks
espoused by Pierre Bourdieu, James Coleman and Robert Putnam, to unpack the inuences
that land reform beneciaries have on a selected satellite school in Zimbabwe. This was
principally a qualitative study with a case-study design. The data was generated through
semi-structured interviews with one satellite school head, two village heads and three land
reform beneciaries as well as a focus group discussion with three land reform beneciaries
in Masvingo district. The study revealed social and educational benets of the land reform
beneciaries for one selected community in Zimbabwe. Land reform beneciaries used their
social networks to voluntarily mobilise resources and share information, which facilitated the
construction of a satellite school. The study further revealed that resource mobilisation and
information sharing were important in the construction and infrastructural development of a
satellite school in the aftermath of land reform in Zimbabwe.
Keywords: land reform; satellite schools; social capital; social networks; Zimbabwe
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
INTRODUCTION
While there is a plethora of literature on land reform and its benet to livelihoods in
Zimbabwe, including from a human rights perspective (Mabhena 2010; Mamdani
2008; Southall 2011), such scholarship is silent on the signicance of social capital
benets of land reform for education. There is further negation of the contribution of
the social networks of land reform beneciaries to education through the construction of
satellite schools. Thus, it can therefore be surmised that the social capital perspective of
land reform in Zimbabwe has largely been overlooked. Thus, this article examines the
educational benets of the social networks of land reform beneciaries to education in
a selected community in Zimbabwe.
Community engagement in schools has been the subject of numerous studies around
the world for some time (Chindanya 2011; Colletta and Perkins 1995; Desforges and
Abouchaar 2003; Houtenville and Conway 2008; Kambuga 2013; Siririka 2007). In fact,
community engagement in schools can be traced to Article 7 of the World Declaration
on Education, which called for the strengthening of partnerships between government
and communities in education provision that was adopted at the World Conference on
Education held in Jomtien, Thailand in 1990 (Mupa 2012). Kambuga (2013) established
from a study in Tanzania that community engagement in the construction of secondary
schools consisted of either a cash contribution or a labour contribution. In another
study in Zimbabwe, Chindanya (2011) states that community engagement included the
provision of labour for the construction or renovation of school buildings. Thus, we
(the authors) argue that community engagement in education is important as revealed
by the literature reviewed and our ndings in this study. However, these studies above
are conned to community engagement in schools without necessarily interrogating the
role of social networks as proffered by this present study (and this paper).
Interestingly, Bourdieu (1986, 244) argues “it is in fact impossible to account for
the structure and functioning of the social world unless one reintroduces capital in all its
forms.” Therefore, the study from which this paper derives is an attempt to introduce the
social capital perspective on land reform in Zimbabwe through an analysis of the social
and educational benets that accrue to satellite schools as a result of the land reform
policies in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, the signicance of social capital is elucidated by
Grootaert (1997, 01) as “the missing link in development.”
LAND REFORM AND EDUCATION IN ZIMBABWE
A recent compelling thread in the land reform discourse has sought to unravel the
nexus between land reform and education in Zimbabwe. Scholars pursuing this thread
contend that land reform in Zimbabwe led to an economic crisis which in turn adversely
impacted education (Hlupo and Tsikira 2012; Shizha and Kariwo 2011). Thus, the
standard of education in Zimbabwe fell due to the economic decay that accompanied
the land reform. Within this thread of the literature on the relationship between land
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
reform and education, a new phenomenon of satellite schools emerged in the year 2000
(Kabayanjiri 2012; Mutema 2012; Tarisayi 2015). Satellite schools were established
during the course of land reform in Zimbabwe as a stopgap measure to secure education
for communities in need post colonisation, but they have become a permanent feature
in the education sector. Satellite schools are unregistered schools, which are attached
to established schools for administrative purposes. Teachers at the satellite school are
captured on the pay sheet of the established school, which is termed the mother school.
Despite this linkage with the mother school, satellite schools have to autonomously
mobilise for their own resources. Statistics reveal that there are 803 satellite secondary
schools as well as 993 primary satellite schools in Zimbabwe (MoPSE 2015). Thus, it
can be argued that land reform has inadvertently led to the establishment of satellite
schools.
This paper commenced with a background to land reform in Zimbabwe from an array
of perspectives and then argued for a social capital perspective to land reform in respect
of the construction of a satellite school. The social capital theoretical frameworks from
Bourdieu, Coleman and Putnam are examined below for their value to this study. This is
followed by the methodology used to generate data and a presentation and discussion of
the key ndings. We argue that social capital has positive and negative aspects attached
to it as is revealed in the land reform beneciaries’ interactions with the satellite school.
