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A History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.-A.D. 135)
... It might suggest a more substantial Roman influence than that which can be assumed for contemporary Gaza a mere forty years after the death of Herod and its second subordination to the provincia Syria, and more than thirty years before the administrative reorganization under Vespasian following the Jewish revolt. 38 The problem is compounded by the fact that not only the dedicator's son, but also his father, was given this name. Finally, it should be noted that the import of granite seems to go hand in hand with the establishment of Roman rule in Palestine. ...
This paper presents the results of autopsies of three previously published inscriptions suggesting some new readings.
... Schürer 1973, 379-381. 15 Schürer 1973.16 ...
... An enigmatic case is the coinage of Gerasa. The 67/8 CE coins that were minted by this city -a city that was affected by the revolt and the fighting (Schürer 1979:150) -depict the two most important deities of Gerasa, Artemis and Zeus Olympios as well as Tyche. Nothing seems to refer to the conflict. ...
The paper deals with civic coinages in the Southern Levant during and after the first Jewish revolt. It traces the increase of mint output and looks at the coin iconography. The impact of the Judaea Capta coins on the local coinages has long been recognized, but this paper discusses less explicit reflections of the revolt. Some of the coinages evoke Roman victory. These images, which have never been systematically studied, underline the regional impact of the conflict. Furthermore, regional variations appear; e.g., the cities on the coast responded differently to the events than cities in Galilee or in the Decapolis.
... Josephus (1998c is read in English as translated by Whiston. There is also educational historical literature available concerning the educational practices (Graves, 1914;Swift, 1919;Cubberley, 1920;Morris, 1937;Eby & Arrowood, 1940;Woody, 1949;Ebner, 1956;Greenberg, 1960;Schürer, 1979). These are, however, mainly notably oldthe history of Jewish educational practices has not interested the modern scholars. ...
This article aims for forming a plausible picture of the possible education of Jesus of Nazareth and his students. It discusses the educational ethos and practices at the beginning of the first century, pedagogical and didactic specialities in early Jewish education, and language used in the education in Palestine at the beginning of Common Era. Most probably Jesus was an exceptionally talented student who never attended the further education in upper level studies in bet ha-midrash or took tuition from any well-known Rabbi; he was said to be "un-learned" by the Scribal elite. It is plausible that his early educational path followed the well-known dictum from Talmud: "at five years Bible, at ten years Mishna".
... 14,10,) in das Jahr 48 v.Chr. datieren möchte (ihm folgen Vermes et al. 1973, 274 und Seeman 2013Saulnier 1981, 171-172, 196 zumindest zwei weitere Belege dafür, dass für Caesar in der Zeit des Bürgerkrieges seine Ausrufungen zum Imperator gelegentlich mit den Ordinalia angegeben wurden. 95 Der Wortlaut des oben zitierten Antrags Caesars (Josephus,ant. ...
Horvat Midras is situated in the central Judean Foothills, approximately 6 km northeast of the Roman city of Beth Guvrin–Eleutheropolis, alongside the primary Roman route to Jerusalem. At its zenith during the Roman period in the 1st century CE, the settlement spanned over 12 hectares, making it one of the largest ancient rural sites in the area. This Jewish settlement was destroyed during the Bar Kokhba Revolt (132–136 CE).Our excavation team uncovered a Late Antique church in the northern section of the village. Beneath the church floor, we found earlier strata that include remains of a building and underground chambers from the Late Hellenistic to Early Roman periods. These interconnected underground chambers, forming a typical hiding complex, fell out of use after the Bar Kokhba Revolt.Following a period of abandonment in the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE, the remnants of the earlier structures were leveled to make way for a new basilica, which featured a white mosaic floor. This construction, dating to the 4th century CE, was linked to a venerated rock-cut tomb, which we believe was the primary purpose of the architectural complex. The tomb, created within a rock-cut chamber integrated into the earlier hiding complex, also dates to the 4th century.In the subsequent architectural phase, a basilical church with marble columns, capitals, and exquisite multicolored mosaic floors was built within the former basilica, reusing some of its columns and walls. The apse was constructed above the tomb, with access provided via a room north of the