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The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups.
... Some studies address general obstacles and challenges (e.g., Fleischman and Schuele, 2009;Muriithi et al., 2018;Faraji et al., 2022;Wang et al., 2024), while others focus on more specific authorshiprelated issues, such as hyperauthorship (e.g., Birnholtz, 2006), guest, honorary, gift authorship (O'Brien et al., 2009;Macfarlane, 2017;Khezr and Mohan, 2022), and ghost authorship (e.g., Shaw and Elger, 2017). Additionally, the concept of free-riding has been explored in various fields, including economics (e.g., Hampton, 1987;Fontaine, 2014), political elections (Olson Jr, 1971), international military alliances such as NATO (Fuhrmann, 2020), climate change agreements (Nordhaus, 2015), external auditing (Steller and Pummerer, 2023), and peerassessed team tasks among students (Hall and Buzwell, 2013). ...
... The phenomenon of free-riding can manifest across various domains and disciplines. Its origins lie in economics, where it is explained by public goods theory (e.g., Olson Jr, 1971). In this context, free-riding refers to the behavior of individuals or groups who benefit from a public good or service that is indivisible and non-excludable (e.g., national defense, clean air) without contributing their fair share toward its provision or maintenance (e.g., Hampton, 1987;Fontaine, 2014). ...
... The concept of free-riding extends beyond economics and is evident in other areas. Examples include political elections (Olson Jr, 1971), international military alliances such as NATO (Fuhrmann, 2020), and climate change agreements (Nordhaus, 2015). Additionally, a survey of Australian students by Hall and Buzwell (2013) reveals that free-riding is a significant concern across all disciplines in group-based student tasks, highlighting the importance of early identification and intervention to reduce its negative effects. ...
This study examines the phenomenon of free-riding in academic co-authorship, focusing particularly on scenarios involving accounting faculty and research students. Using strain theory, illegitimate opportunity theory, and power distance theory, we theoretically examine both the supply and demand sides of the free-riding phenomenon in academic co-authorship. Drawing on 54 semi-structured interviews, our findings reveal that free-riding in academic co-authorship is a widespread problem in Iran and India, though less pronounced in selected developed countries. In the Iranian and Indian contexts, the most frequently observed scenario involves faculty members free-riding from research students. In contrast, in the developed countries studied, the most prevalent scenario is faculty members free-riding from their counterparts. The study identifies meso-and macro-level inefficiencies as the primary root causes of this phenomenon in the developing countries of Iran and India. These include economic challenges, inappropriate formal and informal regulations and norms at universities, cultural issues, over-engagement of faculty in teaching, administrative duties, and non-academic work, as well as a high student-to-faculty ratio. In developed countries, where such inefficiencies are less common, the role of individual characteristics in driving this phenomenon becomes more pronounced. Nonetheless, cultural factors and faculty busyness remain important considerations even in developed countries. Moreover, many in-terviewees believe that free-riding behavior can be contagious and that experiencing it can lead to pessimism toward co-authorship. Most interviewees from Iran and India perceive free-riding as endemic in their countries' accounting research communities, in contrast to interviewees from developed countries. Drawing on participant insights, this study offers a range of recommendations to address and mitigate free-riding in academic co-authorship.
... To develop customer satisfaction as a strategic asset, firms must embed this in the organization systematically and organize activities to enhance such satisfaction routinely (Scott & Davis, 2007). Second, collective action theory, as developed by Olson (1965), explains how individuals can work together and contribute mutually to the achievement of a common objective. In our study, Olson's theory serves to explain the collective, coordinated actions among firms to enhance satisfaction levels. ...
... Scott & Davis, 2007) and collective action theory (e.g. Olson, 1965), two complementary explanations in what has been identified as the (1) strategic argument and the (2) systemic or ecosystem argument involve actors relevant to the theorizing of the organized effects of CSAT within multiple sub-systems. We build on the complementarity between the strategic and systemic arguments and focus on the convergent view of these modes. ...
... Scott & Davis, 2007) and collective action theory (e.g. Olson, 1965) with their two complementary explanations identified as the (1) strategic argument and the (2) systemic argument which involve actors relevant to the theorizing of CSAT effects within multiple sub-systems (e.g. time, firms, and industries). ...
... First, on the side of supporters, Olson (1965) argues that voluntary associations need to provide them with incentives. In the absence of a coercive mechanism and especially when cooperation involves large groups, these benefits should be exclusive to those who contribute to the cause in order to prevent free-riding. ...
... Civil society organizations face an unusual collective action problem: it is difficult to exclude others from the production of the incentives which they offer to supporters. In general, interest organizations survive by producing selective incentives for a targeted group of beneficiaries who support them (Olson 1965). But the fact that CSOs are unable to limit consumption of the goods they lobby for is not a problem for them: striving for the production of public goods is a major part of what distinguishes them as CSOs. ...
... In that sense, civil society organizations are different from other authority field actors, principally interest groups, labor unions and political parties. These other authority field actors are theorized in the literature as having a more instrumental relationship with natural field actors (Downs 1957;Olson 1965). In that sense, civil society organizations might be construed as a least likely scenario to demonstrate resonance among all authority field actors. ...
What explains the politicization of EU trade agreement negotiations? Resonance with the contestation of others! In this thesis, I present a generic theory of politicization developed in relation to trade policy, but which is broadly applicable across policy fields. I argue that politicization is caused by actors who are not affected by policy decisions reacting to contestation by those who are. My theory is that actors form coalitions by advocating for resolutions to the problems of others strategically, to influence the closure of their own field of interaction, or the control of enforcement resources within it. I call this strategic behaviour 'resonance' and construct a conditional logic through which different actors are motivated to take such political action. I build on Bartolini's (2018) distinction of political action as being motivated by the will to achieve the behavioural compliance of others by affecting conditions of closure or control. From this theoretical starting point, I derive a set of ideal-typical situations in which resonating with counterparts from another field will resolve dilemmas for different types of political actors. I test the theory using a combination of statistical analysis, network science and quantitative text analysis to determine if actors 'resonate' as the theory anticipates. The thesis demonstrates the plausibility of the theory using cases spanning EU trade agreement negotiations over the past 20 years. It shows that even though politicization often begins because of stakeholder contestation, further contestation and the eventual institutionalization of politicized issues are the result of strategic behaviour by actors who resonate with stakeholders to resolve dilemmas of their own.
... In the existing literature, the conceptualization of collective action varies across disciplines and contexts (see, e.g. Olson, 1965;Ostrom, 2000;Tilly, 1981). Primarily, collective action takes place mostly in response to social problems for social change (Wright and Gamze, 2012). ...
... However, collective action since the 1980s has expanded to include a diversity of motivations (Van Zomeren and Spears, 2009). Olson (1965) argued that collective action becomes irrational when the benefits of a collective good cannot be excluded from nonparticipants, as this motivates rational individuals to free-ride on the contributions of others. The motivation of rational actors to participate in collective action is based on cost-benefit analysis (Olson, 1968), protection of social identities, expression of emotions (anger), collective effectiveness in attaining group goals, individual instrumental incentives and social rewards (van Zomeren, 2014;Klandermans, 1977), experience of power injustices (Walker and Smith, 2002), violation of moral standards (Skitka et al., 2005), and interdependent decisions (Oliver, 1993). ...