We maintain however that the positives outweigh the negatives.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Social capital frameworks propounded by Pierre Bourdieu (1986), James Coleman
(1988) and Robert Putnam (2000) guided the study (and this paper). Bourdieu views
social capital from an individual level whereby benets of social networks accrue to
individuals, whereas Putnam and Coleman theorise the concept of social capital from a
communitarian perspective, which states that benets of social networks accrue to both
individuals and communities. In addition, Bourdieu contends that the social world is
bigger and thus it should not be limited to economic theory (Bourdieu 1986). According
to Bourdieu, social phenomena should not only be analysed and conceptualised using
economic theories and principles but social aspects should also be considered. Social
capital has been interrogated in numerous disciplines: sociology, political science,
economics and education among others, leading to a multiplicity of denitions
(Narayan and Pritchett 1997; Robinson et al. 2002). Bourdieu (1986, 248) avers that
social capital is “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked
to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of
mutual acquaintance or recognition.” However, Putnam (2000, 67) opines social capital
as “features of social organisation such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate
coordination and cooperation of mutual benet.” In addition, Woolcock (2001, 2) refers
to social capital as “the norms and networks that facilitate collective action.” Thus,
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
the social capital framework entails resources that can be accessed by individuals as
well as communities from social networks. Networks can be between individuals within
the same communities and they are conceptualised as bonding social capital (Putnam
2000). Networks between individuals in different communities or across communities
are conceptualised as bridging social capital. Therefore, this study views the social
networks of land reform beneciaries as a form of social capital, which facilitates
combined action in the construction of the satellite school in Zimbabwe.
METHODOLOGY
The study is located within the interpretivist paradigm. A qualitative case-study
research design was adopted. Qualitative research is viewed by White (2005, 127)
as “more concerned with understanding social phenomena from the perspectives of
the participant.” Hence, the authors opted for qualitative research as they sought to
understand how land reform beneciaries use their social networks to interact with
satellite schools. The case study was utilised because the authors’ critical question used
the question “how” and Yin (2003, 01) opines, “in general, case studies are the preferred
strategy when ‘how’ or ‘why’ questions are being posed, when the investigator has little
control over events and when the focus is a contemporary phenomenon within some
real-life context.”
Purposive sampling was used in this study to select participants in the community.
The unit of analysis in this study was the social networks (of the land reform beneciaries).
The selected community for this study is in Masvingo Province. Masvingo Province is
a dry area found in South-Central Zimbabwe (Kamanga, Shamudzarira, and Vaughan
2003). The study area has a unimodal rainfall pattern (Kamanga et al. 2003). Unimodal
entails that there is only one rainfall season in the area. The authors sought to understand
the inuences of social networks of the land reform beneciaries in their interactions
with a satellite school.
Johnson and Christensen (2004, 175) aver, “purposive sampling constitutes the
selection of information-rich cases.” This study was conducted within one purposively
selected district in Masvingo Province and within this district one community was
purposively selected on the basis of their willingness to participate in the study. The
study utilised nine participants, six farmers, two village heads and one satellite school
head. An intensive literature review on land reform, social capital and satellite schools
preceded data generation in the eld. The literature review enabled the authors to
expose gaps in the literature which could be addressed by this study. The data was
generated using semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. Six semi-
structured interviews were carried out. In the selected community that participated
in this study, three farmers, two village heads as well as a satellite school head were
interviewed. In addition, one focus group discussion was conducted with three land
reform beneciaries. The researchers utilised the local vernacular for semi-structured
interviews as well as focus group discussions as recommended by Nienaber (2010) in that
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
participants should use their preferred home language when data is being generated. The
researchers enlisted the help of two research colleagues at a local academic institution
to validate the translations of each other thus minimising data that could have been lost
in translation. The authors maintained “conceptual equivalence” in this study (Beck,
Bernal, and Froman 2003).
ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
Ethical clearance for the study was granted by the University of KwaZulu-Natal
(Protocol reference number: HSS/1221/015D).
