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The Constitution of Liberty
... First, we may revise our preferences over possible courses of action upon learning something about the world or about ourselves which changes the expected utility of engaging in those courses of action. 23 If I experiment with narcotics and discover I'm not easily addicted, this makes it more attractive to use recreationally. Second, we may revise our attitudes to certain outcomes upon learning something on which the desirability of the outcome depends. ...
... For example, supposing you prefer to engage in activities you enjoy than ones you dislike, you should come to prefer skating over activities you dislike upon learning that you actually enjoy it, and likewise the intensity of your desire should for skating should change in the same direction as the change in your enjoyment of the activity. 27 23 Bradley [12,200] 24 Bradley [12,207] 25 Bradley [12,201]. 26 Representing preference changes in sentential form is a common move in the literature on preference change. ...
... Anderson [1,23].21 Bradley[12].Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. ...
... Many approaches to social organization and the formation of social stratification have been introduced in recent history. The widely known ones are those of Adam Smith (1723-1890) [121,122], David Ricardo (1772-1823) [123,124], Thomas Robert Malthus (1766-1834) [6], the Social Darwinists (late 1800s) [125,126] Karl Marx (1818-1883) [127,128], John Keynes (1883Keynes ( -1946 [129], Milton Friedman (1912 [130], Friedrich Hayek (1899Hayek ( -1992 [131], Zoya Hasan [132] and Walter Rodney (1942Rodney ( -1980 [133]. ...
... Many approaches to social organization and the formation of social stratification have been introduced in recent history. The widely known ones are those of Adam Smith (1723-1890) [121,122], David Ricardo (1772-1823) [123,124], Thomas Robert Malthus (1766-1834) [6], the Social Darwinists (late 1800s) [125,126] Karl Marx (1818-1883) [127,128], John Keynes (1883Keynes ( -1946 [129], Milton Friedman (1912 [130], Friedrich Hayek (1899Hayek ( -1992 [131], Zoya Hasan [132] and Walter Rodney [133]. Recently, new ideas have been put forward. ...
Environmental determinism is often used to explain past social collapses and to predict the future of modern human societies. We assess the availability of natural resources and the resulting carrying capacity (a basic concept of environmental determinism) through a toy model based on Hurst–Kolmogorov dynamics. We also highlight the role of social cohesion, and we evaluate it from an entropic viewpoint. Furthermore, we make the case that, when it comes to the demise of civilizations, while environmental influences may be in the mix, social dynamics is the main driver behind their decline and eventual collapse. We examine several prehistorical and historical cases of civilization collapse, the most characteristic being that of the Minoan civilization, whose disappearance c. 1100 BC has fostered several causative hypotheses. In general, we note that these hypotheses are based on catastrophic environmental causes, which nevertheless occurred a few hundred years before the collapse of Minoans. Specifically, around 1500 BC, Minoans managed to overpass many environmental adversities. As we have not found justified reasons based on the environmental determinism for when the collapse occurred (around 1100 BC), we hypothesize a possible transformation of the Minoans’ social structure as the cause of the collapse.
... While there is requirements, or any particular content of the law. Instead it focuses on ensuring that the law tells a citizen "what facts he may count on and thereby extends the range within which he can predict the consequences of his actions" [18]. There are two aspects in this conception of the rule of law that indicate the state is under an obligation to enforce the law: publicity and congruence. ...
... [17] (p. 51) Similarly, F. A. Hayek argues that the "collaboration of individuals under common rules rests on a sort of division of knowledge" [18] (p. 225). ...
Many have decried the state’s underenforcement of animal welfare legislation because of the direct negative effects on animal interests. This article will advance the argument that such underenforcement has a much deeper societal effect because it undermines the rule of law. It does so by first, reviewing rule of law literature to advance the proposition that the state has a general obligation to enforce the law and, specifically, animal welfare legislation. It then looks to the practical issues that arise with the argument, specifically prosecutorial discretion and private prosecutions. Finally, it concludes that the state’s underenforcement of animal welfare legislation does indeed run contrary to the rule of law, and thus regardless of whether we have the interests of animals at the front of our minds, it is a matter that should concern us all.