... However, collective action is challenged by what Hardin (1968) described as the "tragedy of the commons" in which groups of people use a shared resource to the point of exhaustion. Apart from this, collective action is also challenged by the free-rider problem in which individuals share benefits without actually contributing to the group (Olson, 1965). As Olson (1965) argued, "unless the number of individuals in a group is quite small or unless there is coercion or some other special device to make individuals act in their common interests, rational, self-interested individuals will not, on their own, act to achieve their common or group interests" (p. ...
This paper examines the dynamics of informal women cooperatives in the artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector in Africa, focusing on a qualitative case study of the Talensi mining area in Northern Ghana. Our findings demonstrate that women, through collective agency and action, establish informal women cooperatives in ASM spaces to address the socioeconomic and geopolitical challenges they encounter. Two main categories of informal cooperatives formed are shanking cooperatives (for women involved in sieving crushed extracted ore) and sambalga cooperatives (for women digging at the bank of rivers and streams, or uplands in search of gold). Women in licensed and unlicensed ASM zones form groups or associations to promote their welfare, challenge gender norms, advocate for representation and inclusion of voices in mining activities, resist male diggers involved in surface mining, and seek social recognition and economic security. Despite women miners' collective action and agency in pursuing these goals, they still encounter some challenges, particularly related to discrimination and favoritism, social class division among women, strict socio-cultural norms, and conflict with male diggers. In this paper, we highlight that formalization reforms should include gender-sensitive licensing support programs, and transformative gender and inclusive reforms to promote women empowerment in the sector.
... Olson (1965) provides a basic understanding of collective action. In his theory, the existence of an organization is indispensable in pursuing collective interests, i.e., public goods that exist in a society. ...
... The main question of this theory is why, how, and when the members of society work together to achieve public interests, even when those contrast with their personal interests. Olson (1965) tries to solve this problem by identifying three key variables: sanctions or penalties, selective incentives, and the role of organizations. The first variables are intended to modify the cost-benefit equation of pursuing collective goods. ...
As social media became more and more popular around the globe in late 2010, new theories were developed to theorize their effects on political activism and the ways through which social movements had been transformed. Connective action is a theoretical concept offered to understand the transformation of political activism in the age of digital media and networks. This theory endeavors to explain how political communication is personalized in the social media era and account for the effects of this personalization on unfolding new forms of social movements. This entry discusses the main elements and arguments of connective action theory. The entry begins with a quick review of collective action, which is the root of connective action. Then, I will discuss the connective action theory, and it is central claims. Next, the existing literature on connective action will be discussed. Finally, the entry will be concluded by a discussion of the implications and directions for further studies.
... The presence of multinational companies hinders the institutionalisation of social dialogue in general (Guardiancich & Ghellab, 2020), as their strategic decisions are externally defined. In addition, the traditional leadership of large companies within business associations (Olson, 1965) is accentuated in HMEs and conditions their political positions (Dossi, 2012). Business coordination is reduced to influencing specific public policies, most of the time through informal channels. ...
... However, hierarchical business groups played a leading and unifying role within business associations, in line with the literature (Clegg, 1976;Olson, 1965;Sisson, 1987). In this sense, the hierarchical institutional model accentuated its influence, and the UIA became, in practice, the mouthpiece of major business interests. ...
The Economic and Social Council was created in February 2021 by the Peronist Argentine government of President Alberto Fernández to establish a neo-developmentalist agenda through an alliance with the business elite, despite a tradition of dissent and confrontation. This research focuses on the role of businesses, exploring the main factors that have conditioned the council’s ability to build such an alliance. The research, based on a combination of semi-structured interviews, informal conversations, participant observation, and the analysis of 1095 newspaper articles, shows that the large business associations were not effectively incorporated into the neo-developmentalist agenda, nor were they interested in institutionalizing the council, which would have given support to the Peronist government. The limited results of the Economic and Social Council until its decline in 2022 are partly explained by the validity of the hierarchical, extractivist, and peripheral market economy, reinforced by the fragmented and sectoral representation of the business associations and the weakness of the government to lead an institutional change. In this sense, the council reinforced extractivist and dependent corporativism.
... La presencia de empresas multinacionales obstaculiza la institucionalización del diálogo social en general (Guardiancich & Ghellab, 2020), al estar sus decisiones estratégicas definidas de forma externa. Asimismo, el tradicional liderazgo de las grandes empresas en el seno de las organizaciones empresariales (Olson, 1965), se acentúa en las EMJ y condiciona sus posicionamientos políticos (Dossi, 2012). La coordinación empresarial se reduce a influir en políticas públicas específicas, la mayoría de las veces por canales informales. ...
... Sin embargo, los grupos empresariales jerárquicos jugaron un papel de liderazgo y aglutinador en el seno de las organizaciones empresariales, en línea con la literatura (Clegg, 1976;Olson, 1965;Sisson, 1987). En ese sentido, el modelo institucional jerárquico acentuó su influencia, y la UIA se constituyó, en la práctica, en la vocera de los grandes intereses empresariales. ...
O Conselho Econômico e Social foi criado em fevereiro de 2021 pelo governo peronista de Alberto Fernandez para chegar a um acordo sobre uma agenda neodesenvolvimentista, especialmente com a hierarquia empresarial, com a qual se buscou uma aliança apesar de uma tradição de dissidência e confronto. Com foco no papel das organizações empresariais, o estudo analisa os principais fatores que condicionaram a capacidade do fórum de alcançar esse objetivo. A pesquisa, baseada em uma combinação de entrevistas semiestruturadas, conversas informais e observação participante, além da análise de 1.095 artigos de jornais, mostra que os grandes sindicatos empresariais não aderiram efetivamente a agenda neodesenvolvimentista, nem estavam interessados em institucionalizar esse fórum, o que teria dado apoio ao governo peronista. Os resultados limitados do Conselho Econômico e Social até seu declínio em 2022 podem ser explicados, em parte, pela vigência da economia de mercado hierárquica, extrativista e periférica, reforçada pela representação fragmentada e setorial dos sindicatos patronais e pela fraqueza do governo em liderar mudanças institucionais. Nesse sentido, o Conselho reforçou um corporativismo extrativista e dependente
... Karlberg (1996), and critical scholars in general, assumed that corporations and government have much greater power than publics and that symmetrical techniques are idealistic in the face of these discrepancies in power. In contrast, we have based much of our research on activists on Olson's (1971) theory of collective action, which explained why even very small groups can have the power to affect the potency and autonomy of corporations and government. Olson believed that small interest groups can be more effective than larger, more established groups. ...
... They often seem to have wider support than they actually enjoy, in part because they display more "action-taking" behavior than do larger groups. As a result, Olson (1971) concluded that special interest groups with relatively few members have disproportionate power. L. Grunig's (1986) case studies of activists and Pien's (1994) Our theoretical understanding of how activist groups should practice public relations is only beginning to emerge, and the dissertations of Kovacs and Sha should help to build that theory. ...
This conference paper provides a comprehensive review of a program of research on activism by the authors, colleagues, and students, including it's incidence in four countries, the origins of activist publics, the public relations strategies that activist groups use as organizations themselves, and how organizations respond to activism.
... However, from the entourage of 50% and above, this probability rises sharply, to reach the maximum level recorded almost immediately (Gilens and Page 2014: 572-573). This supports the idea of the relevance of interest groups in the political process espoused by Baumgartner et al. (2009), Olson (1965), Dahl (1989Dahl ( , 1956, among others. However, there is no lockstep correlation between the degree of support by interest groups and the probability of changing a policy. ...