SOCIAL NETWORKS AND INFORMATION SHARING
The sub-themes that emerged from the study are presented in Figure 1 below. The
study established that the main theme was social networks and information sharing
according to the participants in this study, as shown in Figure 1. The study revealed that
the satellite school was inuenced by the social networks of land reform beneciaries
through information sharing. The sub-themes which emerged are the need for a satellite
school, participation in stakeholder meetings, lobbying government for a school, linking
the school with donors and encouraging community members to enrol their children at
the satellite school. This study supports the observations by Bardhan (1996) that social
capital provides an informal structure to organise information sharing. Figure 1 shows
the information sharing theme as well as its sub-themes. These sub-themes are outlined
and discussed in the following section.
Figure 1: Information sharing sub-themes (Field data: 2015)
The Need for a Satellite School
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
The study established that prior to the construction of the satellite school by the land
reform beneciaries there was no school within their community. One participant
revealed, “The government gave us land in an area without schools. The former owners
of the land sent their children to boarding schools or schools in town.” In addition,
another participant stated, “There were no schools in the commercial farms when the
land was redistributed to land reform beneciaries. Thus, the children of land reform
beneciaries were forced to walk long distances to schools in other communities. During
the rainy season the children had to cross a ooded river.” It is evident that children in
the community traversed lengthy distances to get to school and when it rained, the local
river became a hazard to the school children. This nding concurs with Mutema (2012,
102) who revealed, “previously there were no schools around commercial farms as
white farmers had very small families and they either drove their children to schools
far away from their farms or sent them to boarding schools.” Hence, it can be argued
that there was a need for a school in the community that was selected for this study. In
addition, it can also be revealed that the satellite school was a product of the land reform
as the demand for a school was due to the resettlement of land reform beneciaries in an
area without the much-needed school.
Lobbying the Government for a School
The study further established that through their social networks land reform beneciaries
were instrumental in lobbying the government for a school. After realising that there
were no schools in their community the land reform beneciaries were able to come
together and participate in stakeholder meetings. One land reform beneciary revealed,
“For our satellite school to be located here we sat down as neighbours, then as villages
and lobbied the local leadership for a school. We approached the responsible authorities
to give us a school.” This contention was also supported by another participant who
stated how strong their particular needs were for a satellite school in their community:
After realising that our children walked long distances to school and they had to cross a river
during the rainy season, a meeting was called by the local leadership. At the meeting someone
suggested that we liaise with the chief in lobbying for a school. We had to compete with a
neighbouring community for the school but eventually we won the school.
It is evident that lobbying the government for a satellite school was done collectively
and not as individual land reform beneciaries. In addition, the study also established
that traditional leadership was engaged to support lobbying the government for a school.
Hence, it can be argued that traditional leadership was included in the social networks
of land reform beneciaries in their lobbying for a school. Thus, this study reveals that
through their social networks land reform beneciaries managed to successfully lobby
the government for a school to cater for the community’s immediate needs. Hence the
researchers’ argument is that to a large extent the satellite school was a product of the
social networks of land reform beneciaries.
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
Participation in Stakeholder Meetings
The need for a school in the community was initially agreed upon through stakeholder
meetings, which were convened among the land reform beneciaries (as discussed
above). One participant revealed, “The need for a school was discussed at a stakeholder
meeting and there was an agreement. Decision on the establishment of a satellite school
was unanimous. It was also agreed to lobby the government for a school.” Thus, the
participants in this study revealed that their participation in stakeholder meetings was
due to their social networks. The land reform beneciaries used their social networks to
facilitate information sharing which was instrumental in the mobilisation of community
members to attend and participate as stakeholders. This is aptly revealed by another
participant, who stated,
Our major participation in our school should be coming for meetings. We convene meetings
very often to check on the progress of our school. The school normally sends a message to the
village heads and the message is spread through the community from one farmer to the other. We
encourage each other to come and share ideas on the development of our school and community.
Other community announcements are also made at these school meetings, so you don’t want to
be left out.
The above articulation reveals that in addition to discussions on the development of the
school, stakeholder meetings are valuable in sharing community announcements for the
farmers. These stakeholder meetings were pivotal in the satellite school decision-making.
The satellite school head revealed, “My relationship with the community is enhanced by
regular meetings. The meetings allow us to clarify any issues coming from the farmers.
This is helping a lot in maintaining very cordial relations between the school and the
parents.” The satellite school head further narrated how unfounded allegations against
the satellite school were revealed through the stakeholder meetings (this is expanded
upon in a later section below). Therefore, participation in stakeholder meetings by the
land reform beneciaries was essential in maintaining good relations between the head
and the community where discussions unfolded and misunderstandings were revealed
followed by the head providing explanations.