apse that served as a martyrium.We identified at least two construction phases for this church, distinguished by the mosaics in their floors. The second phase, dating to the third quarter of the 6th century CE, involved extending the bema westward, sealing the passage between the north aisle and the martyrium, creating a new northern entrance to the martyrium, and constructing what appears to be a baptismal font atop the passage leading from the martyrium to the empty tomb. Numismatic evidence and the style of the mosaics and capitals support this dating. The structure remained in use during the Umayyad period until its destruction in the earthquake of 749 CE.As at other sites in the Judean Foothills, the study of the subterranean chambers carved out of the local chalk provides valuable insights into the site’s history. The survey revealed nearly 60 artificial cavities and subterranean complexes, including cisterns, quarries, columbaria, ritual immersion baths, and storerooms. Ten cavities beneath the ancient settlement contained typical hiding complexes, which, along with the artifacts found, offer important information about the settlement during the late Second Temple period and the Bar Kokhba Revolt.Additionally, dozens of rock-cut tombs were excavated from the surrounding slopes. One decorated hypogeum built of ashlars dates to the 1st and 2nd centuries CE. This hypogeum is connected by a tunnel to a smaller rock-cut tomb with three arcosolia, hewn during the Byzantine period. Red crosses and the Greek letters ΙΧ (iota and chi, representing Ιησους Χριστος, or Jesus Christ) and ΑΩ (alpha and omega, alluding to Jesus’s statement “I am the Alpha and the Omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the end” [Revelation 22:13]) were found on the tomb walls.
The large building (ca. 2500 sq. m.) of interest in this article is located in the southern civic center of the old city of Tiberias. It is symmetrical in plan, a basilical hall oriented east–west served as its core, and it has been dated to the third or fourth century CE. Underneath, in a deeper layer, the remains of an earlier structure, dated to the first or second century CE, came to light. Due to its elaborate decorations, typical of Herodian times, the prevalent opinion is that these are the remains of the palace of Herod Antipas, the founder of Tiberias, that later served Agrippa I. If this is indeed the case, then after the Herodian dynasty ended with the death of Agrippa II (100 CE), this Herodian property came into the possession of the Roman provincial regime. In the early third century, Tiberias became a Roman colony, the seat of the great rabbinic academy and the Jewish patriarch. Rabbinic and Roman literary sources indicate that three emperors (Hadrian, “Antoninus,” and Diocletian) visited the city and that it was frequented regularly by Roman officials including the governor of Judea-Palestina, who held assizes that handed down death sentences there. Hence, Tiberias was an “assize city” in the judicial circuit system (conventus) of the Roman governor, who also served as the supreme judge. Accordingly, it is suggested that the palatial building of interest in this article was a praetorium—a provincial residential and administrative complex and not just an elaborate private mansion.
This paper looks at the documents in II and I Macc., using Austinian speech-act theory, to argue that the latter gives an index not of imperial power but of negotiation and ultimately imperial weakness. It attempts to relate this finding with the respective character of the two Maccabean narratives, but also to nuance the theoretical base for using speech-act theory as a tool of historical analysis
Capernaum became the main base of Jesus' work. The Gospel of Mt 9:1 calls it "the city of Jesus". Capernaum was the hometown of Jesus' first disciples: Simon, Andrew, James and John (Mk 1:29). The focus of this study is to examine the relationship between the selection of Jesus' first disciples from among the fishermen of Capernaum and the context of the Sea of Galilee fishery in the first century AD. Why did Jesus choose Capernaum as the base for his work on the shores of the Sea of Galilee? Through a literature study, this research seeks to understand the fishing industry of the Capernaum fishermen who became Jesus' disciples in the context of fishing on the Sea of Galilee in the first century AD. The results of this study prove that Capernaum was one of a number of centers of the fishing economy on the shores of Galilee. Galilee's fisheries grew as demand for fish products increased at the time. Jesus chose Galilean fishermen as the core of His twelve apostles because they were accustomed to working together in fishing associations, able to communicate well and connect with many people in the context of the bustling first-century AD fishing in Galilee.
