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The Dark Side of Virtue: Reassessing International Humanitarianism

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... 7 A ação das tropas sérvias comandadas por Slobodan Milosevic criou um enorme fluxo de deslocados, em parte recepcionados por campos sob a tutela de tropas da operação da ONU. O massacre no campo de Srebrenica resultou entendimento que o engajamento internacional deveria priorizar a proteção das pessoas (Kennedy, 2004) colocou em debate amplo as condições de "sucesso" e "fracasso" das equipes em campo (United Nations, 1995b) e as opções estratégicas enquanto caminho para estabilização ou solução militar (United Nations, 1995c). Esse momento marca uma das mais centrais crises de legitimidade do novo humanitarismo e encerra rapidamente o otimismo do começo da década sobre a atuação da ONU em conflitos armados. ...
... Conselho. O ramo da PoC é emblemático nessa trajetória: instalado após a crise kosovar, sua pertinência foi amalgamada ao dever moral de proteção internacional (Kennedy, 2004;Orford, 2003), aceita unanimemente desde então no CSNU (Hultman, 2012), e na morte de mais de oito mil bósnios pelos sérvios, sem que as tropas holandesas encampadas agissem para impedir o ataque na área de tutela internacional (Kaldor, 2001). legitimidade tanto da tomada de decisão -com o acumulado de críticas sobre a composição do CSNU -, quanto do sentido moralizante sobre o dever de proteção (Kennedy, 2004). ...
... O ramo da PoC é emblemático nessa trajetória: instalado após a crise kosovar, sua pertinência foi amalgamada ao dever moral de proteção internacional (Kennedy, 2004;Orford, 2003), aceita unanimemente desde então no CSNU (Hultman, 2012), e na morte de mais de oito mil bósnios pelos sérvios, sem que as tropas holandesas encampadas agissem para impedir o ataque na área de tutela internacional (Kaldor, 2001). legitimidade tanto da tomada de decisão -com o acumulado de críticas sobre a composição do CSNU -, quanto do sentido moralizante sobre o dever de proteção (Kennedy, 2004). Esta suposta divisão não retrata os entraves centrais da evolução das normas intervencionistas; a fratura instalada há uma década implica na ruptura do processo sedimentador dos princípios protetivos (Carvalho e Lima, 2020), limitando ações avalizadas pela autoridade do Conselho, e indicando para mecanismos ainda mais belicosos -cada vez mais comandados por entes privados, com baixo nível de responsabilização (Kaldor, 2018). ...
Article
O humanitarismo multidimensional da ONU é constantemente atingido por crises institucionais, marcadas por fraturas de legitimidade e limites orçamentários. Este artigo explora as questões-chave desses momentos a partir das reformas administrativas levadas a cabo em resposta às essas tensões. As reestruturações do pilar de paz e segurança são um mecanismo fundamental de articulação do Secretariado para contornar entraves políticos do CSNU e estabeleceram um padrão significativo de envernizamento tecnocrático das atividades encampadas nas operações de paz. Assim, conclui-se que esse padrão foi reciclado ao longo das últimas três décadas, sedimentando o largo rol multidimensional. Atualmente, esse modelo é contestado justamente por sua extensão e tendo como principal tendência emergente o eixo de estabilização. Palavras-chave: Humanitarismo Multidimensional; ONU; Reformas Administrativas.ABSTRACTUN’s multidimensional humanitarianism constantly subject of institutional crises, characterized by legitimacy fractures and budget limits. This paper explores the key-issues of these events shedding light to the administrative reforms carried out in response to these tensions. The restructuring of the peace and security pillar is a crucial articulation mechanism of the Secretariat to overcome the UNSC's political blockages and it has established a significant pattern of technocratic varnishing on the activities undertaken in peace operations. Thus, we concluded that this pattern has been recycled over the last three decades, consolidating the wide multidimensional scope. Currently, this model is contested precisely because of its extension and its main emerging trend is the stabilization axis.Keywords: Multidimensional Humanitarianism; UN; Administrative Reforms. Recebido em: 02/04/2021 | Aceito em: 24/08/2021.
... In the 2003 invasion of Iraq and Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea, the use of force outside the UN regime was considered unlawful. The NATO intervention in Kosovo (1999) -for which the main rhetoric was that the military operation was legitimate, but illegal -was sharply criticised and was only accepted after a late approval by the UNSC, which argued that its principles aligned with the international teleology of protection (Kennedy 2004). ...
... The view that the R2P should be situated in a broader context of principles and instruments seeks to counter an impression of an ethereal source of global governance formulation concerned with technical details and removed from power relations (Kennedy 2004;Koskenniemi 2018b). It also discredits the impression of an unassailable domination by the Global North, showing patterns of behaviour used by Southern actors to place themselves in the international system. ...
... Although it is feasible to argue that protecting people against mass atrocities has become a motto for action taken by the international community (Serrano 2011), this has not been accompanied by acquiescence to infringements on national sovereignty (Amaral Júnior 2003). Even the 'constitutional' interpretation of the protective features of the San Francisco Charter (Kennedy 2004) has not outlasted traditional readings of international law, as demonstrated by Russia's posture towards the R2P. The perception that the rhetoric of human rights promotion is misused to promote imperialist interests (Bhuta 2008) -especially in humanitarian intervention scenarios -voids its legitimacy. ...
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In this article, we use the notion of legitimacy to analyse shifts in global humanitarian interventions since the 1990s, culminating in the contested adoption of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework under the United Nationsumbrella in 2005. We assess how this important shift was disputed with narratives of protection and interference, and argue that the engagement of nonhegemonic actors (specifically Brazil and Russia) with the scope of humanitarian protection has influenced the substantive legitimacy of this global governance issue over the past three decades by creating a norm-making process in which the fundamental features of humanitarianism have been tested and challenged.
... Eleştirel hukuk teorisi, barışın, adaletin ya da sosyal dönüşümün sağlanmasının hukuk sistemi ve hak merkezli bir söylemde gerçekleşiyor olmasının çeşitli sınırları olduğunu savunmaktadır (Kennedy 2004;Koskenniemi 2010). Bu sınırların ilki, hukuk sisteminin çözüm sürecine hâkim olması durumunda bunun dışındaki siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal alanlara yapılması gereken müdahalelerin marjinalleşmesidir. ...