In addition, the stakeholder meetings were important for the mobilisation of resources
for the construction of the satellite school as discussed. Resultantly, it can be argued
that the social networks of the land reform beneciaries enhanced their participation
in stakeholder meetings, which can be viewed as their political participation in the
governance of their community. Hence, the social networks of land reform beneciaries
facilitated the convening of stakeholder meetings, which were essential not only for
the establishment and construction of the satellite school but also for engendering
community governance. This nding was previously revealed by Krishna (2002, 5) who
elaborated that “high social capital villages also tend to have signicantly higher levels
of political participation.”
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
Linking the School with Donors
Land reform beneciaries linked the school with donors in order to mobilise resources.
The study exposed that land reform beneciaries through their social networks were
actively linking the satellite school with donors, both individual donors and non-
governmental organisations. A land reform beneciary explained how a relative who
had emigrated heard about their activities towards building a school and his remittances
contributed to the building of the school. The satellite school head also explained
The farming community has taken it upon itself to share the plight of the school with their
working children and relatives in towns and in the diaspora, churches and political parties. As
a result, the school is getting donations from quite a number of individuals. For example, the
farmers linked the school to churches and this resulted in the school receiving a substantial
donation. So I can also add that the farmers are participating through connecting us with donors.
The land reform beneciaries used their social networks to share information which
facilitated linkages with donors. Gomez-Limon et al. (2012) and Nardone et al. (2010)
concur that rural communities gifted with a rich stock of social capital are in a stronger
position to share benecial information and implement development projects.
Enrolling Children at the Satellite School
Another equally signicant sub-theme that emerged from this study pertains to enrolling
children at the satellite school. Land reform beneciaries through their social networks
encouraged each other to enrol their children at the satellite school despite the challenges
they were going to face in the establishment of a new school. One village head revealed,
We are participating, although not directly, but I think giving the school our children (as learners)
is the greatest support we are giving to the school. When the school started our children had to
learn under trees but still we insisted that they go to our school and today we don’t have any
regrets.
In addition, one satellite school head revealed, “As you can see from our enrolment
statistics we have an impressive enrolment. In fact, our school is now competing with
well-established schools in terms of enrolment. The farmers are denitely giving us
support through enrolling their children at our school.” Land reform beneciaries in
the selected community supported the satellite school by enrolling their children
despite challenges at satellite schools as revealed by Tarisayi (2015). Tarisayi (2015)
avers that children in satellite schools face challenges such as a lack of resources, poor
infrastructure, poor water and sanitation facilities among others. However, despite these
numerous challenges at satellite schools, the land reform beneciaries supported the
school by showing their commitment in sending their children to the satellite school and
in working towards overcoming the challenges.
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
Spreading Detrimental and Negative Information
The study also revealed that the social networks of the land reform beneciaries had
negative effects. The study established that some of the social networks of the land
reform beneciaries yielded negative dynamics in their interaction with the satellite
school. The head of the satellite school bemoaned the negative repercussions of social
capital emanating from the land reform beneciaries. The school head revealed:
My predecessor fell victim to the rumours that were spread by the detractors within the
community. He clashed with one member of staff who in turn engaged the local traditional
leadership to have him expelled. Allegations of nancial mismanagement were circulated and
this led to Mr Makandaenzou [pseudonym] leaving. These allegations were later proved untrue
by the district audit team.
Thus, from the contribution of the school head it can be revealed that the social
networks of land reform beneciaries did not only contribute positively but it also
had negative effects. If the staff at the satellite school engaged with the community in
spreading false information, this works contrary to the existing achievements of the
community. The data did reveal that the land reform beneciaries managed to overcome
the detrimental negative dynamics through their enduring social networks. The negative
effects of detrimental information were addressed by the land reform beneciaries
through stakeholder meetings. The satellite school managed to thrive despite temporary
setbacks. Land reform beneciaries revealed that one example of a temporary setback
due to some of their social networks was the unjustied and unfounded allegations
of nancial mismanagement which forced one satellite school head to transfer. The
fact that social capital has negative implications and externalities is underscored by
Portes (1998). Portes (1998, 18) argues “sociability cuts both ways … it can also lead
to public bads.” Hence, this study also established that the social capital of land reform
beneciaries caused “public bads” which involved the spreading of negative and
detrimental information.
SOCIAL NETWORKS AND RESOURCE MOBILISATION
The social networks and resource mobilisation sub-themes that emerged from this
study are the provision of accommodation to teachers, the provision of labour, and the
provision of building materials and nancial support. Figure 2 below shows the sub-
themes of the social networks and resource mobilisation which emerged in this study.