... Successful management of these resources require communities to define rules of resource usage, monitor for and sanction rule violations, and resolve conflicts over using the resource (Ostrom 1990). These are collective action problems because individuals pay a cost, such as their time monitoring the resource, to benefit others (Olson 1965). This tension between a person's self-interest and the collective's interest makes management of common-pool natural sources difficult. ...
Much received wisdom in the conservation literature is that individual connections across community boundaries undercut natural resource management. However, when multiple communities access the same resource, these long‐distance relationships could generate interdependence and trust to motivate engagement in collective action to manage the resource. To test this, we interviewed 1317 people in 28 fishing villages in Tanzania about their participation in managing open‐access fisheries and their social relationships in each village accessing the fishery. People with more friends in other villages trusted more people in those villages and were more likely to participate in collective action to manage the shared fishery, such as reporting others for destructive fishing practices. These results show that long‐distance relationships may be a useful foundation upon which to build conservation efforts that cross community boundaries and bolster sustainable resource use.
... The CI model assumes that individuals systematically overestimate their personal influence on helping to provide a collective good and posits that the individual's expectation for group efficacy as based on the level of expected reciprocity in taking action, "individuals will participate in collective action if they believe others will reciprocate their efforts" and if they believe that "policy elites will translate group actions into policy outcomes" (Lubell et al. 2006, p. 150). The CI model also includes "selective costs and benefits," defined as the material, social, or psychological costs and benefits of collective action that selectively accrue to individuals who participate in collective action (Olson 1965). ...
This paper develops and applies a model of mode choice that includes a collectively-interested decision calculus in addition to self-interest calculus as commonly used in travel behavior modeling. Modeling efforts incorporate the logic of collective action to predict travelers' behavior in commuting to the
University of California, Davis. A factor analysis of collective interest and policy-related attitudes are combined with travel distances and individual and household characteristics to form three models: a binary logit model of the choice to use an automobile or lower-impact modes (LIMs), a multinomial logit model of different mode choice categories, and a regression model of travelers’ carbon footprints
based on collective-interest and self-interest. Results indicated that some travelers' mode choice calculus includes collective action considerations, with personal efficacy to solve collective problems, policy support of LIMs, dissatisfaction with campus efforts to promote LIMs, and bicycle advocacy significantly associated with the choice of a LIM over an automobile. The Collective Interest model is
recommended for studying travel behavior because it adds a simple and substantive behavioral explanation for why environmental and political beliefs matter to mode choice that models of pure random utility maximization lack.
... Both nudges were effective in encouraging compliance with the rules, but the combination of salience nudge and social comparison nudge did not exhibit greater effectiveness than the use of the salience nudge alone (the probability of compliance with rules was 7.5% for the combined nudge and 8% for the salience nudge alone). The observed variations in effects may be attributed to the presence of the free-rider problem, as conceptualized by Olson (1965). Farmers may believe that if most of their peers adhere to the rules, their contribution to environmental pollution would be negligible. ...
... Within this perspective, the community is seen as a corporate political subject, a legal entity, a persona ficta. The community must enforce the various types of sanctions imposed by the courts, which, according to this model, are of three types: corporal punishment, fines, and banishment or exile (Weyrauch and Bell 1993: 358-60) The different types of sanctions would require different forms of collective action (Olson 1965;Ostrom 1990), all of which pose serious problems for Roma groups, particularly for geographically dispersed groups. Banishment is supposed to be achieved by declaring the guilty party to be marime or defiled. ...
This paper examines the system of conflict resolution maintained by a Roma group that has migrated from the Romanian regions of Transylvania and Banat to over 16 countries in Western Europe and North America. The analysis is based on a long-term collaborative ethnography that enabled the detailed reconstruction of 76 conflicts that occurred between 2001 and 2022. Of these conflicts, 56 were resolved through kris hearings conducted by a tribunal of selected judges or krisoniere. This paper provides an initial analysis of this database, addressing four key aspects of the kris procedures: (1) How does this system work today within diasporic networks that rely heavily on digital technologies for transnational communication? (2) What is the profile of the judges or krisoniere and how do they work within the kris assemblies? (3) What types of conflicts does the system address and how are they linked to the socio-political organization of this diaspora? (4) How are kris resolutions enforced in the absence of political leadership or the coercive power of state institutions? This autonomous justice system, epitomized by the kris hearings, represents a form of embedded legal pluralism and network governance. Consensus within this social field is fostered by the goal of minimizing threat and violence while maintaining connectedness in the face of exclusion and discrimination.
... Hoppig politik som ändrar spelreglerna kan vara ett minst lika stort problem. Ett pluralistiskt system har snarare svagheter då de i stället för att lösa incitamentsproblem genererar incitament till organisering av politiska intressegrupper (Olson, 1965). Barriärerna för "god" industripolitik är alltså ekonomisk makt som kan omvandlats till möjlighet att påverka politik. ...
Rapporten analyserar vertikal industripolitiks roll och utmaningar i Sverige och globalt. Rapporten inleder med att diskutera industripolitikens ökande betydelse i ljuset av en rad globala kriser, inklusive finanskrisen 2008, COVID-19-pandemin och de geopolitiska förändringarna som följde av Rysslands invasion av Ukraina. Kriserna har visat på sårbarheter i de globala leveranskedjorna som fått många regeringar att ompröva statens roll för att säkerställa ekonomisk motståndskraft, säkerhet och innovation. Medlemmar av Europeiska unionen, USA och Kina har börjat implementera mer aktiva industripolitiska åtgärder riktade mot strategiska sektorer som grön teknologi, kritisk infrastruktur och insatsvaror.
En betydande del av rapporten fokuserar på motiveringen för vertikal industripolitik. Ett argument för en aktiv industripolitik är att marknadsmisslyckanden, såsom externa effekter, asymmetrisk information och samordningsproblem kräver statliga ingripanden. Till exempel behöver industrier med hög kapitalintensitet och långa utvecklingscykler, såsom batteri- och förnybar energisektorerna, ofta statligt stöd för att övervinna initiala inträdesbarriärer. Rapporten visar också riskerna med statligt ingripande, inklusive möjlig ineffektivitet, korruption och marknadsstörningar, särskilt när subventioner inte är välriktade eller behålls för länge.
... Common pool resource (CPR) theory was developed by Ostrom (1990) to rebut the premise that openly accessible resources with little or no tenure or regulation are vulnerable to depletion due to overuse and misuse. Such degradation of shared resources due to lack of collective governance was termed the tragedy of the commons (Olson 1965;Hardin 1968). CPR theory responds to this standpoint on the tragedy of the commons by identifying different actors, institutions, and regimes that either have, or can, govern such shared resources for long-term sustainability. ...
Urban foraging for wild plant and animal products is increasingly recognised for its multiple benefits for people and nature stewardship. Planning for foraging in urban greenspace is one way that foraging can be made more accessible, beneficial, and equitable. Here, we explore how foraging could be recognised and provided for in urban municipalities in eastern South Africa. We synthesise forager and land manager interviews, policy analysis, and iterative discussions to develop four land use configurations under which foraging could be planned for. Design principles for community-based natural resource management are used to assess the feasibility of each configuration. We identify stakeholders who would be involved in governing each configuration, and how urban foraging can co-produce desirable outcomes for their priorities. We list locally-specific actions to enable collaborative greenspace governance through urban foraging. We suggest some generally applicable design considerations and implications for each of the four configurations.
... In implementing DeAI training, several challenges still remains, particularly regarding the trust and security of DeAI. Ensuring Authentic Decentralized Training: One core challenge in DeAI training is verifying that participants genuinely contribute to model training, rather than using pre-trained or stolen models [122]. Without a centralized authority to monitor activities, there is a risk of model stealing, where a participant may submit outputs from a pre-trained model rather than conducting legitimate training. ...