... Bu sınırların ilki, hukuk sisteminin çözüm sürecine hâkim olması durumunda bunun dışındaki siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal alanlara yapılması gereken müdahalelerin marjinalleşmesidir. Bu durum, uluslararası ve ulusal politikaların ve kaynakların hukuk sistemine odaklanmasına ve siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal alanlarda mücadeleye yönelik eşit çabaların olmamasına neden olmaktadır (Kennedy 2004). BM Güvenlik Konseyi kararnamelerinde de cinsel şiddet suçlarını önlemek için hukuk sistemi ve hak merkezli söylemin hâkim rol oynaması benzer bir sınırlama getirilmesine neden olmakta, kadınların savaştaki deneyimleri ve eşitlik ve özgürlük talepleri sadece hukuk çerçevesinde dile getirilmekte ve siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal dinamikler içinde kadınlara alternatifler geliştirilmemektedir. ...
... İkincisi hakların bireysel niteliği toplum düzeyinde değişmesi gereken dinamiklere müdahale etmemektedir. Bir başka önemli nokta da sorunların dile getirilmesi ve kadınların aktif rollerinin sadece hukuki çerçevede gerçekleşiyor olması başka söylemler (siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal) aracılığıyla özgürlük elde etmenin önünü kapatmakta ve bunun dışındaki söylemleri daha az değerli ve daha az meşru hale getirmektedir (Kennedy 2004). Demir'in (2020) de belirttiği üzere hukuki mücadele kadınlara adalet sağlamak ve toplumsal cinsiyete adalet getirmek için önemli olmakla birlikte yeterli değildir. ...
... Scholars have, second, widened the scope of questions about the effects of NGOs. Scholars moved beyond a concern only with NGOs' stated goals and became interested in the range of effects of human rights work, including positive as well as negative, and intended as well as unintended effects (Barnett 2002;Kennedy 2004;Guilhot 2005;Meyers 2019). These studies, third, built on a recognition that human rights are not only "expressed" through NGOs, but are also given meaning by them, in a way that is necessarily specific and also selective (de Waal 2003;Merry and Levitt 2009). ...
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Drawing on forty in-depth interviews with program managers in nineteen Western international human rights organizations, this article examines how human rights organizations make decisions about how to allocate resources and how to manage their commitments to specific causes, specific people, and specific areas. It argues that organizational routines shape the allocation of resources relatively independently of other factors and it pays particular attention to the role played by intra-organizational “units” of work and planning. Units of work and planning function as candidates for the allocation of resources within organizations. Resources are not allocated directly to issues or causes but rather are distributed on the one hand among a set of range of practices, such as reports and campaigns, and ways of responding, which are considered legitimate, and on the other hand among the thematic and geographical units, which structure human rights organizations. The article concludes by discussing some factors that play a role in the selection among these units. As human rights workers consider where their organizations can make a difference, other organizations and conditions for their work come into view, levers matter, and the way making a difference can be demonstrated plays a role.
... Argumentul în favoarea activiștilor romi este că nu își pot negocia propriile interese, întrucât, prin prisma caracterului lor universal, drepturile omului nu sunt negociabile. Cu alte cuvinte, nu poți cere "mai mult" dintr-un drept la viață pentru o comunitate sau un drept "superior" la un proces echitabil, poți doar cere dreptul la viață sau dreptul la un proces echitabil pentru comunitatea proprie (Kennedy 2004). Formularea drepturilor omului nu oferă oportunități celor care o folosesc pentru negociere, pentru că acele drepturi ale omului sunt indivizibile și universale. ...
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În ciuda numărului din ce în ce mai mare de inițiative dedicate romilor la nivel european și național, nu se întrevede o îmbunătățire a situației lor în Europa, ba chiar dimpotrivă. Lucrarea de față explorează numeroasele erori de calcul, conceptuale și gafele care au dus la acest eșec. Analizând situația Cehiei, Ungariei, și României, Rostaș arată cum decidenții politici din fiecare țară au gestionat incorect politica UE care era și așa confuză în acest domeniu, de la lipsa unei definiții a „romilor”, la inexistența unui mecanism de evaluare a progresului propriu. Rostaș susține, de asemenea, că presupusul succes al acestor politici a fost, de fapt, produsul unei informări precare și, uneori, efectiv al unei înșelătorii. Examinând subiecte de actualitate în rândul romilor, cum ar fi segregarea școlară și reprezentarea politică, autorul arată numeroasele situații în care așa-numitul succes al politicilor rome poate fi înșelător, nefăcând altceva decât să deschidă calea către și mai multe probleme. Rostaș susține că, la încheierea programului Cadrul UE pentru romi la finalul lui 2020, trebuie să existe o schimbare fundamentală de politică pentru ca impactul să fie unul real și pozitiv pentru romi. Decidenții politici vor trebui să se aplece asupra problemelor romilor nu doar din punctul de vedere al sărăciei și excluziunii sociale, dar și din punctul de vedere al elementelor specifice ale identității etnice a romilor. Pentru această schimbare este necesară o reconceptualizare a romilor ca „minoritate politic insulară” și o redistribuire a dinamicii de putere a administrației locale, astfel încât în momentul în care va începe o nouă eră a politicilor pentru romilor, romii să aibă și ei un cuvânt de spus în formularea acestora.
... Хотя в России и работает ряд НПО экологического профиля, им так и не удалось найти массовой поддержки среди населения. В литературе можно найти немало примеров того, как в некоторых странах неправительственные организации утрачивали легитимность по ряду различных причин, включая иностранное финансирование, неблагоприятное воздействие на глобальное управление и отождествление их с гегемонией Запада [Bruhl et al 2001;;Jaeger 2007;Mendelson, Glenn 2002;Kennedy 2004;Bob 2015]. Во времена Советского Союза природные ресурсы страны пытались защищать природоохранные группы, базировавшиеся в университетах. ...
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This article offers an analysis of why Russia has been struggling to implement the environmental policies adopted by the government. While Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs), much discussed in the Constructivist scholarship and concerned with forces behind normative and behavioral change, do indeed have an independent effect on the adoption of environmental laws, they act predominantly through inter-governmental channels, not necessarily impacting on society itself. This partly explains why norms get adopted but may end up not getting implemented. Based on the existing literature on TANs, the authors’inquiry establishes the fact that, to be successful in facilitating implementation, transnational networks can operate not only in the capacity of Advocacy Networks for the adoption of norms, but also as what the authors of this article previously chose to refer to as Expertise and Experience Networks, primarily aiming to aid norm implementation. Countries can be affected by TANs but not by TEENs, which might account for the paradoxical situation in Russia regarding norm implementation. The difference between the two only becomes apparent in cases when they do not operate simultaneously.