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
Figure 2: Resource mobilisation sub-themes (Field data: 2015)
The Provision of Building Materials
The study established that the land reform beneciaries were able to share information
to mobilise resources for the satellite school. The social networks of land reform
beneciaries were pivotal in harnessing building materials towards the construction of
a satellite school in Zimbabwe. The participants in this study revealed that building
materials such as river sand, pit sand, water and quarry stones, which are available in
the school’s environment, were donated by land reform beneciaries. One participant
revealed, “As farmers in this community we have provided our school with a lot. The
classroom blocks that you see here, are products of the river and pit sand, bricks and
stones that we provided as households.”
In addition, another participant revealed,
We sat down as village heads and farmers and it was agreed that each household contribute
sand, stones and water towards the construction of our rst classroom block. Each household
was tasked to deliver a certain amount of sand and stones. We were actually surprised by the
overwhelming response we got from our community.
Another land reform beneciary stated, “It is not possible to say how many wheelbarrows
or scotch carts of sand and stones we contributed in the construction of our school.
Whenever there was a need we were called upon to deliver more building material
and we were always ready to help.” Thus, the study established that through the social
networks of land reform beneciaries, the satellite school obtained building materials.
The participants also revealed that it was difcult to ascertain the quantity of the building
materials contributed by land reform beneciaries to the satellite school. Moreover,
this nding buttresses Fukuyama’s (2002, 26) contention that, “social capital is what
permits individuals to band together to defend their interests and organize to support
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Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
collective needs.” In addition, the provision of building materials revealed by this study
concretises Pierre Bourdieu’s view that social capital is the aggregate of the actual or
potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network.” (Bourdieu
1986, 248). The study further revealed that land reform beneciaries willingly and
voluntarily participated in resource mobilisation.
THE PROVISION OF LABOUR
Land reform beneciaries were able to mobilise through their social networks in order
to provide labour on a volunteer basis to build the satellite school. The researchers noted
that satellite schools, being a “stopgap” measure by government, were heavily curtailed
by resource constraints. Resultantly, satellite schools had to lean heavily on the social
networks of land reform beneciaries for labour if they were to be successful in their
construction. The satellite school head elaborated that
The construction of our satellite school relied heavily on the voluntary participation of the
farmers. The farmers provided labour starting from the clearing of the land. As a school we did
not have money for most of the construction work, ferrying of sand and stones among others, so
we called upon the community to assist and they did this through their networks.
Furthermore, another participant in this study explained, “Village heads organised our
households to come and provide labour at our school. We worked at the school for at
least three hours per week. Due to our large numbers this meant that we could do a lot
of work every time we were called to assist.” Hence, this study conrms the ndings by
Kambuga (2013) and Chindanya (2011) on the provision of labour by the community
in the construction of schools. In addition, the provision of labour resonates with the
argument that social networks expedite harmonising and collaborating for community
benet (Putnam 1995) as well as facilitating collective action (Woolcock 2001) for a
community good.
FINANCIAL SUPPORT
The participants (school head, village heads and land reform beneciaries) further
revealed that the satellite school accrued nancial support through the social networks
of land reform beneciaries. A traditional leader explained, “As farmers we have made
nancial contributions to our school. Those two classroom blocks over there, were
roofed by us farmers. We shared the cost among ourselves. We told the school head that
this is our school and we are prepared to make nancial sacrices for it.”
In addition, the satellite school head explained the process of pooling together and
collectively raising nancial support for the school:
Parents in this community have been very supportive of developments at our school. Besides
paying levies for their children they have made substantial nancial contributions to the school.
12
Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
The money for the roong of two of our classroom blocks came from the farmers. The school
could not raise the money from the levies collected, so the farmers chipped in with the help from
the local leadership, they collected quotations and the cost was shared per household.
Therefore, the study established that the social networks of land reform beneciaries
were activated and they were converted to nancial capital. Bourdieu (1986), Collier
(1998) and Manik (2005) concur with this nding that social capital can be converted
into nancial capital. Manik (2005, 26) aptly reveals, “a particular trait of social capital
is its convertibility most often to money.” Therefore, it can be argued from this selected
community that the social capital of the farmers was converted into money in support of
the construction of the satellite school.