The centralization of Artificial Intelligence (AI) poses significant challenges, including single points of failure, inherent biases, data privacy concerns, and scalability issues. These problems are especially prevalent in closed-source large language models (LLMs), where user data is collected and used without transparency. To mitigate these issues, blockchain-based decentralized AI (DeAI) has emerged as a promising solution. DeAI combines the strengths of both blockchain and AI technologies to enhance the transparency, security, decentralization, and trustworthiness of AI systems. However, a comprehensive understanding of state-of-the-art DeAI development, particularly for active industry solutions, is still lacking. In this work, we present a Systematization of Knowledge (SoK) for blockchain-based DeAI solutions. We propose a taxonomy to classify existing DeAI protocols based on the model lifecycle. Based on this taxonomy, we provide a structured way to clarify the landscape of DeAI protocols and identify their similarities and differences. We analyze the functionalities of blockchain in DeAI, investigating how blockchain features contribute to enhancing the security, transparency, and trustworthiness of AI processes, while also ensuring fair incentives for AI data and model contributors. In addition, we identify key insights and research gaps in developing DeAI protocols, highlighting several critical avenues for future research.
... In essence, Mancur Olson called it "the collective action problem" (Olson, 1965), and it has mostly been mirrored in a European debate about various forms of integration mechanisms, with the intention of establishing more or less smart selective incentives for increased cooperation among the Member States. In line with integration theory, this process requires trust, as well as shared interests. ...
As shown by the developments after the full-scale Russian attack
on Ukraine in 2022, the EU is a weak strategic entity. The chapter
discusses this circumstance and elaborates on what could be
done in defense cooperation among European states, primarily
from a Swedish perspective as part of a Nordic-Baltic setting.
As a consequence of shifting strategic patterns among its major
powers, the international system is increasingly marked by power
political entanglements. As shown in the chapter, the Nordic-
Baltic region is increasingly an arena where these entanglements
(mainly between Russia, China and Iran) are played out. This
is currently a militarized period of history and there are several
signs of a potential evolving hegemonic war. In the Nordic-Baltic
region, as caused by this deteriorating security situation, several
subregional initiatives for security and defense cooperation
have developed over the last decade. All states in the region
identify Russia as a central threat and, in Sweden, CHOD has
made a public call for war preparation, and the defense budget
has increased dramatically. Further, as the region is interlinked
in a case of war, Article 5 is the main regional priority. Hence, to
Sweden, the EU is secondary to NATO in the defense dimension. Sweden and Finland, as allies in NATO, have created a new northern
flank. This means that there is a Nordic dimension to defense
planning (something between national plans and Article 5), and
all countries in the region have defense cooperation agreements
(DCA) with the U.S. Indeed, the new northern flank is integrated
in defense via Washington rather than Brussels.
... En esta preocupación por comprender mejor la complejidad de motivaciones e incentivos para incorporarse a la carrera militar, consideramos que un marco de análisis adecuado puede ser el Modelo General de Incentivos, definido por Seyd y Whiteley (1992), en concreto en la versión desarrollada por Poletti et al. (2019). Este modelo fue desarrollado para analizar la complejidad de las motivaciones e incentivos individuales que llevan a las personas a incorporarse y proseguir afiliados a partidos políticos, y se basaba en las teorías de Olson (1971) sobre la lógica de la acción colectiva. El modelo define tres grupos principales de incentivos: selectivos, que pueden estar relacionados con los beneficios del proceso o del resultado obtenido; los beneficios colectivos; y afectivos, como el altruismo o la adecuación a las normas sociales. ...
El objetivo de la investigación es analizar las motivaciones e incentivos que influyen en que las personas jóvenes se sientan atraídos por la carrera militar. Utilizamos el Modelo General de Incentivos (GIM). La metodología parte del análisis de los datos ofrecidos por las doce encuestas sobre Defensa Nacional y las Fuerzas Armadas/Ejercito, realizadas en España por el Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS) entre 1997 y 2017. Los resultados muestran que los incentivos altruistas, los incentivos de proceso, relacionados exclusivamente con la profesión militar, y los incentivos afectivos, relacionados con el prestigio, son los más influyentes en el interés por la profesión militar. También constatamos el potencial del Modelo General de Incentivos para analizar las motivaciones en la inserción laboral, especialmente en profesionales con una fuerte especificidad.
... The growth of three strands of research and theory have greatly improved how archaeologists understand generative processes and institutions: collective action theory, anarchist theory, and complex adaptive systems theory. (1) Starting with the publication of Blanton and Fargher's [13] book, Collective Action in the Formation of Pre-Modern States, archaeologists began using concepts from collective action theory, a branch of political economy originating in political science [66,67]. Collective action theory takes a radically different approach to society than the earlier archaeological theories. ...
The concept of urban order is important for research in urban sustainability science. I review the concepts and methods used by archaeologists to address the question of what holds early cities together. Archaeologists are starting to come around to the standard interpretation of urban order in the social sciences: urban order is created and maintained by the operation of two types of social forces: institutions (top-down forces) and generative processes (bottom-up forces). I review the changes in archaeological thinking that led from obsolete and inadequate models of social order (statism and agency) to the emerging current understanding. I discuss the concept of institutions and provide a new archaeologically-useful definition, and I describe five types of early urban institutions (political, economic, political economy, social, and religious). I then discuss three types of generative process: population/demography, self-governance, and self-coordination. These developments in the archaeology of urbanism have two benefits. They help archaeologists produce better models and interpretations of past cities; and, they help other urban scientists understand the deep history of cities and urban life. This approach allows new research findings on ancient cities to contribute to urban sustainability science today. What holds cities together? That is, how do city residents create and maintain a level of security, predictability, and cohesion that permits a city to flourish and persist through time? These are crucial questions for the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 11, “Sustainable Cities and Communities,” and for the New Urban Agenda [1,2,3]. A recent United Nations report notes that progress on the Sustainable Development Goals needs to be based on solid scientific and social scientific data. Furthermore, progress requires input from countries in the developing world and data from cities in those countries [4]. I argue that this broader urban perspective will remain incomplete without input from the growing body of scientific findings on past cities and early urban development. In this paper I pursue this approach through a focus on urban order. If archaeologists and historians can determine the nature and sources of social order in early cities, this knowledge has the potential to illuminate a number of issues in urban sustainability science today.
... Theories of institutions initially developed in the context of economic institutions and their impact on growth. The seminal works are Downs (1967); Black (1958); Buchanan and Tullock (1962); Arrow (1963); Olson (1965); and Niskanen (1971). Building on the foundation of economic dimension, institutional theory subsequently captured the attention of political scientists who theorized on public institutions and policy choice (McKelvey, 1976;Shepsle, 1979;Riker, 1980;Miller and Moe, 1983;Enelow and Hinich, 1984;Tsebelis, 1995 andKrehbiel, 1996). ...