... The Marxist tradition and critical theory have long been, to say the least, suspicious of rights politics, examining the different ways in which it is, at best, incapable of challenging the existing configurations of power and imagining radical alternatives, or at worst, rights politics is itself complicit in the reproduction and perpetuation of the extant order (Marx, 1975;Pashukanis 1978;Mutua 2002;Brown 2004;Agamben, 2005;Kennedy 2004;Moyn 2010;Douzinas 2000;Zizek 2005;Cheah 2007;Badiou 2001). However, there is a growing literature, which, while taking heed of certain aspects of those critiques, advances a positive case for the radical potential of rights (Ingram 2008;Stammers 2009;Baxi 2008;Chambers 2004;Perugini and Gordon 2015;O'Connell 2018;McNeilly 2016;Wall 2012;Hoover 2016;Zivi 2012;Gündoğdu 2015;Rancière 2004a, b). ...
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Against the well-established critical rejection of rights a growing literature in the tradition of agonistic democracy asserts their emancipatory role in the struggles for social change. However, agonistic theorists, invested as they are in the idea of democratic innovation as a process of gradual ‘augmentation’ of existing rules, institutions and practices, fail to account for the ruptural capacity, and hence for the full radical potential, of rights. Using the performative approach, I develop a conception of rights claiming as a defiant practice to express the ruptural dimension of certain forms of rights politics. I demonstrate how defiant rights claiming articulates immanent critique by declaring the incapacity of putative duty-bearer institutions and governments to uphold the claimed right due to structural constraints, thereby generating inevitable contradictions within the extant order and creating the necessity for an alternative one. Moreover, in order to fully capture the emancipatory potential and creative capacity of rights, this article argues for understanding certain forms of rights politics both as augmentation and rupture, taking the two to be different dimensions of the same radical democratic practice. I present the creative use of rights discourse by the Landless Workers’ Movement in Brazil and the transnational network of agrarian movements, La Via Campesina, as precisely such a combination of the practice of augmentation and defiant claims, which has led to the transformation of the right to food and land into the right to food sovereignty, demonstration of the structural embeddedness of rights violations in the existing global regime of food production and distribution, and authorisation of an alternative vision of the future.
... (2020) 50 R.G.D. [5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16] En effet, le professeur Kennedy affirme que les juristes sont eux aussi des experts engagés dans ces luttes visant à persuader les protagonistes d'accepter leur vision politico-économique du monde. Dans ce monde conflictuel, la pratique professionnelle et le vocabulaire techniciste des juristes leur permettent de qualifier ou de construire avec autorité les faits qui seront par la suite acceptés comme objectifs et neutres. ...
... Morality is a sentiment, not an abstraction, and can be improved through empathy (Rorty, 1989). Others have followed this path and pointed to the relevance of practices for sound ethical decisions (Amoureux and Steele, 2014;Kennedy, 2004Kennedy, , 2006Mac Ginty and Williams, 2009;Onuf, 2009;Zanotti, 2019). ...
Article
This article explores the relevance of ontological assumptions for justifications of agency and ethics. It critiques Kantian ethics for being based upon an ontological imaginary that starts from the substantialism of Newtonian physics. Substantialism shapes Western political philosophy’s view about who we are as subjects and how the world works. In this ontological imaginary, validation of ethics is based upon universality and abstractions. Furthermore, Kantian ethics underscores an anthropocentric and theocratic vision of how to govern societies. I argue Kantian criteria are not only insufficient to make good choices but are also conducive to wrong ones, since they elicit self-appeasement in international intervention, and contribute to the conceptual repertoire of coloniality. I propose that an ontology of entanglements opens possibilities for overcoming the shortcomings of an ethos based upon abstractions and possibly for correcting some of its moral failures. In a quantum ontological imaginary, the validation of ethical choices relies instead upon the exploration of the apparatuses we deploy, as well as upon careful situational evaluation. Specific practices, rather than an abstract humanity, are the referents for devising such ethos. This position, I argue, resonates with the critical project of decoloniality and its acknowledgment of the political salience of ontological imaginaries.
... 9. The idea of institutional self-empowerment was also proposed by David Kennedy (2005), who also criticizes the attitude of international humanitarian law and human rights activists (akin to our "global civil society") for insufficient awareness of their power and negative consequences that follow from their good deeds. 10. ...
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This article criticises the growing reliance on environmental and social (ES) policies by development finance institutions (DFIs), and the increasing use of corresponding accountability mechanisms to challenge development projects. The concept of juridification is used to explain this phenomenon and shows the crucial role of global civil society in expanding the reach of ES policies and accountability mechanisms. Linked to the competition between DFIs in the “marketplace” of international development finance, juridification also enables legal avoidance practices by the DFIs. The article shows that juridification in international development finance is “tragic” because the expansion of ES policies further marginalises the affected groups needing legal protection.
... These darker sides of virtue (cf. Kennedy, 2005) are kept at bay in a delicate balance with liberalism, which in criminal justice transpire into legal liberalism and human rights with strong procedural safeguards, defendants' rights, and respect for the liberal rule of law. ...
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With the consolidation of a cosmopolitan field of international criminal justice, penality has ‘gone global’. In spite of the abundance of doctrinal legal analysis, human rights studies, and transitional justice studies, there are few analytic attempts to engage with the working assumptions, cultural commitments, and dominant mentalities that give shape to international criminal justice as a penal field. Based on ethnographic observations, interviews with key actors, and critical reading of international criminal justice scholarship, this article compares the cosmopolitan penality of international criminal justice to that of late modern, domestic, penality. Using David Garland’s The Culture of Control as an analytic yardstick, it argues that international criminal justice both resembles and departs from ‘the national’. For example, whilst the cosmopolitan penality relies upon retributive justifications, it makes no appeal to harsh penal sanctions; nor is it concerned with the rehabilitation of prisoners. Rather, it is an expressive and humanitarian form of justice where the victim takes central stage – as the embodiment of a suffering humanity. Moreover, there is a remarkable faith in the transformative effects of international criminal justice, resembling a form of penal welfarism ‘gone global’. As national capacity building and penal development has become intrinsic to the project of international criminal justice, the article shows how the global dimension of the power to punish is based on a moralization of politics.
