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Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja (Finnish Etymological Dictionary)
... To put it pointedly, the actors in the peopled world view were living and human-like agents instead of non-intentional physical forces. The fact that the Finnish personal pronoun hän (he/she) also referred to animals and objects (he/she/it) long into the 19th century (Häkkinen 2013) may be one example of this way of understanding the world. ...
... . However, it has been suggested that 'force' was the original meaning for this native Finno-Ugrian word, since this meaning is prevalent in most neighbouring languages(Häkkinen 2013). 4. From the Latin root agere, do, act, perform, etc. See the section Agency and Material Culture below. ...
In the science-based western world view today, objects and materials are perceived as inert; essentially, they are dead matter. However, this is not the case in all cultures and all periods. In the area of present-day Finland, objects and materials were seen as potentially alive up to the early 20th century. This is well documented in oral accounts gathered and stored in folklore archives. Moreover, objects perceived as potent have been gathered into museum collections. While the issue of special agency in objects and materials has been discussed within folkloristics and comparative religion, it has been less familiar among archaeologists. This chapter provides an archaeologist's viewpoint on the significance of this issue, especially the ways in which it affects the important question of ritual or rubbish. The notion of non-human agency in the 19th-century Finnish world view is a complex and dynamic matter. This kind of agency surfaces in the interaction between a human and a thing.
... The meaning is a piece of land that you can stand upon, or where trees grow, surrounded by water, or in a marsh. In Livonian the word is also used for 'potato patch', a "furrow or the ridge between furrows" (Häkkinen, 2004(Häkkinen, :1098. 20 North Sami, also purportedly related to Baltic Finnic languages, has 'suolu' for island and the diminutive 'suolusj' for small island or holm. ...
... 26 Also, Uralic languages lack a common general island word, which can be explained by the great distance to seas and shores from the supposed original Uralic "Urheimat" in today's eastern Russia. It has been suggested that the different Uralic words for islands are either remnants of unknown proto-European languages spoken earlier in the region, more recent creations, or loans from neighbouring languages (Häkkinen, 2004(Häkkinen, : 1098 Secondly, we learn that the somewhat pejorative connotations that some island-related words -such as 'isolate', 'insulate' or 'insular/insularity' -carry today may be fairly recent, at least in languages such as English and Swedish. 27 There may be various reasons for this development. ...
This paper proposes the notion that words mirror ideas, perspectives and world-views. Etymologies and meanings of general words for ‘islands’ in a number of languages in North and West Europe are then discussed. Here, islands are shown to be etymologically constituted by the interplay between land and water, and which of these two is emphasized varies. In the third section, a number of Swedish island words are surveyed, in an attempt to illuminate the principle of linguistic relativity. Finally, the implications of these findings for island studies are discussed.
... Further, Japanese has also borrowed other loanwords with the element 'kok(u)' -'国' (Haspelmath, 2009). Moreover, according to Häkkinen (2013), when borrowing loanwords, loanwords often undergo: 1) a process of adaptation, in which non-native phonemes are substituted to fit the recipient language's sound structure and 2) a process of accommodation, in which phonological patterns are modified according to the phonological rules of the recipient language, (e.g., the Finnish word 'peti' (Eng. 'bed') < Swedish word 'bädd' 'id.' (the foreign sounds 'b' and 'd' have been adapted to the native 'p' and 't'. ...
The current research paper discusses the phenomenon of loanwords in light of a range of other borrowing phenomena that are more or less closely related to loanwords. The study concluded that loanwords make up the most frequent type of lexical borrowing and an inevitable consequence, among other various outcomes, of the contact between languages. The study further concluded that borrowing loanwords allows the recipient language to expand its vocabulary. However, the loanwords borrowed from any donor language have to undergo certain processes to make them fit appropriately into the recipient language. These processes include: 1) a process of adaptation, in which non-native phonemes are substituted to fit the recipient language's sound structure, and 2) a process of accommodation, in which phonological patterns are modified according to the phonological rules of the recipient language. The results provided from this present study also showed that there are different levels to which a borrowed loanword from the donor language becomes assimilated into the recipient language. In addition, the level of such assimilation depends on two factors: time and usage. That is, the longer the loanword is borrowed from the donor language and the more it is used by the speakers of the recipient language, the greater its degree of assimilation and familiarity. Finally, many reasons and motives lying behind the existence of loanwords were highlighted in the current research paper.