Public policy management has an intractable nature, and the institutional complexity of governance further exacerbates its practice. Transnational learning cutting across countries and policy areas can contribute to this policy knowledge in dealing with multifarious issues in public management. Understanding the institutional mix in public management in various contexts enhances the existing comprehension of how the national pattern of public management works differently in different socio-economic, cultural, and political settings. The present research aims to study the institutional framework in the form of state structure (unitary or federal) and the nature of executive government (majoritarian or consensual) in delineating the influence of institutions on public management processes in divergent policy systems. The paper undertakes four in-depth country case studies and the public management reforms as a response to institutional pressure are examined using the 4 M strategy–Maintain (holding on to existing administrative structures and processes), Modernize (keeping service delivery and regulation up to date), Marketize (efficiency and user-responsive public management), and Minimize (reducing state-led regulation). The case studies highlight the differences in the broad direction and energy of implementation that characterize a particular policy style. The results of the study indicate that even though the institutional dimensions are not present in strict polarization, the impact of the institutional mix is evident in the dominant strategies of public management reforms adopted at the national level.
... Στο βιβλίο The Logic of Collective Action (Η λογική της συλλογικής δράσης), ο Olson (1965) περιγράφει την κατάσταση σε ένα γήπεδο ποδοσφαίρου, όπου όλοι στέκονται όρθιοι για να δουν τον αγώνα. Οι περισσότεροι άνθρωποι πιθανότατα θα παρακολουθούσαν τον αγώνα ακόμη πιο ευχάριστα αν μπορούσαν να καθίσουν, και αν όλοι κάθονταν, ίσως όλοι να έβλεπαν τον αγώνα ακόμη καλύτερα. ...
Οι συγγραφείς του βιβλίου «Συνεταιριστική Επιχειρηματικότητα» παρέχουν στον αναγνώστη μια εξαιρετική ακαδημαϊκή ανάλυση των πιο σχετικών με το αντικείμενο θεωριών, αλλά, κυρίως, μεταδίδουν την πλούσια πρακτική εμπειρία του συνεταιριστικού γίγνεσθαι μέσω της συγκέντρωσης και της παράθεσης επικαιροποιημένων γνώσεων του κλάδου. Παρατίθεται ένα ευρύ φάσμα από παραδείγματα που σχετίζονται με την συνεταιριστική επιχειρηματικότητα, όπως και περιπτώσεις που συνοδεύονται από εμπεριστατωμένη ανάλυση του τρόπου λήψης αποφάσεων. Μέσα από τις σελίδες του συγγράμματος ο νέος αναγνώστης θα απολαύσει μία διαφορετική οπτική σχετικά με τη συνεταιριστική διοίκηση, ενώ οι πιο έμπειροι θα εμβαθύνουν στη συνεταιριστική λογική. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, οι συγγραφείς εστιάζουν στη στρατηγική σχετικά με τις μεθόδους διείσδυσης στην αγορά, στην αφοσίωση και στην υπευθυνότητα των μελών του συνεταιρισμού όπως και στη δυναμική αντιμετώπιση των μελλοντικών προκλήσεων του κλάδου. Κατά συνέπεια, δίνεται η ευκαιρία στους αναγνώστες να έρθουν πιο κοντά με νέους, ταλαντούχους επαγγελματίες, που τόσο πολύ έχει ανάγκη ο κλάδος. Επιπρόσθετα, η ανάπτυξη μιας εκπαιδευτικής προσομοίωσης για γεωργούς υπογραμμίζει τη σημασία αυτής της νέας προσέγγισης στην επικοινωνία των συνεταιριστικών ιδεών. Η ανάμειξη της αφρικανικής γεωργικής κοινότητας δίνει μία νέα προοπτική σε εμάς τους Ευρωπαίους σε θέματα για τα οποία είμαστε ιδιαίτερα ικανοποιημένοι. Επισήμανση: το σύγγραμμα «Συνεταιριστική Επιχειρηματικότητα» θα σας κάνει να σκεφτείτε με συνεταιριστική λογική. Υπό το πρίσμα αυτό ξετυλίγεται απρόσμενα ευχάριστα στον αναγνώστη!
... Addressing climate change requires coordinated efforts across multiple sectors, particularly from large corporations, which are reportedly responsible for over 70% of global industrial greenhouse gas emissions [Griffin and Heede, 2017]. While adaptation-preparing for the inevitable consequences of climate change-tends to be party-specific and often driven by financial incentives, mitigation-reducing emissions-presents a de facto social dilemma [Leibo et al., 2017], where the benefits of reduced emissions are shared globally yet the costs are borne locally [Olson Jr, 1971, Dahlman, 1979, Buchanan and Stubblebine, 2006]. As corporations are inherently self-interested, they are unlikely to reduce emissions voluntarily without external incentives or regulations. ...
InvestESG is a novel multi-agent reinforcement learning (MARL) benchmark designed to study the impact of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) disclosure mandates on corporate climate investments. Supported by both PyTorch and GPU-accelerated JAX framework, the benchmark models an intertemporal social dilemma where companies balance short-term profit losses from climate mitigation efforts and long-term benefits from reducing climate risk, while ESG-conscious investors attempt to influence corporate behavior through their investment decisions. Companies allocate capital across mitigation, greenwashing, and resilience, with varying strategies influencing climate outcomes and investor preferences. Our experiments show that without ESG-conscious investors with sufficient capital, corporate mitigation efforts remain limited under the disclosure mandate. However, when a critical mass of investors prioritizes ESG, corporate cooperation increases, which in turn reduces climate risks and enhances long-term financial stability. Additionally, providing more information about global climate risks encourages companies to invest more in mitigation, even without investor involvement. Our findings align with empirical research using real-world data, highlighting MARL's potential to inform policy by providing insights into large-scale socio-economic challenges through efficient testing of alternative policy and market designs.
... The 'Tragedy of Commons' in which Hardin (1968) argues that individuals or communities extract the resources without limit and, thus, natural resources get depleted, 2. The 'Prisoners' Dilemma' where the individuals act for their self-interest and don't produce an optimal outcome, and 3. The 'Logic of Collective Action' by Olson (1965) which argues that an individual has little or no incentives to voluntarily contribute when it is difficult to exclude the individual from getting the benefits of the resources. ...
Governments face challenges and constraints in managing Common Pool Resources (CPRs) worldwide. Almost all developing countries have begun to implement decentralised policies and decision-making systems for delivering public services and the management of environmental goods. In any government structure, distributing public goods is difficult as it will be challenging to exclude potential beneficiaries from obtaining the goods. Similarly, it’s challenging to exclude potential beneficiaries from obtaining benefits from common pool resources. The phenomenal work ‘Governing of Commons’ argues that the CPRs can be managed locally, provided there need to be well-defined institutions at the local level. The actors can govern CPRs themselves to obtain mutual benefits from the CPRs by avoiding problems of exclusion of beneficiaries, conflicts and exploitation of resources. For establishing well-defined rules and norms, it is essential to have constant deliberations and participation of various actors for collective action in managing CPRs. However, at the decentralised level, most local governments have given less attention to prompt decision-making in CPRs, especially concerning environmental resources. This article investigates the capacity and role of local-level institutions in managing CPRs by discussing a Training of Trainers (ToT) programme associated with the health of the Pampa River in Kerala State, India. The ToT programme has helped 41 development practitioners to change their approach toward River Health Management. The deliberations have resulted in an alliance of practitioners and a people’s framework for action projects. It was also studied that the role of local governments and civil society organisations in influencing the decisions made regarding River Health Management has to be improved.
... Mancur Olson (1965) Los grupos de interés presionan para que los políticos eviten decisiones impopulares, incrementando el costo político de ciertas políticas públicas. ...