... One can say that the pervasive ethnographic focus on the complicated relationship between identity and progressive politics has blinded much of political and legal anthropology to the rapid proliferation of diverse logics of ethnic and religious nationalism, apocalyptic transnationalism, neo-sexism, Western chauvinism, and anti-anti-racism, among others. To again make use of paraphrase (in this case, of the critical legal scholar David Kennedy [2004]), in our collective inability as political and legal anthropologists to give these dangerous logics the serious and sustained ethnographic attention that they demand, we have fallen victim, however unintentionally, to the dark side of our anthropological virtue. ...
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The article uses ethnographic research on right-wing anti-government movements in Bolivia conducted at the height of social conflict and cultural violence in 2008 and 2009 to reflect more generally on the relationship between anthropological research, ethical commitment, and the politics of knowledge. The article first describes the relevant epistemological and political contexts in which engaged anthropology emerged as an important disciplinary current. It then goes on to consider how and why the author’s research on right-wing political practice in Bolivia diverged from the disciplinary expectations of engaged anthropology. After reflecting on the implications of this shift, the article concludes by arguing for a methodological recalibration that allows anthropologists to take seriously the ideologies and cultural logics of contemporary right-wing mobilization, particularly social and political movements that are animated by what Edmund Burke described as ‘just prejudice’.
... 34 On the role of 'system effects' in international politics, see Jervis 1997. 35 Sjursen 2017, 3, 5. On the 'dark side of virtue' more generally, see Kennedy 2005, especially chapter 8. 36 More powerful states are not always able to impose their will on weaker actors. In a particular situation, asymmetries in motivation can be as important as asymmetries in power resources. ...
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This paper applies three conceptions of global justice-justice as non-domination, as impartiality, and as mutual recognition-to the study and practice of humanitarian intervention in EU foreign policy. It shows that these three conceptions of justice require very different behaviour in the three stages of a humanitarian intervention: the decision to intervene; the conduct of an intervention; and post-intervention reconstruction. As recent cases such as Libya and Syria testify, the EU and EU member states will continue to confront situations in which they must decide whether to wage an armed intervention on humanitarian grounds. This paper aims to show the implications and viability of each conception of global justice as it pertains to humanitarian intervention in EU foreign policy and to provide policymakers with alternative courses of action and modes of self-assessment when it comes to the EU's ambition to be a value-based actor in world politics.
... Kennedy [26][27][28] is a key theorist of international law at Harvard University who documents the unforeseen consequences, blind spots, and biases of humanitarian work, or, to put it colloquially, " when rights go wrong." The human rights tradition focuses on participatory as opposed to economic or distributive justice issues and on legal rather than social, religious, and other remedies. ...
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Di Nicola V. The global south: An emergent epistemology for social psychiatry. World Soc Psychiatry 2020;2:20-6 Di Nicola V. The global south: An emergent epistemology for social psychiatry. World Soc Psychiatry [serial online] 2020 [cited 2020 Mar 21];2:20-6. Available from: http://www.worldsocpsychiatry.org/text.asp?2020/2/1/20/281130 Abstract This essay introduces the sociopolitical notion of the Global South as a bridge between globalization and the global mental health (GMH) movement that offers an emergent apparatus or conceptual tool for social psychiatry. A brief history of the Global South reveals that it is wider and deeper than economic and geopolitical notions such as the Third World, the developing world, and the nonaligned movement across a broad swathe of history and culture. I then turn to globalization and its critics, examining critiques of economics, human rights, and problems associated with humanitarian services. A feature of GMH, “the health gap,” is contrasted with “the epistemic gap,” a divide between the epistemologies of the North and emergent Southern epistemologies. Three key features of the Global South – conviviality, porosity, and syncretism – are discussed with examples from my practice of social psychiatry with consultations in child psychiatry and family therapy in Haiti and Brazil. Finally, the Global South is affirmed as a conceptual and clinical apparatus for social psychiatry. Keywords: Conviviality, global mental health, globalization, porosity, Southern epistemologies, syncretism, the Global South
... Transitional Justice operates under the presumption that its goals and methods are not only necessary and laudable but also "are by definition a good thing" (Lutz 2006: 339). The legitimisation of the measures based on moral subjective self-appraisal and the appropriation of "Justice" by the Transitional Justice discourse requires further scrutiny (Kennedy 2004 :116-119). Transitional Justice theories are replete with incongruencies and contradiction perhaps because of the 'thickening' of the field. ...
... Moreover, there are those that present a realistic account of what should matter for us, which are far from giving any sort of metaphysical explanation. See for example Kennedy (2004). remember that our Western tradition is formed by convictions about the worth of every individual human, as well as by Nazi gas chambers, concentration camps in the Balkans and modern forms of slavery in Western countries, often present within the walls of businesses, which do it against the law at home, but enjoy the 'freedom' to do so when operating abroad 8 . ...
... NGOs have used their expertise and information-based mobilization to develop their global brands and influence in global affairs. As the sector matured over time, the expertise-focused approach favored using staff for elite lobbying and normative mobilization but often neglected building diverse popular support at local levels (Kennedy, 2004). In the past, advocacy groups mainly generated reports and exposed wrongdoing with some high-profile successes, such as the creation of the International Criminal Court, an anti-landmines treaty, or putting women's rights on the global agenda (Cox, 2011). ...
Article
Legacy advocacy organizations face growing competition from digitally native organizations. Interviews with leaders and staff of both types of organizations reveal that legacy NGOs with professionalized and staff-led advocacy strategies are less comfortable than digital natives to cede substantial control over campaigns to their supporters. At the same time, legacy NGOs and digital natives acknowledge similar challenges with regard to enhancing the civic agency of their supporters. Digital natives are more open to online feedback and supporter-led actions, while both types of organizations report similar challenges in utilizing digital tools for sustained and long-term organizing.
... According to Kennedy (2004), activists/advocates occupy a liminal position when they represent people outside the political process to those within it. This liminality produces complex dilemmas and challenges for human rights translators. ...