The earliest account of the Judaic community and prayer room in the city of Pantikapaion appears in six manumission inscriptions dated from 57 to the second century AD. These manumissions are standard legal acts certifying the release of pagan slaves from slavery in a prayer house (προσευχή) in Pantikapaion. According to the release conditions described, the said manumissions comprise of two groups. Simultaneous Judaic Bosporan manumissions from Pantikapaion refer to two Judaic communities: the inscriptions of the first group (CIB, nos. 70, 72, 73) state that the slaves were freed into the protectorate of the Judaic community, though according to the inscriptions of the second group (CIB, no. 71, and from Bosphorskii Lane), into the protectorate of the community of the Jews and the God-fearing (θεοσεβεῖς). Plausibly the members of the Judaic community and the “God-fearing” pagans who also entered it inhabited the coastal area of the city, the fishermen’s quarter in particular, from the mid-first century on. There are amphorae and a lamp showing menorah uncovered in the said quarter, which belonged to these Jews. There probably was also a communal prayer house. Some information about the structure and organisation of a Bosporan synagogue appears in the texts of Greek-language epitaphs of men discovered in 2020 near Pavlovskii cape, in a dacha settlement in the vicinity of Kerch, at the third- and fourth-century Jewish cemetery which is known from 1867. These inscriptions mention a rabbi and archsinagogos, or the spiritual leader of the community, and two presbyters, or the elders.
Antik çağda Pontos Bölgesi, doğuda Kafkas Coğrafyası ile batıda Anadolu’yu birbirine bağlayan stratejik bir noktada yer alır. Tarihsel süreçte bölge, bulunduğu stratejik konumdan ötürü askerî ve siyasi alanda oldukça hareketli bir coğrafya olmuştur. Hellenistik Dönem’de Mithradates Krallığı’nın merkezinde yer alan bu coğrafya, Roma hâkimiyeti döneminde imparatorluğun doğuda yürüttüğü askerî faaliyetlerde ikmal üssü, hatta ileri bir garnizon görevi üstlenmiştir. Öyle ki Roma, kendisi için stratejik önem arz eden Pontos Bölgesi’ni coğrafi konumu, dağlık yapısı ve Roma hâkimiyet sahasına olan uzaklığından dolayı genellikle vassal krallıklarla yönetme yoluna gitmiştir. Roma’nın Pontos Bölgesi’nin yönetimini verdiği bu vassal krallıların başında ise Polemon Krallığı gelmektedir. Bu krallığın hanedanı üyeleri yaklaşık bir asır Pontos Bölgesi’ni Roma’ya bağlı bir krallık olarak yönetmiştir. Bu yönetim süresince krallık bölgede istikrarlı bir politika sürdürmüş, bu başarılarından dolayı da dönem dönem Roma tarafından yeni topraklarla ödüllendirilmiştir. Hanedanın son üyesi II. Polemon döneminde krallığın sınırları Pontos’dan başlayarak kuzeyde Bopsoros toprakları güneyde ise Armenia Minor’a kadar uzanmıştır. Polmeon Krallığı’nın bu bölgedeki başlıca görevi bir taraftan Roma hâkimiyetini bölgede tesis etmek iken, diğer taraftan Roma’nın doğu seferlerinde Roma ordularına ikmal ve asker desteğinde bulunmaktı. Bu çalışmada Polomon Krallığı’nın Pontos Bölgesi’ndeki faaliyetleri, krallığın Roma’nın doğu politikasında oynadığı rolü ve bölgenin Polemon Krallığı’nın güçlenmesindeki stratejik önemi incelenecektir.
W Ewangelii Łukasza 2, 7 Syn Maryi urodzony w Betlejem został nazwany „Pierworodnym”, rozumianym zwykle w sensie dosłownym, podczas gdy istnieją powody, by „podejrzewać” wyraźną intencję Autora, aby temu terminowi, historycznie ugruntowanemu i uzasadnionemu, nadać głębszy sens, a mianowicie sens teologiczny. Autor artykułu podjął się wykazania teologicznej treści słowa „pierworodny” w Łk 2,7, analizując materiał filologiczny i historyczny Starego Testamentu oraz powtarzalność tego terminu w Nowym Testamencie. Z przeprowadzonej analizy wynika, że Łukasz jako historyk i teolog przypisuje pierworodnemu rolę tytułu chrystologicznego, naładowanego treścią teologiczną. Zatem bezwzględne użycie terminu „pierworodny” w Łk 2,7 (bez elementów wyjaśniających, jak na przykład w Rz 8,29; Kol 1,15 itd.) zachęca nas do traktowania go jako tytułu Chrystusa par excellence. Tylko On jest Pierworodnym. Tytuł ten należy do Niego z dwóch powodów: jako Pierworodnego i Jedynego Syna Ojca niebieskiego oraz jako Pierworodnego i Jedynego Syna Maryi.