THE PROVISION OF ACCOMMODATION TO TEACHERS
The provision of accommodation to teachers is the other sub-theme that emerged
from this study under resource mobilisation. Satellite schools were established in
communities that had just undergone land reform in Zimbabwe. There were neither
buildings nor structures to provide accommodation for teachers. Thus, through their
social networks, land reform beneciaries arranged interim accommodation for teachers
at the satellite school. A village head who participated in this study revealed, “when
the government gave us children to come and educate our community we welcomed
them with open arms. We gave them places to stay amongst ourselves. As community
leaders we asked farmers with good houses to accommodate our teachers while we were
building houses at our school.” Furthermore, another farmer stated, “The head of the
satellite school stayed in my house while other teachers stayed with other farmers when
our school was started. The teachers only came with their bags but there were no houses
at the school site. We volunteered to accommodate them.” Thus, this reveals that an
accommodation decit for teachers at the satellite school was obviated using the social
networks of land reform beneciaries who decided amongst themselves who had the
better homes that could accommodate the arriving teachers whilst their facilities were
under construction. The land reform beneciaries, village heads and school heads who
participated in this study were unanimous on the role of land reform beneciaries’ social
networks in resource mobilisation for a satellite school. This nding on the resource
mobilisation inuence of land reform beneciaries supports Muller’s observation that,
“social capital is also an important element of community capacity, and it is a resource
on which community development work can build” (Muller 2010, 117).
CONCLUSIONS
It was evident that resource mobilisation and information diffusion were critical
components of the social networks of land reform beneciaries.
13
Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
Figure 3: Emerging themes (Field data: 2015)
Figure 3 above shows the major themes that emerged in the study and their relationship
to each other. The gure further reveals that volunteerism permeated the two major
themes and is thus a cross-cutting theme. The importance of volunteerism, in the social
networks of the land reform beneciaries, is aptly captured by a farmer who participated
in this study: “The work we do here at our school and the contributions we make are all
for free. It’s all voluntary, from our hearts as parents and we don’t expect the head or
school to pay us. This is our school, no outsider can come and build the school for us.”
The ownership displayed by the farmer towards the school in the community is evident
in his use of the pronouns “our” and “we” which explains why he (and his neighbours)
volunteered. Therefore, the study established that land reform beneciaries utilised their
social networks for voluntary information sharing and resource mobilisation for the
satellite school.
The study focused on the ways in which land reform beneciaries used their social
networks to support the establishment and building of a satellite school. The networks
of land reform beneciaries are viewed in this paper as enabling the farmers to reap
benets individually as well as to accrue benets communally as aptly revealed by the
construction of the satellite school. The ndings suggest that the farmers used their social
networks for information sharing and resource mobilisation. Land reform beneciaries
in the community that participated in this study used their social networks to establish
that there was a need for a school, to participate in stakeholder meetings, to lobby the
government for a school, to link the school with donors and to mobilise the community
14
Tarisayi and Manik A Case Study of a Satellite School
to enrol their children at the school. The social networks of the land reform beneciaries
in the selected community facilitated educating children through constructing a school.
Most signicantly, they have linked the school to donors to ensure the sustainability
of the school. It can be concluded that land reform beneciaries deepened the social
networks amongst themselves by promoting regular engagement with each other to
undertake tasks and to work with the school management towards achieving certain
targets.
In addition, it is signicant to note that the social networks of land reform
beneciaries are a double-edged resource: it can positively lead to the construction of
satellite schools and also negatively impact on the professional lives of the staff. The study
adds a new dimension to the view of social capital as a resource (Bourdieu 1986). Land
reform beneciaries relied on their social networks to mobilise resources. In addition,
the study established that the social networks of land reform beneciaries were a robust
resource through its varied dimensions in the provision of building materials, labour and
accommodation for teachers. Furthermore, land reform beneciaries’ social networks
made the community both “efcient and cohesive” (Putnam 2000) and allowed them
to engage with school challenges and overcome these. The land reform beneciaries
were also able to tap distant resources which are outside their community due to their
social networks. The ability to access external resources from outside the community
and country as established in this study concur with Putnam’s (2000) observation. It was
also noted from this study that the land reform beneciaries are investing in education
and their community through the construction of a satellite school. Thus, it follows from
the social capital perspective pursued in this study that land reform in Zimbabwe was
successful in as far as the establishment of a satellite school and the building of a strong
community spirit and drive to achieve are concerned. From a social capital perspective,
the land reform beneciaries managed to mobilise an array of resources through their
social networks to support a satellite school, but the journey was fraught with challenges
that required the continued commitment of the satellite school and the community to
overcome as a collective.
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