... Troçki, 1937) Hayek, daha da ileri giderek, her türlü planlama ve müdahaleye karşı çıkmıştır; hükümetin herhangi bir planlama girişiminin nihayetinde diktatörlüklere yol açacağından endişe etmiş, bu nedenle kamu sağlığı hizmetlerine, kamu eğitimine ve hükümetin ekonomik kalkınma programlarına direnmiştir. (Schneider, 2019, s.149) Bütün bunlara karşı Hayek'in 1944Hayek'in , 1945 [Hayek, 1960[Hayek, (1990 (Hayek, 1945 (Hayek, 1945). Bilgi sorununu biraz açalım. ...
... Troçki, 1937) Hayek, daha da ileri giderek, her türlü planlama ve müdahaleye karşı çıkmıştır; hükümetin herhangi bir planlama girişiminin nihayetinde diktatörlüklere yol açacağından endişe etmiş, bu nedenle kamu sağlığı hizmetlerine, kamu eğitimine ve hükümetin ekonomik kalkınma programlarına direnmiştir. (Schneider, 2019, s.149) Bütün bunlara karşı Hayek'in 1944Hayek'in , 1945 [Hayek, 1960[Hayek, (1990 (Hayek, 1945 (Hayek, 1945). Bilgi sorununu biraz açalım. ...
Bu çalışmada ilk önce Avusturya Okulu, özellikle Hayek’in görüşleri ele alınacaktır. Sonra koordine edilen piyasa ekonomileri adını verdiğimiz Kuzey ve Orta Avrupa ülkelerinde dikkat çeken devlet- piyasa ve iş birlikçi kapitalizm özetlenecektir.
... For a complexity political economy, the government should not impose and act coercivelycontrol-because this would undermine the economy's emergent processes and self-organizing dynamics. Instead, the government should influence to encourage voluntary, spontaneous coordination among individuals -cultivation- (Colander and Kupers, 2014 Previous authors such as Hayek (1960) or Ostrom (2010), both sharing a complexity approach to economics, advocated cultivation. On the one hand, Hayek believed in a minimal government that creates the conditions from which economic outcomes can emerge (Hayek, 1960); a government protecting the spontaneous order, rather than intervening it (Hayek, 1982). ...
... Instead, the government should influence to encourage voluntary, spontaneous coordination among individuals -cultivation- (Colander and Kupers, 2014 Previous authors such as Hayek (1960) or Ostrom (2010), both sharing a complexity approach to economics, advocated cultivation. On the one hand, Hayek believed in a minimal government that creates the conditions from which economic outcomes can emerge (Hayek, 1960); a government protecting the spontaneous order, rather than intervening it (Hayek, 1982). ...
... Regarding the legislative history of these acts, Friedrich A. Hayek commented in The Constitution of Liberty (Hayek, 1960): ...
Friedrich A. Hayek thoroughly criticizes labor unions in Sect. 18 of The Constitution of Liberty published in 1960 and insists in the same section that closed-shop contracts should be illegal. He also views yellow-dog contracts, which were designed as countermeasures against the labor unions, as illegal. However, it has been pointed out that, according to Hayek’s social philosophy, neither the closed-shop contract nor the yellow-dog contract should be seen as legal issues, as they are based on free will between the parties and have no compulsory elements. The key to solving this dilemma is in understanding how Hayek views the core concepts of the U.S. Antitrust Law, namely, restraint of trade and monopoly. The aim of this article is to examine the theoretical structure of Hayek’s arguments on those types of contracts, freedom and coercion, the ‘restraint of trade’ doctrine, and the rule of law. It addresses the important common law issues of freedom, coercion, monopoly, restraint of trade, and the rule of law.
... The endogenous nature of institutions and their relationship to the optimal one is a question discussed until today. This problem was addressed by Marx in political economy and by social scientists and non-Marxist economists such as Von Misses (1949), Hayek (1960), Olson (1965Olson ( , 1982, Buchanan, andTullock (1962), Stigler (1971), and North (1990). More recently, Acemoglu (2004Acemoglu ( , 2006aAcemoglu ( , 2006bAcemoglu ( , 2008Acemoglu ( , 2010 has also contributed to this discussion and indicated why institutions might not be optimal and, on the other side, why non-optimal institutions survive, and how institutions relate to economic development. ...