The book of Esther is one of the most challenging books in the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, not only because of the difficulty of understanding the book itself in its time, place, and literary contexts, but also for the long and tortuous history of interpretation it has generated in both Jewish and Christian traditions. In this volume, Isaac Kalimi addresses both issues. He situates 'traditional' literary, textual, theological, and historical-critical discussion of Esther alongside comparative Jewish and Christian interpretive histories, showing how the former serves the latter. Kalimi also demonstrates how the various interpretations of the Book of Esther have had an impact on its reception history, as well as on Jewish-Christian relations. Based on meticulous and comprehensive analysis of all available sources, Kalimi's volume fills a gap in biblical, Jewish, and Christian studies and also shows how and why the Book of Esther became one of the central books of Judaism and one of the most neglected books in Christianity.
In A.D. 55, Paul of Tarsus, arguably one of the most innovative thinkers of the early Christian movement, encountered serious opposition to his ministry in the church that he had established at Corinth. Although Paul maintained that his ministry had been initiated and directed by God, his Corinthian letters reveal various issues of disagreement between this congregation and its founder. These areas of dispute included not only matters of ethics and theology but also Paul’s legitimacy as a Christian minister. The last part of 2 Corinthians (2 Cor 10-13), perhaps the most impassioned part of Paul’s Corinthian correspondence, indicates that his claims of leadership had been questioned within the Corinthian context. In fact, rival teachers, who challenged Paul’s authority and ministerial competence, had apparently gained support within the congregation. As Paul addresses this situation, one of the prominent motifs of 2 Cor 10-13 is the theme of boasting. On a lexical level, terms for boasting and self-commendation occur throughout this passage. More generally, in a section where Paul is responding to various criticisms levelled against his ministry, self-praise and self-presentation are related to the charges that have been made against him. In replying to his critics, Paul asserts his understanding of the nature of proper boasting--the one who boasts should “boast in the Lord” (εν κυρι'ω, καυχασθω; 10:17; cf. 1 Cor 1:31). This statement apparently reflects Jeremiah’s admonition on boasting: This is what the Lord says: “Let not the wise man boast of his wisdom or the strong man boast of his strength or the rich man boast of his riches, but let him who boasts boast about this: that he understands and knows me, that I am the Lord, who exercises kindness, justice and righteousness on earth, for in these I delight,” declares the Lord. (Jer 9:22-23 [ET 23-24]) In addition to Paul’s reference to boasting in the Lord, he also speaks of boasting in his authority (10:8; cf. 11:10). Moreover, his denials of boasting “beyond measure” (ουκ εις τα`αμετρα; 10:13, 15) imply that boasting may be appropriate under certain conditions. In contrast to these positive references to his own boasting, Paul describes the competitive boasting of his opponents in terms of foolishness (cf. 11:16-21), and he asserts that their actions reveal a lack of knowledge (10:12). This ambivalent evidence generates certain questions. For Paul, what is the distinction between proper and improper boasting? Is Paul engaged in special pleading or is there a conceptual framework that explains his contrasting statements on boasting? What does it mean to “boast in the Lord”?
El Evangelio de Marcos describe una escena en donde una viuda pobre ofrenda todo lo que tiene (Mc 12,41-44). Si bien el relato ocurre en el templo, el pasaje no especifica en qué lugar del templo en particular los eventos de la perícopa acontecen. Los intérpretes en general establecen que el evento ocurre en el atrio de las mujeres, en frente de la cámara del tesoro. Este artículo crítica esta conclusión, entre otras propuestas, evaluando las dos principales fuentes usados por estos autores (Josefo y Mishná). Metodológicamente el trabajo examina críticamente las fuentes usadas por la literatura secundaria, y analiza la perícopa desde una perspectiva literaria, asumiendo por tanto una lectura sincrónica.