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Translators of global liberal human rights ideas into religious conservative communities are intermediaries who occupy a liminal position. They are located at a complex crossroad of incompatible values and norms. This article examines the translators’ challenges and dilemmas that stem from this position. The article focuses on translators of human rights of people with disabilities in Jewish ultra-Orthodox communities in Israel as a case study. The article analyzes the translators’ questions of identity and belonging, as well as their dilemmas and difficulties when there is a contradiction between the human rights discourse and the ultra-Orthodox discourse. It also illuminates the dilemmas that result from the tension between the state authorities’ perspective and the ultra-Orthodox perspective. These dilemmas differ from those discussed in the literature, which are usually related to choosing activist strategies. Furthermore, the findings suggest that, unlike previous studies that have portrayed human rights translators as actors with “double subjectivity” who can flexibly move between the global and the local moral worlds, the translators in this case are deeply entrenched in the local religious world. For them, localization is not merely an instrumental means to legitimize the global human rights principles but, rather, an essential way to settle their conflicting identities and beliefs.
... 55 To avoid this uncomfortable situation, human rights experts try to resolve conflicts and ambiguities "on the basis of a process of 'interpretation'" which they claim to be different from, and more legitimate than, politics and by "fetischiz[ing] the judge as someone who functions as an instrument of the law rather than as a political actor". 56 However, the problem with social rights realisation is not interpretative but more often a budgetary dispute among competing interests and needs. 57 A bill of social rights does not settle the policy challenges and distributive dilemmas about the allocation of resources in social policies. ...
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In the literature on social rights there are three arguments that are frequently made to respond to concerns about courts’ lack of institutional capacity and legitimacy to decide on issues of resource allocation in social policies. First, that social rights and civil and political rights are structurally similar and they can all create costly positive duties. Second, that there are shortcomings in the democratic and administrative processes that will result in failures to address the needs of the poor. Third, that courts can be reformed to better deal with complex and polycentric policy issues. This article discusses these three arguments to argue that a case for social rights adjudication grounded on them lies on shaky grounds as they create a “nirvana fallacy” that compares a dystopian characterisation of bureaucracies and the democratic process with an idealised description of what courts are and what they can become.
... Kleinman and Kleinman (1996) severely criticise medical anthropologists whose work revolves around 'the commodification of experiences of atrocity and abuse, and the pornographic uses of degradation ' Kleinman and Kleinman (1996). While this seems to be a harsh viewpoint on doctors chronicling suffering, many works share the same outlook, including Kennedy's (2004) The Dark Sides of Virtue: Reassessing International Humanitarianism, Mutua's (2002) Human Rights: A Political and Cultural Critique, and Rieff's (2002) A Bed for the Night: Humanitarianism in Crisis. Even an internationally recognised humanitarian organisation like Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) (Doctors without Borders) has been scrutinised for the efficacy of its role and intervention. ...
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In the memoir Tears of Salt: A Doctor’s Story , Pietro Bartolo (2018) relates visceral descriptions of illness, injury and death endured by refugees on their journey of escape to the shores of Lampedusa in the Mediterranean. The medical gaze of the doctor/author further complicates the political and philosophical discourse of mass migration, foregrounding and calling into question the myriad ways in which the migrating human body is subjugated to forms of structural violence that render it ungrievable and inhuman. The migrating body, a production of and outcast from nation-states, is destined to make its way to news outlets where its suffering is gazed upon, sympathised with and later forgotten about. The surge of images revealing the realities of migrating bodies afflicted with pain, disease, trauma and sexual assault is illustrative of the asymmetric power of biopolitics at work, in which some bodies are, according to the formulations of Judith Butler and Giorgio Agamben, allowed to die or made killable. This paper will examine issues of illness, death and dying in relation to Bartolo’s accounts of refugees in order to observe what is gained and what is lost in applying a medical gaze to the ‘refugee crisis’. In addition to the memoir, we examine the scholarship of violence against the refugee body, the realities of ignoring their pain and how these exploited bodies are portrayed within a global narrative. This article reconfigures the detachment between the human as a socially constructed centre of subjectivity and the body in pain. The corporeality of illness and death that migrants face positions them in an abject position and distances them farther from the rhetoric of human rights. The ontological being of these individuals in medical discourse rarely goes beyond acknowledging that it is normal and expected for these bodies to be in pain. In what ways can we in the humanities gear the discussion towards the raw physicality of fragmentation, distortion and rejection of refugees and immigrants? What role can such a view play in building an ethic of lasting care for the dispossessed? Our research addresses these questions through our reading of the memoir.
... In general, human rights vocabulary and institutional Malia Lee Womack. Puerto Rican Nationhood and the Diverse Nature of Collective Identity Construction © Journal of Politics and Democratization 38 operations conceptualize people and society abstractly and in universal terms; this universal approach does not address the pluralities and intricacies of human experience or how colonized nations experience inequality within the UN system and within their colonial relationships (Kennedy 2004). The Puerto Rican case troubles the universal human rights approach by demonstrating how collective identities are diverse in nature, rather than universally experienced, and how nations under colonial rule face heightened inequalities within the human rights system. ...
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Human rights vocabulary and institutional operations conceptualize people and society abstractly and in universal terms; this universal approach does not address the pluralities and intricacies of human experience or how colonized nations experience inequality within the UN system and within their colonial relationships. The Puerto Rican case troubles the universal human rights approach by demonstrating how collective identities are diverse in nature, rather than universally experienced, and how nations under colonial rule face heightened inequalities within the human rights system. The pages below engage with Arlene Dávila's Sponsored Identities and Hilda Lloréns' Imaging the Great Puerto Rican Family to explore the complexities of Puerto Ricanness as a collective identity. I analyze the diversities within Puerto Ricanness as a collective identity in order to critique universal human rights approaches.
... Focusing on the criminal law discourse can prevent us from asking an important question: What, if any, can be the adverse by-products of rescuing life at sea? This question, which, as will become apparent, rescuers have long asked themselves, draws upon a tradition of critical humanitarianism, in which critique goes hand in hand with action and its assessment in realworld rather than ideal terms (Brauman 2012;Kennedy 2005). ...
... Puede decirse que el omnipresente foco de la etnografía en la complicada relación entre la identidad y la política progresista ha cegado a gran parte de la antropología política y jurídica ante la rápida proliferación de diversas lógicas de nacionalismo étnico y religioso, transnacionalismo apocalíptico, neosexismo, chovinismo occidental y anti-antirracismo, entre otras. Recurriendo de nuevo a la paráfrasis (en este caso, del jurista crítico David Kennedy [2004]), en nuestra incapacidad colectiva como antropólogos políticos y jurídicos para prestar la atención etnográfica seria y sostenida que estas peligrosas lógicas exigen, hemos sido víctimas, aunque sea involuntariamente, del lado oscuro de nuestra virtud antropológica. ...