about smallpox, rubella, measles and chickenpox diseases Traditional medicine has always triggered genuine interest among researchers. It reflects not only medical practice, ra-tional and irrational, but also prognostics of diseases, beliefs, conspiracy traditions, ritual magic, etc. Mythology occupies a significant place in ethnomedicine as well, affecting not only the cause-effect relationship between the occurrence of an ailment and abolition of it, but also the designation of some diseases, the nomination of which is motivated by the mythological percep-tions of the people. Christianization of Karelians, which took place in the 13th century, had a major influence on the Karelian culture. Christian and pagan views became closely intertwined, making a dual impact on such cultural layer of the ethnic group as traditional medicine. The problematics of scientific research is determined by the lack of a complex analysis of the issue. The information about the ethnomedicine of the proper Karelians, Livvik Karelians and Ludikov Karelians was collected from pub-lished sources (Karelian speech samples, dialect dictionaries of the Karelian language, periodicals) and by the means of gather-ing materials from respondents living on the territory of the Republic of Karelia. The author addresses the religious and mytho-logical ideas of the Karelians on the example of such diseases as smallpox, rubella, and chickenpox. The identification of an entire complex of common ideas about these diseases — their personification, family relationships, methods of treatment and nomination of diseases — became the main result of the research. Karelians believed that smallpox, measles, rubella and chickenpox are related, they are sisters. The reason of their invasion was seen in not honoring them or insulting them with an action or word. When patients with these diseases appeared in the house, various forms of coaxing were used towards them, and a solemn reception was held, aiming at propitiation of these ailments. In the treatment of smallpox, rubella and measles, the main emphasis was placed on the use of red matter in healing rituals, as this color was believed to have protective function. Proba-bly, this method was based on the “like cures like” or “like repels like” principle, typical for Karelian folk medicine. Engaging the data on folk medicine of Vepsians and Russians showed the similarity of the religious and mythological ideas of these peoples with Kare-lians, which is explained by their long-term contact and interinfluence of cultures while living on the same territory.
The medieval Scandinavian written sources locate Bjarmaland to the White Sea. The words Terfinna land connect the location with the Kola Peninsula and the environs of the Varzuga River whereas the name Gandvík guides our interest towards the Kantalahti Bay of the White Sea. The name Vína can be connected with either the Northern Dvina River or Viena Karelia. The Bjarmians as portrayed in the written sources seem to have been a permanently settled group of Baltic Fennic speaking people that lived in the north of Europe since the Viking Age (first mentioned in writing in the ninth century) until the early Middle Ages (mid-thirteenth century). They seem to have been involved in the international fur trade and had continuous contacts with Norwegians with both looting and trade as integral part of interaction. The Bjarmians cannot be connected ethnically with any existing group of people but must be considered as a group of their own. The origin of the specific ethnical identity most likely lies in economical interaction (trade with furs and possibly other items) with neighbouring areas. Since the twelfth and thirteenth centuries new settlers moved to the northern areas and many political and economical changes occurred in Northern Fennoscandia and Russia, all of which would have contributed to a change that left the Bjarmians out of written sources.
This article will give a review of the disquisitions so far published on the place names Kirna and Kernu and will propose a new etymology for them.
An aged seed sample of a single oat landrace resulted in four plants when germinated. The plants differed from each other morphologically and genetically. They represented four grain types, three lemma colours, three avenin and three residual grain protein patterns and two molar ratios of C18:C16 fatty acids. These old oats grew high under current conditions and some also had yielding potential. Landraces with wide residual to avenin protein ratios would have been good sources in breeding food cereals for coeliac patients. Literature data since the 1700s indicate that Finnish oat landraces included morphological mixtures. Some were intentionally mixed. As also noted for Finnish barley landraces, oat landraces appear to have approached mixtures of genetically unique plants. Several reasons for the variation are presented. Active replacement of landraces (genetic polymorphism) with only a few pure-line cultivars was encouraged by authorities during the Mendelian period. Genetic variation was lost earliest in oats among Finnish cereal landraces. The proportion of oat landraces declined from 100% in 1902 to 34.4% in 1922 and to 0.2% in 1955. Genetic conservation did not occur in time, resulting from lack of foresight by authorities.
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