This chapter examines the Christologies of two patristic scholars—Theophilus of Antioch and Origen of Alexandria . Christology refers to the study of the person and works of Jesus, the Christ. The patristic era is the period between the end of the Apostolic Age (or the closing of the New Testament writings; that is, c. 100 A.D.) and the definitive Council of Chalcedon (451 A.D.).405 A number of Christological heresies/controversies surfaced between the Apostolic Age and the mid-5th century that prompted responses from individual Christian scholars. Later, the council of Chalcedon became a forum for the church to respond to most of the Christological issues that had emerged over four centuries of the church’s existence. The chapter begins with the social, theological, geographical, and philosophical contexts within which patristic theologizing took place. Then, it proceeds to consider the Christological traditions of the patristic era with Theophilus and Origen as the key focus. These two scholars were chosen not only because they influenced the subject of Christology greatly but also because they represent two key theological schools that exerted immense influence on the
theology of the early church— Antiochene School and Alexandrian School. The last part draws some theological conclusions from the Christological traditions of the two scholars whose Christologies are examined
Throughout history, the Jewish people have suffered numerous challenges, including pogroms and killings and even a merciless attempt at total extinction. However, when we look at the Jewish people in the last decades, we witness an outstanding case study of resilience and exceptional recovery, healing, and growth. The Jewish people are an outstanding instance of a group of people who returned to their ancient homeland in order to revive their communal life and renew their biblical language, traditional calendar, and religious rituals. They even gained independence and re-established a Jewish sovereign state. This chapter is Yahel’s innovative attempt to examine the Jewish people’s survival strategies and achievements within the framework of Indigenous resilience studies. It begins with an introduction to the Indigenous discourse, literature addressing the resilience of Indigenous People, and a review of the history of the Jewish people, identifying means and methods of resilience. It looks at three prominent Jewish figures whose writings influence Jewish ways of thinking: Hillel the Elder, Judah Halevi, and Theodor Herzl. It concludes that the Jewish people’s methods of resilience are an overwhelmingly good example of Indigenous resilience.
Although legal and political discourse on the resurgence of the adat have developed significantly since the 1998 Indonesia Reform, attention to the mental health of the Indigenous Peoples of Indonesia, the adat community, remains low. On the other hand, psychological analysis of adat mental health also focuses less on how the socio-legal dynamic of the adat community should be considered. Using the case of adat revivalism in the post-authoritarian Indonesia, this chapter shows that the continuing development project and the reluctancy of Indonesia’s government to recognize adat community, has threatened many communities and their members’ mental health. This chapter also identifies opportunities to enhance the adat community’s well-being through their common practices and local knowledge.
This chapter examines a variety of Jewish literary perspectives on Achaemenid rule and rulers. It explores evidence in texts and authors that range from Isaiah to Josephus, including biblical and post‐biblical writers, prophets, historians, philosophers, and composers of fiction. The general assessment is a favorable one: the Achaemenids were responsible for releasing Jews from the Babylonian exile and restoring them to the homeland. But a closer look suggests a more subversive portrayal. The texts include mockery, satire, and parody of Achaemenid kings and reflect a retrospective discontent with the status of subordination.
W literaturze międzytestamentalnej, zwłaszcza w pismach o charakterze apokaliptycznym, pojawia się motyw transformacji kosmosu, który stanowi ostatni etap wydarzeń eschatologicznych. Świat skażony grzechem i zdominowany przez siły zła zostanie w czasach ostatecznych przemieniony i odnowiony przez Boga w rzeczywistość doskonałą, gdzie na wieki panować będzie sprawiedliwość i dobro. W niniejszym opracowaniu zostanie omówiona koncepcja transformacji kosmosu, która pojawia się w różnych dokumentach należących do literatury międzytestamentalnej, mianowicie w dziełach egzegetycznych, gdzie pojawiają się również elementy apokaliptyczne (Księga Jubileuszów: Jub 1,29; 4,26; Księdze starożytności biblijnych Pseudo-Filona: LAB 3,10), w zwojach z Qumran (Reguła zrzeszenia: 1QS 4,25) oraz w apokalipsach (Księga astronomiczna: 1 Hen 72,1; Apokalipsa tygodni: 1 Hen 91,14-17; Apokalipsa zwierząt: 1 Hen 90,37-38; Księga przypowieści: 1 Hen 45,4-5; Czwarta Księga Ezdrasza: 4 Ezd 7,28-31.75.113-114; Apokalipsa Barucha syryjska: 2 Bar 32,1-6; 57,1-3).