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El artículo utiliza una investigación etnográfica sobre movimientos antigubernamentales de derecha en Bolivia, realizada en el punto álgido del conflicto de 2008 y 2009, para reflexionar sobre la relación entre investigación antropológica, compromiso ético y política del conocimiento. Describe los contextos epistemológicos y políticos en los que surgió la antropología comprometida. Examina cómo y por qué la presente investigación se apartó de las expectativas de esa antropología. Reflexiona sobre las implicancias de este cambio y concluye defendiendo una recalibración metodológica que permita tomarse en serio las ideologías y lógicas culturales de la derecha contemporánea.
... On the politics of humanitarianism see alsoFassin (2011),Barnett and Weiss (2008),Kennedy (2005),Hyndman (2000),Perkowski (2016). ...
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The European 'refugee crisis' has seen the Mediterranean described as: a hot spot in need of better governance and border policing; the world's deadliest border; and as a humanitarian catastrophe. In Germany, the initial default option was to treat the various articulations of crisis as localized. Keeping the Mediterranean (and thus the crisis) at arm's length was facilitated by the Dublin II regulations stipulating that asylum claims would only be processed in the state where they were first made. Only in 2015, when large numbers of refugees arrived, the Mediterranean was rearticulated as concerning 'us' rather than 'them'. Focusing on German asylum and refugee debates, this article traces such semantic shifts to show how, counter-intuitively , becoming Mediterranean is enabled by a tacit process of de-Europeanization which instrumentally calls for European solutions only when the 'crisis' reaches the national level.
... 12 Importantly, this capitulation to the logics of the system makes it so that corporate accountability becomes not a restraint on corporate value extraction activities, but rather a facilitator and stabiliser of corporate profit-making and corporate capitalism on the whole. 13 10 See also Baars (2019), p. 3. 11 Kennedy (2004), p. 3. 12 Baars (2016), p. 132. 13 Baars (2016), p. 132. ...
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This open access book documents and analyses the various interventions – legal, political, and even artistic – that followed the Ali Enterprises factory fire in Karachi, Pakistan, in 2012. It illuminates the different substantive and procedural aspects of the legal proceedings and negotiations between the various local and transnational actors implicated in the Ali Enterprises fire, as well as the legal and policy reforms sparked by the incident. This endeavour serves to embed these legal cases and reform efforts in the larger context of human and labour rights protection and global value chain governance. It also offers a concrete case study relevant for ongoing debates around the role of transnational approaches in making human rights litigation, advocacy, and law reform more effective. In this regard, the book interrogates and critically reflects on such legal campaigns and local and transnational reform work with a view to future transformative legal and social activism.
... Human rights seek to restrain the beast of state sovereignty in the name of human rights and, at the same time, rely upon the state as the omnipresent guarantor of those rights. As Kennedy puts it, human rights "[structure] liberation as a relationship between an individual right holder and the state" and thereby "equate the structure of the state with the structure of freedom" (Kennedy 2005, chapter 1). For Rajagopal, this "simply reproduces the same structures that have prevented the realization of those rights in the first place" (Rajagopal 2003). ...
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Ecological Solidarity and the Kurdish Freedom Movement examines the ideas about social ecology and communalism behind the evolving political structures in the Kurdish region. The collection evaluates practical green projects, including the Mesopotamian Ecology Movement, Jinwar women’s eco-village, food sovereignty in a solidarity economy, environmental defenders in Iranian Kurdistan, and Make Rojava Green Again. Contributors also critically reflect on such contested themes as Alevi nature beliefs, anti-dam demonstrations, human-rights law and climate change, the Gezi Park protests, and forest fires. Throughout this volume, the contributors consider the formidable challenges to Kurdish initiatives, such as state repression, damaged infrastructure, and oil dependency. Nevertheless, contributors assert that the West has much to learn from the Kurdish ecological paradigm, which offers insight into social movement debates about development and decolonization.
... This is increasingly an explicit mandate for international financial and trade institutions. 33 This seems to me the implicit message in much of David Kennedy's work (for example, see Kennedy 2004). our current situation, working together, scholars in modern money theory and critical traditions of international law seem to promise whole new vistas of progressive futures to our present. ...
... Hence, the entry-point of "ethnographic refusal", I believe, holds promise for Nordic critical legal scholars interested in using of the Global South as a site of knowledge production seeking to navigate the perils of methodological universalism and methodological nationalism. Through this critical perspective, we are better suited to research the relationship between international, national and local law in the Global South in a careful manner that would put a premium on relational conditions (see Kennedy 2005). Moreover, and perhaps more importantly, this critique is a fundamental starting point in order to recognize the partial or limited nature of all claims to knowledge. ...
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The aim of this think piece is to contribute to an ethical and methodological debate about the challenges that Nordic "critical" legal scholars who embark on studies on the relationship between law and society in the Global South encounter in different areas of life and law. Even though scholarship on meth-odological universalism and methodological nationalism has drawn ample attention, there still seems to be a epistemological lacuna in regards to how we, as Nordic "critical" legal scholars, engage with the Global South in socio-legal research. How can Nordic "critical" legal scholarship be locally situated in the Nordic context and in contact and dialogue with the global dimension at the same time? Responding to this gap in the contemporary research, this think piece seeks to add to and develop the existing body of Nordic "critical" legal research by asking: How should we construct a cogent theoretical base for further research deployed in the Global North/South encounter? It argues that there is an ethical obligation to seek an understanding that is embedded in a grounded, bottom-up and multi-sited approach as opposed to a simplistic, legalistic top-down approach. It concludes with suggesting that there is a need to engage in this type of scholarship with a commitment to the politics of the Global South and with the acceptance of the challenge and dilemma of taking sides in the knowledge production process and that this logic may contribute to the production of legal knowledge that is sensitive to the complex socio-legal realities on the ground.