El presente trabajo analiza el impuesto sobre la tenencia o uso de vehículos en México, explorando sus implicaciones políticas, sociales y fiscales. El objetivo principal es generar una reflexión sobre la importancia de este impuesto, su evolución histórica y las consecuencias que podría tener su modificación o eliminación en el contexto nacional. A lo largo del desarrollo, se examina el concepto de costo político y cómo las decisiones sobre impuestos pueden afectar la vida pública y las dinámicas sociales. Asimismo, se aborda la necesidad de evaluar profundamente las políticas fiscales para garantizar que estas respondan a las realidades sociales y políticas del país. Se concluye que, aunque los impuestos son fundamentales para el desarrollo social y político, cualquier cambio en su estructura debe ser cuidadosamente analizado y consensuado, buscando alternativas que compensen los posibles efectos económicos adversos. Además, se sugiere que futuras investigaciones exploren la percepción ciudadana sobre este tipo de impuestos para mejorar la toma de decisiones gubernamentales.
... However, despite the growing awareness of climate change and the increasing support for green policies (Hoffmann et al., 2022a), climate-relevant behaviors and habits remain surprisingly resistant to change Rüttenauer, 2023;van Valkengoed and Steg, 2019). According to the problem of collective action (Olson, 1971), every individual has an incentive to freeride, waiting for others to undertake costly mitigation behaviors (Ostrom, 1998). In the end, everyone contributes less than would be optimal, in a situation akin to coordinating the cleaning of dirty dishes in a shared apartment with eight billion people. ...
Climate change represents one of the most pressing challenges for societies in the 21st century. This special issue of the Vienna Yearbook of Population Research (VYPR) brings together interdisciplinary contributions from 51 authors to explore the demographic dimensions of climate change. In many ways, human populations are at the center of the current climate crisis. On the one hand, anthropogenic forces are responsible for the unprecedented changes in the climate system that are currently being observed. It is the burning of fossil fuels that has significantly increased greenhouse gas concentrations, driving global warming and altering natural climate patterns. On the other hand, human populations are also profoundly affected by these changes, as they are facing increased risks from extreme weather events, rising sea levels and shifting ecosystems, which, in turn, impact livelihoods, food and water security, and health and well-being. This special issue provides a comprehensive overview of both the role of population as a driving force of climate change and the significance of its impacts in the areas of health andmortality, migration, and fertility and reproductive behaviors. In addition to 10 research articles, the special issue features seven debate articles by leading scholars, who provide reflections on the climate-population nexus and the role of demographic science in climate changemitigation. Demography offers a wide range of perspectives and methodological tools to understand and address the climate-population nexus, including in the areas of health and population data, mathematical and statistical modeling, and projections. We advocate for a holistic research perspective that incorporates issues related to increasing climate risks into demographic thinking, and vice versa. A thorough understanding of the intricate relationship between populations, population dynamics and climate change is necessary for the development of effective and equitable mitigation and adaptation strategies that address both global and local challenges over time.
... In response to Olson's[65] theory on self-interested participation in collective actions, the acquisition of a common identity was invoked[66,67]; the same argument was later proposed for volunteering[39,68].3 National or non-Western variants of environmental volunteering, as well as the presence of social prejudices within countries, have not been further developed, but are topics that are starting to emerge especially in multi-ethnic countries[69]. Various approaches address this problem: risk cultures[70], urban studies[23] and above all, environmental justice[71]. ...
The paper aims to verify whether volunteering and environmentalism are two phenomena that overlap both conceptually and empirically. The actions for the protection and enhancement of rivers in Italy are taken as a testing ground. Two packages of literature are used to understand the overlap between volunteering and environmentalism, one on neo-institutionalism and the other on new social movements. The starting framework is a general typology of voluntary organisations, which is then adapted to the environmental movement. The hypothesis of growing disintermediation and light commitment by the new generations of volunteers finds original answers in river volunteering. Alongside classic environmentalist militancy, forms of popular action in favour of rivers are emerging that show detachment from politics and attraction to intrinsic benefits, such as the pleasure of recreation and collective memory recovery. This raises new questions about the role of organised civil society in maintaining democracy and helping the ecological transition.
... Cultural, social, religious, and other conventions often influence the performance of cooperatives nationwide, particularly those in the NWP. The view that groups act to serve their interests presumably assumes that the individuals in groups act out of self-interest, and when an individual in a group nobly disregards their welfare, it is not very likely that collectively they would seek some selfish common or group objectives (Olson, 1965). ...
This paper looks at the interrelationship between efficiency level, communication, and stakeholders in emerging agricultural cooperatives. We collected data from 24 emerging cooperatives, each with an average of 8 individual members, through purposive sampling, specifically targeting poultry cooperatives. We analyzed the data using Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) and Social Network Analysis (SNA). Technical efficiency results found that, on average, emerging farming cooperatives in the province are 71 percent efficient. The implication is that cooperatives have a 29% window to improve their efficiency level and reduce waste to operate optimally. Furthermore, a TE score of 1 indicated the technical efficiency of six DMUs (3, 7, 10, 19, and 23). This finding suggests that cooperatives are optimally resourcing. However, SNA results revealed strong and frequent communication between input suppliers and emerging cooperative farmers. However, few net-chain players were involved in bird slaughter and feather removal (cleaning). The results also show that reliability between processors and farmers is weak due to poor communication. Furthermore, there are inadequate formal contracts between the net-chain stakeholders, leading to minimal cooperation between processors and consumers. The reason is that most consumers prefer to buy live chickens and eggs directly from farmers. This study revealed that most emerging cooperatives heavily rely on government support through skills training, extension support, and input supply. The government offers these services for free, resulting in a one-way relationship between government support and farmers, rather than a reciprocal one. This study demonstrated a formally poor relationship between emerging farmers and financial institutions, which confirms lower cooperation, communication frequency, and dependency of cooperatives in South Africa. For improved cooperative efficiency, the study recommends deliberate improvements in communication and interrelationships between farmers and other stakeholders.
... Productivity-enhancing reforms are also often delayed or neglected because of misaligned political incentives. Benefits are often widespread and take time to unfold, while costs may be more visible and touch the interests of organised groups (Olson, 1965). NPBs can therefore help devise effective solutions and forge consensus towards these policies with a medium to long term orientation, breaking the typical status quo bias that is responsible for reform inaction. ...
National Productivity Boards (NPBs) aim to foster debate relating to productivity and competitiveness and enhance policy making in these areas. In 2016, the Council of the European Union called on all euro area Member States to set up an NPB with characteristics such as independence and capacity to carry out high-quality analyses. The non-euro area Member States were also encouraged to establish similar bodies. More than seven years after the adoption of the NPB recommendation, the network of NPBs is well established. Through the annual reports, NPBs discuss productivity trends, productivity drivers and policies as well as economic developments with an impact on productivity and competitiveness. In most cases, NPB characteristics are broadly in line with those of the recommendation. However, not all EU Member States have an NPB in place and there are considerable differences in NPBs' institutional design, capacity, and involvement in policy making. This paper updates the assessment made in the 2019 and 2021 European Commission progress reports on the implementation of the NPB recommendation. It also identifies gaps with respect to additional criteria for NPB effectiveness found in the existing literature, this being its main novelty. Findings suggest that NPBs would especially benefit from stronger provisions to guarantee independence and adequate resources and from practices boosting their participation in domestic policy making. JEL Classification: E02, E60, O40, O43.
... As a result, embracing this complexity and inevitable interconnectedness with powerful political actors in most contexts should be a in international relations to forge alliances; to mention only a few. Precisely because corruption may work as a selective incentive that helps to generate collective action, to recall a key lesson by Olson (1965), it is not uncommon for governments to resort to it. ...