The article attempts at presenting the wives of Felix – a procurator of Judaea from 52 to 58/60 A.D. The governor is supposed to have had relationships with three women, two of whom are better known than the third. The author strives for solving the problem of kinship between the first wife – Drusilla of Mauretania – and Cleopatra VII, which is mentioned by Tacitus. Some researchers, however, have discredited the statement of the Roman historian that Drusilla would have been the granddaughter of the Egyptian queen. It was accepted by most historians and has been repeated in the following studies concerning Drusilla of Mauretania. Nevertheless, the renewed analysis of the matter indicates that it was Tacitus who was right and that Drusilla was the granddaughter of Cleopatra indeed. The second part of the article presents the second wife of Felix, who was the daughter of Agrippa I and is supposed to have started her relationship with the procurator of Judaea during his stay in the province.
A Arabia Petraea, ou província Arábia como também é conhecida,
teve sua fundação pelos romanos em 106 d.C., mas já se constituíra como um reino
cliente do Império Romano desde o ano 63 da era comum. Teve uma importante
função estratégica de guardar a retaguarda da Judeia e o flanco sul da Síria. A
instabilidade gerada por rivalidades e interesses particulares dos diferentes estados
clientes acabou inclinando Roma para a solução de uma provincialização gradual
e definitiva da região. Apesar de ser o reino cliente mais estável, a Nabateia foi
um hiato na geografia oriental do império. Sua anexação respondeu, portanto, a
abordagens estratégicas e territoriais de curto e longo prazo, fundamentalmente
a uma racionalização da gestão do Oriente Romano, que abriu uma fase comple�tamente nova na história da região. É nosso objetivo neste artigo apresentar o
histórico da conquista romana sobre os nabateus, a constituição geográfica desta
província e as questões político-econômicas que envolveram a formação desta
província romana à época do Imperador Trajano, assim como demonstrar o po�tencial de reflexão e apreensão do universo político, social, econômico e religioso
que as moedas produzidas nesta região podem nos oferecer.
Recent excavations in the Russian Compound in Jerusalem provide evidence of internal and external struggles in late Hellenistic Judea. The article presents the main findings and attempts to link them to historical events that occurred in Hasmonean Judea.
The article deals with the phrase symmachia kai philia, as used by John
Cantacuzenos (Hist. I 8; II 5; II 25). John Cantacuzenos was familiar with
the phrase (denoting forms of treaty or alliance between the states) through
classical authors (Polybius, еspecially), but it seems that symmachia kai
philia (in that specific word order) was borrowed from the First Book of
Maccabbes.
En suivant la variété des interprétations du texte du Contre Apion de Flavius Josèphe au cours des siècles, cet article s’attache à décrire la transformation d’une lecture de ce qui était à l’origine une apologie du judaïsme en un texte qui fournit des arguments historiques et théologiques aux Pères de l’Église afin de justifier l’hostilité, l’animosité et la haine que les Juifs ont suscitées depuis la plus lointaine antiquité et d’établir la supériorité du christianisme. L’article examine la manière dont cette utilisation du texte, qui a fait apparaître la figure du Juif « herméneutique/textuel » chère aux approches récentes de l’historiographie, est parvenue à prévaloir.
The New Testament does not specify when Jesus was born, and the currently accepted year is unlikely to be correct. Only two gospels --Matthew and Luke-- mention Jesus' birth. Being driven primarily by theological considerations rather than by a concern with historical accuracy, the infancy narratives contained in these two gospels not only contradict one another in almost every detail; they also run counter to logic and are completely unsupported by the historical evidence.
As the Christian Church became centered in Rome and strove to establish itself as the official religion of the Roman Empire, it had to compete with those forms of paganism that predominated at the heart of the empire and that enjoyed official support. Worship of the sun god in the form of Sol Invictus was replaced during the third century CE by devotion to Mithras. It was, thus, with this religion that the emerging Roman Church had to most directly compete and against which it directed much of its anti-pagan hostility, while at the same time incorporating many of its beliefs and rituals, including the celebration of Jesus' birth on December 25th.
In this paper the author presents a study of Susanna’s story (in catholic ca- nonical text Dn 13) from the perspective of identity related to names Juda and Isra- el. His analysis emphasises both the religious and ethnical meaning and hierarchi- cal relation (Juda within Israel, but Juda above Israel). A Judean woman (Susanna) and a Judean young man (Daniel) save the righteousness of Israel corrupted by its own judges. The idea of the Judean moral elite is a reaction against the Hasmonean political ideology and ambition to re-establish the Israelite state shaped after a fa- shion of David‘s Kingdom. Flavius Josephus in his account of the passage of power from the Hasmonean dynasty to Antipater, Herod’s father, mentioned the Judean deputation asking Pompeus to restore a non-monarchical government.