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Human rights are commonly regarded as the antidote to criminalization and securitization. Yet, since 9/11, at both the national and international levels, human rights law has largely accommodated the security-oriented changes deemed necessary to combat terrorism, including the use of torture and the erection of a “shadow” system of justice through the use of coercive non-trial-based measures (Gearty 2017; Hamilton 2018). In this article, we examine taken-for-granted features of modern legal adjudication and “human rights proofing” (forms of human rights protection) that dilute the restraining power of human rights law and extend security measures. Informed by a “governmental criminological” analysis of human rights in the security field, we present two case studies to illustrate these arguments. The first considers “human rights proofing” mechanisms in the United Nations counter-terrorism assemblage which, we argue, have been rendered “technical” (Sokhi-Bulley 2016) through the complexity of the structures deployed to protect rights and the forms of knowledge privileged by experts. The second case study draws on use of control orders—Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures (TPIMs) in the United Kingdom—and examines two governmental “techniques,” namely, the judicial “balancing test” and the European Convention on Human Rights “memos” put to parliamentary committees scrutinizing counter-terrorist legislation. At both national and international levels, how human rights are being institutionalized has affected the operation of power: we are being governed through rights (Golder 2011) in ways consistent with conditions of authoritarian liberalism (Dean 2007).
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This study shows that Australia and the European Union (EU) have many shared interests when it comes to the South Pacific and its inhabitants. In looking at the shared interests, the study focuses on humanitarianism but viewing it through a broad security lens. Australia’s engagement in the region is generally framed through aid due to the islands’ fragility, strategic importance and Australia’s and the EU’s commitment to maintaining the rule-based liberal international order. The EU, which has a more complex area, is looking to become a security community and therefore has an interest in the region, which is becoming increasingly important in geostrategic thinking. Key points • Australia is using humanitarian assistance to support the securitization of the South Pacific. • The EU is looking to engage more with the South Pacific countries and this engagement is in part because it wants to be a security community. • The engagement is driven by Chinese interest in the region.
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This dissertation examines foreign humanitarian aid to Belarusian and Ukrainian children after the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster. Although the scale of such aid was impressive, it was unequal: Belarusian children attracted much more attention than their Ukrainian counterparts. My research addresses the puzzle of why Belarusian "Children of Chernobyl" received such a large volume of aid. I use historical process tracing to delve into the Belarusian case, then compare Belarus with Ukraine.
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Contemporary analyses of moral injury in war focus on its occurrence in American veterans who commit or witness acts contrary to their deeply held moral beliefs. Moral injuries suffered by noncombatants are largely absent from this discourse. I advocate for greater inclusion of the victim‐centered perspective in studies of moral injury in war. This perspective conceptualizes moral injury as the specific harm suffered when one's moral humanity is not recognized. Given that susceptibility to moral injury is part of moral personhood, failure to acknowledge noncombatants' moral injury represents failure to recognize their full and particular personhood and thus may inflict further moral injury. Centering noncombatants' moral injury strengthens the critical power of moral injury, enabling the identification of specific steps toward establishing just relationships and social trust to repair and prevent moral injury in noncombatants and combatants alike.
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The Many Lives of Transnational Law - edited by Peer Zumbansen April 2020
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The Many Lives of Transnational Law - edited by Peer Zumbansen April 2020
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My aim in this article is to set out some counter-intuitive claims about the challenges posed by artificial intelligence (AI) applications to the protection and enjoyment of human rights and to be your guide through my unorthodox ideas. While there are familiar human rights issues raised by AI and its applications, these are perhaps the easiest of the challenges because they are already recognized by the human rights regime as problems. Instead, the more pernicious challenges are those that have yet to be identified or articulated, because they arise from new affordances rather than directly through AI modeled as a technology. I suggest that we need to actively explore the potential problem space on this basis. I suggest that we need to adopt models and metaphors that systematically exclude the possibility of applying the human rights regime to AI applications. This orientation will present us with the difficult, intractable problems that most urgently require responses. There are convincing ways of understanding AI that lock out the very possibility for human rights responses and this should be grounds for serious concern. I suggest that responses need to exploit both sets of insights I present in this paper: first that proactive and systematic searches of the potential problem space need to be continuously conducted to find the problems that require responses; and second that the monopoly that the human rights regime holds with regards to addressing harm and suffering needs to be broken so that we can deploy a greater range of barriers against failures to recognize and remedy AI-induced wrongs.
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Cambridge Core - UN and International Organisations - The Law of the List - by Gavin Sullivan
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Humanitarian considerations in the Swedish asylum process. A study of the migration authorities’ balancing act between solidarity and inequality Medical certi cates are becoming increasingly important as a basis for asylum assessments. Using examples from 24 asylum decisions concerning children and their families, the present article discusses how the Swedish Migration Agency and the Migration Courts in Sweden make use of medical certi cates. e common denominator for the decisions was that the children had been waiting for long periods in Sweden for their case to be assessed, and that they were not considered in need of political protection but instead the question was whether they should be granted a residence permit because of distressing circumstances. e study’s practical knowledge about humanitarian considerations is analysed through the notions of bio-legitimation and bio- inequalities (Fassin 2009), which provide for an understanding of how meaning and value are att- ributed to children’s lives and health conditions in the Swedish asylum process. Previous studies of the management of migration, focusing on bio-political dimensions, have discussed the form of the exercise of power, and scholars interested in governmentality have highlighted the state admi- nistration as the unit of analysis. is study aims to provide an additional qualitative perspective in the eld of humanitarianism in the welfare state. Furthermore, the article seeks to introduce the above concepts of bio-legitimation and bio-inequalities in a Swedish context. e analysis of asylum cases shows that humanitarian considerations were entirely focused on formalities and that the child’s actual well-being was subordinate when their humanitarian reasons were investi- gated by the migration authorities and courts. is brought with it both a de-politicization and the fact that no substantial assessment of individual children’s health conditions came about. e growing political interest in children’s health in the asylum process paradoxically means greater limitation in how to appear as persons before the law.
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The connection between ecology and conflict has been the object of extensive study by political scientists and economists. From the contribution of natural resource 'scarcity' to violent unrest and armed conflict; to resource 'abundance' as an incentive for initiating and prolonging armed struggles; to dysfunctional resource management and environmental degradation as obstacles to peacebuilding, this literature has exerted a huge influence upon academic discussions and policy developments. While international law is often invoked as the solution to the socio-environmental challenges faced by conflict-affected countries, its relationship with the ecology of war and peace remains undertheorised. Drawing upon environmental justice perspectives and other theoretical traditions, the book unpacks and problematizes some of the assumptions that underlie the legal field. Through an analysis of the practice of international courts, the UN Security Council, and Truth Commissions, it shows how international law silences and even normalizes forms of structural and slow environmental violence.