... First, their power to maintain discretion or autonomy over specific decisions taken in delivering public services in policy implementation (Lipsky, 2010(Lipsky, [1980; Tummers et al., 2009). Second, their power as policy actors to organize and exercise collective action in response to policy initiatives which conflict with their professional norms or client needs (Olson, 1965). Powerful public professionals and the unions representing them may defend their autonomy and the needs of their clients by reacting collectively in response to evidence-based policies in an attempt to re-politicise evidence-based policy by increasing policy salience. ...
Political, scientific-administrative, as well as practical knowledge, are important for evidence-based policies in the public service. However, empirically, these forms of knowledge have mainly been studied independently, highlighting the need to better understand their interaction in welfare policy. On this basis, the article focuses on understanding the role of practical knowledge in evidence-based welfare policies, using two case studies. Empirically, active employment and public school policy in Denmark are studied as examples of welfare policy during the period from 2010 to 2022, based on documents and interviews with key policy actors. Based on the case studies, a three-stage model of the role of practical knowledge in evidence-based welfare reform is developed. The model illustrates that the role of practical knowledge changes at different stages of evidence-based policy. Public professionals may both rely on practical knowledge when implementing policy in response to evidence-based management and use it when acting as policy actors to re-politicise evidence-based policies.
Since the end of the Second World War, average tariff levels have fallen. Today, the most promising pathway for trade liberalization is often regulatory harmonization. This chapter explores three different methods for regulatory harmonization (economic union, mutual recognition, and ad-hoc treaties), arguing that no one method provides for retained national sovereignty, a wide membership, and substantial regulatory harmonization. Instead, a trilemma exists between them. The article argues that mutual recognition, such as that between Australia and New Zealand, is the most libertarian model for reducing non-tariff barriers.
In light of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, this contribution to the special issue “Organizing European Security for yet another geopolitical era” argues that European defence should be considered a European public good. First, we develop a definition of European public good embedded in the political economy literature on public goods and state-building; then we discuss how to finance defence as a European public good, and we review public support for EU-level defence instruments.
Taiwan’s national security is increasingly challenged by external threats from the People’s Republic of China and internal partisan divisions. This study examines how public opinion, party behavior, and policy outcomes interact to shape Taiwan’s national defense landscape, focusing on the diverging preferences of the Pan-Green Alliance, the Pan-Blue Alliance, and the Taiwan People's Party. Using a mixed-methods approach, including analysis of Taiwan National Security Surveys (TNSS) from 2020, 2022, and 2024, the study investigates key variables such as confidence in military capabilities, defense policy preferences, and public willingness to act during conflict.
Findings reveal significant partisan divides, with Pan-Green supporters favoring military strengthening and expressing high confidence in Taiwan's defense capabilities, while Pan-Blue and TPP supporters exhibit skepticism, prefer moderation to avoid provocation, and show declining confidence in collective resistance. This polarization undermines policy coherence and complicates Taiwan’s ability to respond effectively to external threats. The study identifies feedback loops where elite framing and party behavior amplify partisan divides, leading to policy gridlocks that weaken Taiwan’s deterrence posture.
The research underscores the importance of bridging partisan divides to enhance national resilience. It calls for bipartisan dialogue, leveraging civil society for grassroots defense preparedness, and reframing national defense as a shared, non-partisan priority. By addressing internal divisions, Taiwan can strengthen its democratic institutions and improve its strategic positioning in an increasingly volatile regional environment. This study contributes to understanding how democratic governance operates under conditions of polarization and external pressure, offering broader implications for nations facing similar challenges.
This chapter highlights that sustainable HRM is that are shaped by the macro-, meso-, and micro- level institutional factors. The institutional theory is used to explain ‘why’ organisations attribute importance to certain elements of the contexts for developing sustainable HRM practices as organisational level practices to implement corporate sustainability business strategy for shared value for the organisation and stakeholders (i.e., customers, employees, their families, supply chain employees, the society etc.). Hence, an attempt is made to explain the roles of various global institutions (e.g., GRI, IFRS – International Sustainability Standards Board (ISSB), ILO etc.) that promote sustainable development to achieve economic, environment and social goals of the society as a background. GRI, IFRS-ISSB, and UN Global Compact guidelines for sustainability reporting, financial market institutions for sustainability and civil societies are explained as the important macro-level contexts that have operationalized the development of sustainable HRM practices for shaping human capital required for implementing corporate sustainability business strategy of MNCs to achieve sustainability outcomes. It is explained that the meso-level national contexts such as employment relations, local NGOs, trade unions, business schools, and business competitive conditions has shaped sustainable HRM for socially responsible corporate behaviour. Finally, the micro-level industry context for developing and shaping sustainable HRM practices among MNCs is explained as strategic choices or responses to industry characteristics or contexts, such as the percentage of women employees in an industry, occupational health and wellbeing, higher training costs, capital intensity, industry growth, industry differentiation and industry dynamism.
This study entitled ‘Free and Compulsory Education Policy Practice in Ruby Valley: An Analysis of Impacts and Inequalities’ aimed to explore free and compulsory education policy practices in Ruby Valley Municipality in Dhading District of Bagmati Province Nepal. In this study I sought to answer research questions on policy evolution, policy interpretation, negotiation and contestation in Ruby Valley that shaped localized meaning of policy. I have also considered the impact of the policy practice and how local government leadership have influenced the policy practice of free and compulsory education central in this research.
I employed blended policy ethnographies in which I engaged with the local communities using multiple strategies that varied at different stages of the research accommodating the contextual constraints of time, space, and resources. I started with virtual interaction with the local communities in Ruby Valley and in person participation in community interaction and events and observation sociocultural phenomena at the latter stage of the research.
I continued working on the theoretical framework of the study along with the progress of my study to capture the multifaceted influence different aspects as they unfolded during the study in the given complex social context including which includes multiple theoretical dimensions viz. the power structure, rent-seeking behaviour, street-level bureaucracy, survivalist priorities, discourse theory, and framing of issues that influenced the policy practices of free and compulsory education.
The findings of the study revealed that evolution of free and compulsory education is gradual and has stemmed from the initial forms of public education. I also found that the local community contribution has been instrumental in the vii
development of education institutions. However, as it reached the stage of free and compulsory education, there is increasing gaps between the local communities and schools, as a result some crucial issues of community ownership and management have emerged. The school community disconnect is consequence of the rent seeking behaviour among the authorities, and interest groups that seek to take use their influence in the education institutions for their personal and political interest rather than the wider community interest of quality free and compulsory education. The disconnect has not only detached the policy priorities from community needs but also hindered the local community capacity in policy participation and negotiation.
In addition, I found that the survival priorities and lack of access to information to the rights of the local communities have hindered their ability to contest weak policy implementation. Consequently, it has increased the vulnerabilities of the local communities and compelled them to tolerate illegalities in free and compulsory education policy practice and result into the misalignment between policy statement and policy action.
I conclude that the misalignment between the policy statement and policy action is not limited to the capacity gaps but to the school community disconnect and intentional misalignment between the interest of the local communities and local government authorities. The situation exposes how local communities who created the education systems are detached from the school institutions and left vulnerable by creating dual education systems based on their socioeconomic background. It exposes how weakly implemented free and compulsory education results in unequal implication to different groups of people in the community and creates accountability issues, symbolic violence and detachment from school systems with intergenerational equity issues.