The interpretation focused on ethnical and religious identity is in strong opposition to the interpretation emphasising the gender and feministic aspect of the story of Susanna. The weak point of it is the passive role of Susanna and the a-sexu- al role of Daniel.
In this paper the author presents a study of Susanna’s story (in catholic ca- nonical text Dn 13) from the perspective of identity related to names Juda and Isra- el. His analysis emphasises both the religious and ethnical meaning and hierarchi- cal relation (Juda within Israel, but Juda above Israel). A Judean woman (Susanna) and a Judean young man (Daniel) save the righteousness of Israel corrupted by its own judges. The idea of the Judean moral elite is a reaction against the Hasmonean political ideology and ambition to re-establish the Israelite state shaped after a fa- shion of David‘s Kingdom. Flavius Josephus in his account of the passage of power from the Hasmonean dynasty to Antipater, Herod’s father, mentioned the Judean deputation asking Pompeus to restore a non-monarchical government.
The interpretation focused on ethnical and religious identity is in strong opposition to the interpretation emphasising the gender and feministic aspect of the story of Susanna. The weak point of it is the passive role of Susanna and the a-sexu- al role of Daniel.
Although ancient Idumea was certainly a marginal object of interest for classical writers, we do possess as many as thirteen extant classical non-Jewish authors (from the 1 st c. BCE to the 3 rd c. CE) who explicitly refer to Idumea or the Idumeans. For classical writers, Idumea was an inland territory between the coastal cities of Palestine, Egypt, and Arabia that straddled important trade routes. Idumea is also frequently associated in ancient literature with palm trees, which grew in Palestine and were exported throughout the Mediterranean. In the eyes of classical authors, the Idumeans were a distinctive ethnos living in the melting pot of southern Palestine. Ancient writers emphasized the Idumeans’ ethnic and cultural connections with the Nabateans, the Phoenicians and Syrians, and, finally, the Judeans, and also indicated that a great deal of Hellenization occurred in western Idumea in an urban context.
„Idźcie i głoście” – to wezwanie, jakie usłyszeli od Jezusa Apostołowie (zob. Mt 10,7; Mk 16,15). Wezwanie to kryje w sobie nie tylko element posłania, misji, ale również tajemnicę niezwykłego powołania do pójścia za Jezusem oraz tworzenia głębokiej z Nim relacji. W niniejszym artykule autor podejmuje próbę odczytania podobnych elementów w biblijnej i pozabiblijnej tradycji dotyczącej Abrahama. Okazuje się, że tradycja ta w wielu miejscach wykazuje cechy podobieństwa do ewangelicznych opowiadań o życiu i działalności grona Dwunastu. Daje w ten sposób podstawę, by dostrzec w Abrahamie postać Apostoła – Apostoła z Księgi Rodzaju. Abraham – the Apostle of the Book of Genesis „And preach as you go” – this is the call which the apostles heard from Jesus (see Mt 10:7; Mc 16:15). This call comprises not only the elements of mission, but also a mystery of an unusual vocation to follow Jesus and to build a profound relation with Him. In this article the author makes attempt to find similar elements in biblical and extrabiblical tradition concerning Abraham. It turns out that this tradition shows certain similarities to the Gospel narratives concerning life and activity of twelve disciples of Jesus. In this way it constitutes basis to discover in the person of Abraham an apostle – the Apostle of the Book of Genesis.
The study of the military in the Roman provinces of Judaea is not the most accessible topic. Though the data upon which scholars rely is familiar (e.g., epigraphs, papyri, ancient historians), its study requires significant methodological deviations from biblical studies. This article summarizes key points relevant for scholars of both Jewish antiquity and early Christianity. First, it provides a summary of recent developments in the social history of the Roman army in the Near East, attending especially to the question of the role and function of soldiers in that region. Second, this article provides a brief social history for all military units in Judaea before it was renamed Syria Palaestina in 130 ce (four legions, 14 infantry cohortes, and five cavalry alae), based on the latest discoveries. Finally, the article concludes with a section discussing two issues specific to New Testament studies: the presence of an Italian cohort in Judaea (Acts 10) and the issue of the Augustan cohort in Judaea and Batanaea (Acts 27).
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