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Social movement organizations are increasingly developing human rights strategies at the municipal level, particularly in European urban contexts. Yet critical scholarly work on human rights has overlooked two related realities: non-state-centric, social movement use of the tools and discourses of rights, and the strategic participation of citizen groups in municipal urban policy spaces. This article builds on critical human rights theory through the experiences of three grassroots organizations claiming and exercising social rights in urban policy spaces of Barcelona, Valladolid, and London. It engages with a number of scholarly critiques of the state and human rights, particularly focusing on those critiques that question their compatibility with autonomy, democracy, and self-government at the local level. While the value of such critical literature is undeniable, we show how urban grassroots practices and experiences with social rights-based strategies in the context of housing, water, and participation can circumvent some of these critiques on the ground, pointing at new avenues for critical legal research when infused with other critical discourses, including urban politics.
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This article makes the argument that a rights-based approach to humanitarianism has not been successful in achieving one of its stated objectives; namely, the transformation of the recipients of aid from passive victims to rights-bearing citizens. This is largely a result of the fact that a human rights approach relies upon the collection and representation of narratives of suffering in order to gain financing and political influence. In northern Uganda, where research for this article took place, people in the camps for displaced had come to understand the role of their suffering. They instrumentalized their tales in an attempt to connect with the wider world and to bring an end to the conflict and their deprivation. In a period where the quality and quantity of international connections and networks is critical for the development and political and social wellbeing of a society or nation, the nature of the relations developed between people is increasingly important. The failure to improve the position of recipients of aid vis-à-vis the wider international community is therefore of crucial significance and needs to be continually analysed and addressed.
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The idea that international law and institutions represent cooperative means for resolving inter-state disputes is so common as to be almost taken for granted in International Relations scholarship. Global-governance scholars often use the terms international law and cooperation interchangeably and treat legalization as a subset of the broader category of inter-governmental cooperation. This paper highlights the methodological and substantive problems that follow from equating ‘global governance’ with ‘international cooperation’ and suggests an alternative. The traditional model applies liberal political theory to the study of international institutions and interprets global governance as the realization of shared interests. It deflects research away from questions about trade-offs and winners or losers. In place of cooperation theory, I outline an overtly political methodology that assumes that governance – global or otherwise – necessarily favors some interests over others. In scholarship, the difference is evident in research methods, normative interpretation, and policy recommendations, as research is reoriented toward understanding how international institutions redistribute inequalities of wealth and power.
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Corporations, in their quest for the highest profit margin, have violated human rights, labour rights and environmental standards for decades, with little to no accountability. In recent years, the fight for corporate accountability under the banner of “Business and Human Rights” has come to dominate civil society’s engagement with the “question of the corporation.” This chapter aims to critically examine the political objectives underpinning the broad-church project of Business and Human Rights in its world-making aspirations, taking the Legally Binding Instrument currently under discussion at the UN Human Rights Council as a case study. Using a historical narrative approach, this article first situates the evolution of Business and Human Rights within neoliberal globalisation and, against this backdrop, attempts to think through the “dark side” of this particular strand of human rights activism. By bringing critical legal scholarship on the corporation and human rights into closer conversation with Business and Human Rights, the article aims to excavate the latter’s structural flaws, namely that it leaves the asymmetries in the global economy and the imperial corporate form unchallenged. By problematising Business and Human Rights’ presupposition of business as fact and its uncritical embrace of rights as positive change-makers, the article presents an invitation to rethink strategic political objectives vis-à-vis corporate rights abuses.
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as a human rights practitioner rather than an academic, I am humbled in a number of ways to be part of this conversation. I am also reminded of the gulf of perception that exists between human rights practitioners and those who write and think about the practice of human rights. One example of this is the very different sense of the human rights movement's capacity to influence change.
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Rescuing Human Rights: A Radically Moderate Approach ( Rescuing ) was published shortly before the outbreak in 2020 of the novel coronavirus and its myriad human rights and class issues regarding equality, discrimination, health, and labor rights of people of color. This was also prior to the concurrent public murder of George Floyd as an unarmed Black man by the Minneapolis police in late May 2020, and the resulting continuing Black Lives Matter massive national and international movement against the deaths of Floyd and others and the history of systemic American racism, including police shooting deaths, discrimination, and brutality against African Americans, particularly unarmed Black men. Such comprehensive street protests have not been seen in America since 1968. They represent, inter alia, the cover of disguises of national racism being publicly stripped away, and the national confrontation with irrefutable evidence of a wide spectrum of systemic rights violations and the deficits of American law and government to ensure African Americans’ basic rights. Further, Rescuing was published before it became fully apparent that the federal government's responses to Black Lives Matter, particularly the executive branch, would fan the racial conflicts of national mourning and demands for new justice narratives, rather than healing and unifying for American citizens as a whole, even as these protests were the most diverse in recent memory.
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A segélyszervezetek minden konfliktusövezetben igyekeznek a nemzetközi humanitárius jog által kijelölt elvi kereteknek megfelelően segítséget nyújtani, tehát elsősorban életet menteni, valamint élelemhez, fedélhez, tiszta ivóvízhez való hozzájutást biztosítani a rászorulók számára. A segítségnyújtás mikéntje azonban távolról sem egyértelmű, és a gyakorlati kihívások számos etikai dilemmát vetnek fel – Szíriában is. E tanulmány számos másodlagos forrás feldolgozása révén elsősorban arra keresi a választ, hogy a terepen dolgozó, a nemzetközi humanitárius jogot tiszteletben tartani kívánó segélyszervezetek milyen akadályokkal szembesülnek Szíriában a tevékenységük során, illetve hogyan sérülnek a humanitárius segélyezés elvei a konfliktusövezetben. A kutatási eredmények főként a Szíria elleni szankciók és a közbeszerzések kapcsán felmerülő ellentmondásokra mutatnak rá. = Most humanitarian organisations try to follow the principles of international humanitarian law when providing assistance during their operations. The implementation of various aid projects, that is, saving lives, providing food, drinking water, shelter, is far from ambiguities. Aiding Syria(ns) is not an exception and the practical challenges humanitarian organisations face raise countless ethical dilemmas. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate how humanitarian principles are compromised in Syria by exploring the challenges and difficulties these organisations experience on a daily basis. The research approach, as well as the data we used, is primarily are of qualitative nature. Findings prompt that sanctions and public procurement serve not only donor interests, but also make humanitarian assistance less effective and more complicated.
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