Many philosophers accept the idea that there are duties to promote or create just institutions. However, are the addressees of such duties supposed to be individuals—the members of the citizenry? What does it mean for an individual to promote or create just institutions? According to the “Simple View,” the citizenry has a collective duty to create or promote just institutions, and each individual citizen has an individual duty to do their part in this collective project. The simple view appears to work well with regard to—you guessed it—“simple” scenarios, but it is riddled with further questions and problems. In this chapter, we raise five problems for the Simple View: (a) we suggest that one cannot develop a view concerning the citizenry’s duty to promote just institutions in isolation from a conception of the ontological relationship between the state and its citizens; (b) we argue that it is not obvious that the citizenry is the right entity to be attributed duties in the first place; (c) we show that a plausible account of collective duties to promote just institutions must not remain silent on the complexities and difficulties amorphous, unorganized groups face vis-à-vis collective action; (d) we contend that without allocation principles for contributory duties amongst the citizenry, or—alternatively—a method for practical deliberation that is action-guiding in collective action contexts, the claim that the citizens have a collective duty to promote just institutions remains moot; and, finally (e) we demonstrate that the problem of reasonable disagreement is a serious threat to a collective duty to promote or create just institutions—it potentially undermines such a duty altogether and allows for conflicting contributory duties amongst the citizenry. We hope that our discussion will ultimately help improve existing theories and conceptual frameworks to better understanding citizens’ obligations to promote justice under non-ideal conditions.
La irrupción de las “Nuevas” Derechas produjo un quiebre radical en el tablero político, con comportamientos que parecen irracionales desde ciertas perspectivas. Ante ello, postulamos en esté artículo lo contrario, tratando de entender algunas de las diferentes formas de racionalidad que asumen. Para demostrarlo, examinaremos teóricamente muchos de sus casos empíricos, en especial los de Estados Unidos y Brasil, desde los cuales construimos tal hipótesis. Ellas representan una respuesta de oposición a la desestructuración causada por la modernidad, en particular la ampliación de derechos; el aumento de la incertidumbre estructural, eminentemente económica; y la crisis de lo político, con el colapso de instituciones de viejo tipo y el ascenso de la anti política. Lo que, en abierta paradoja, se realiza más desde el utilitarismo que la subjetivación neoliberal ha instalado, para lo cual estos grupos proponen un ajuste en la gramática interpretativa de las Antiguas Derechas, recuperando algunos de sus elementos clásicos y proponiendo otros pocos verdaderamente nuevos, en particular para retrotraer su mundo a un periodo anterior.
Este libro de texto se orienta a la enseñanza-aprendizaje sobre las políticas públicas como campo transversal de diferentes disciplinas y aplicación profesional. Mediante casos empíricos de gran relevancia y actualidad, nos muestra los desafíos de generar soluciones a problemas públicos diversos, complejos, dinámicos y de importancia global, pero con expresiones territoriales específicas que aquí se contextualizan en la península de Yucatán.
El libro se desarrolla en dos partes: en la primera se presentan los fundamentos teóricos sobre las políticas públicas y su vinculación con el enfoque territorial. En la segunda, se analizan casos empíricos en sectores clave de la política: social (salud y vivienda), ambiental (cambio climático y contaminación hídrica), cultural (pueblo maya), ciencia y tecnología (jardines etnobotánicos), economía (turismo y ecoturismo) y planeación territorial (planeación urbana).
Cada capítulo explica de forma sencilla las diversas problemáticas territoriales de políticas públicas complementando con actividades de aprendizaje que incluyen la consulta de material audiovisual y hemerográfico y que permiten poner en práctica los contenidos. El objetivo es fomentar un pensamiento crítico, creativo y propositivo sobre nuestra realidad, pero en clave de políticas públicas con enfoque territorial.
Collective action problems emerge when individual incentives and group interests are misaligned, as in the case of climate change 1–5 . Individuals involved in collective action problems are often considered to have two options: contribute towards a public solution or free-ride. But they might also choose a third option of investing in a private solution such as local climate change adaptation 6–8 . Here we introduce a collective action game featuring wealth inequality caused by luck or merit and both public and private solutions with participants from 34 countries. We show that the joint existence of wealth inequality and private solutions has a consistent effect across countries: participants endowed with higher income choose the private solution almost twice as often as those endowed with lower income; and this finding cannot be explained by different sources of wealth (luck vs. merit) or by cultural or economic factors. We also show that preferences for private solutions undermine support for public solutions, resulting in wealth inequality increasing in every country. In contrast, we identify two universal pathways to successful public solution provision: early contributions to public solutions and conditional cooperation. Our findings highlight the ubiquity of the ‘private solution problem’ and its potential consequences for global collective action problems.
The environmental movement in Russia has been a most institutionalized form of collective action. Originating from the Soviet period and gaining momentum in late 1980s, it survived the 1990s’ dramatic transformations as well as the changes in political opportunity structure in the 2000–2010s. Extant scholarship on environmental activism in Russia has been largely focused on case-studies of regional mass-mobilization, such as environmental campaigns at Shiyes station in Archangelsk. The paper represents the first systematic study of cross-regional variance in environmental collective action in Russia. Drawing on three datasets, we trace the general evolution of environmental protests in the period from 2007 to 2021 and provide a typology of Russian regions. The latter allows us to classify Russian regions by intensity and sustainability of eco-mobilisation. We demonstrate that, despite narrowing opportunities, the intensity of environmental protests during the last decade has been on the rise. The typology allows us to describe the existing variance and suggest new questions on the nature and factors of environmental protest activity in Russian regions.
Urban self-management is an activity that can be exhausting and may not always be sustainable over the long term. This is partly because it involves not only typical activist activities but also the management and maintenance of a physical space. Drawing on a study conducted with activists from five self-managed spaces in Rome, I analysed the mechanisms that explain why some individuals continue to engage in activism for years, despite various challenges, while others choose to leave. It became clear that the decision to stay or leave results from a delicate and complex balance between centripetal forces (which hold the activists back) and centrifugal forces (which compel them to leave). To prevent the balance from tipping towards leaving, self-managed spaces must be more than just arenas of struggle and interaction; they must also be spaces of care, which can make these experiences not only valuable but also sustainably humane.
Group heterogeneity is often thought to hinder cooperation and public goods provision,but it’s unclear which differences matter most or if all diversity reduces cooperation.This study examines whether two core mechanisms of cooperation—reputation andreciprocity—operate differently in groups with varying gender, race, and agecompositions. Across three studies (N = 875) using the Public Goods Game, weindependently assessed how group diversity affects reputation and reciprocity incooperative settings. Contrary to expectations, group composition (heterogeneous vshomogeneous) did not significantly alter reputation perceptions. While reciprocitydifferences emerged, they were due to varying leniency towards non-cooperatorsrather than a clear in-group bias, except in race, where White participants showedgreater cooperation with similar cooperative partners over Black ones. Our findingssuggest that, while similarity may influence initial group dynamics, its impact onreputation and cooperation wanes over time, challenging the view that diversityconsistently reduces public goods provision.
This paper investigates the relationship between reserve for repairs and depreciation over time in condominiums under sectional ownership, employing transaction records in Tokyo. The monthly amount of reserve for repairs is kept at a low level until the property is around 10 years old, after which it is divided into two types of properties: those that are raised to an appropriate level and those that are not. The shortage of reserve for repairs leads to rapid depreciation after 25 years have passed since construction, around which major repair should have taken place. Because the reserve intensity is not reflected in property value until this timing, benefits (i.e., preserved property value) tend to be less than the required costs. The results imply a need for a scheme that makes visible to potential buyers the amount of collected reserve for repairs, as well as repair records.
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