The study attempts to gauge the impact of human development and public
governance quality on economic welfare in the long term. The basic proposal of the
analysis is that economic growth and/or development cannot be the measurement of
the value of economic performance. For this reason, the Economic Prosperity Index,
developed by the “Legatum Institute” is the dependent variable of the linear
logarithmic model estimated in the paper. Besides, the measurement of economic
welfare, (public) governance quality, which neoclassical economics ignored for a
certain period, is considered an important input to human development. By taking
these two variables into the research center, the study sights the rise in the prosperity
(welfare) of 31 transition economies that achieved intense development after the
2000s from 2007 to 2020. Transition economies are selected owing to the rapid
development and strong welfare effects they have reached with the millennium. So,
the main hypothesis of the research is that transition economies have high human
development and good governance that creates economic prosperity. By applying
this research question, cross-sectional dependence and slope homogeneity tests, unit
root tests, and co-integration tests, the author has conducted the lag length selection
before the long-run relationship. Comprehensive analysis findings reveal that both
indicators enhance economic prosperity by positively affecting them in the long run
and that some of the deviations are improved.
... Arguably, the prevailing theory of modern times is neoliberalism, a policy model that emphasizes the value of free market competition. The theory was supported by the Chicago School and notably expressed by the works of Milton Friedman (1912 (Friedman, 1960) and Friedrich Hayek (1899Hayek ( -1992 (Hayek 1960). Critiques on neoliberalism have been expressed pertaining to its relation with inequality, e.g. as described by Zoya Hasan in "Democracy and the crisis of inequality" (Hasan, 2014) and Walter Rodney in "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" (Rodney 1972). ...
Living organisms pass through life seeking prosperity in a materialistic world.
There are different meanings of prosperity. Some people think that it is measured in money, others relate it to pleasure and life satisfaction, while others link it to spirituality. However, it could be argued that the basic human needs related to the Water, Energy and Food (WEF) compose a nexus not only necessary for the survival of humans, but able to explain their prosperity as well.
Unfortunately, decision-making in modern world is largely driven by economic aspects and monetarist policies. Koutsoyiannis (personal communication) notes that water, energy and food are not derived by money; rather money and economic growth derives from the availability and the access to water, energy and food.
In this thesis, we study critical issues of prosperity rationally, using publicly available data, historical evidences and stochastic tools. The studied issues are based on the WEF nexus but extend to various other societal, environmental and cultural aspects of human life in societies, ranging from social stratification and urban clustering, to the aesthetic quality of surrounding environment.
... As a regional actor, the European Union (EU) has elevated itself to the position of "the" guiding sovereign institution defi ning right and wrong in the green fi nancial sector globally (EC 2019), playing the arbiter in the "unfathomable" world of climate fi nance (Felli 2014: 252). In line with a quintessential ordoliberal ethos, the EU taxonomy lies in the ambition of correcting market asymmetries via public interventions and governmental tactics so as to "naturalize" market mechanisms (Foucault 2008;Hayek 2006). ...
The article examines the first Chinese green bond issued in Europe to explore how a green bond is created and how it can be issued across boundaries. Raising questions of "green" valuation at multiple scales, it follows the way the bond's proceeds hit the ground in Portugal, refinancing wind farms previously built under a Feed-in-Tariff (FiT) regime. It shows how if on the one hand green bonds are designed as abstract and fungible instruments, then on the other they are spatially situated and predicated upon the larger dynamic of global financial accumulation with its recurrent and contingent crises. In this context, the rush over renewables intersects with expansive Chinese financial monetary policy and the EU austerity process.
... It is a branch of social science which studies the relationship that exist between the society and individuals, and between the markets and states, it adopts different techniques and methods that draw from economics, political and sociology. In the same vein, Weingast and Wittman (2008) Hayek (1960), andFriedman (1962) opined that it is the government responsibility to ensure a functioning legal system (laws, courts and judges, and rule of law) which can be used in adjudication process. In Islamic financial system, Islamic banks represent hybrid institutions with hybrid products (Asutay, 2012), this is to ensure efficiency and competitiveness in the dual banking system while making use of Islamic norms of shari'ah. ...
In the global financial industry, Islamic Banking and Finance (IBF) has become a fast growing sector as an alternative to Conventional Banking and Finance System (CBFS). CBFS focused on interest receipt or payment on funds, interest on borrowed funds becomes extraordinary or outrageous, and it affects borrower's business activities. Besides, access to funds for setup and working capital by SMEs, has been a wearisome task. Therefore, there is need for an alternative ways of sourcing funds by SMEs, and this is through IBF. Presently, IBF is scanty in most secular country, this has become a matter of concern to investors, policy makers and researchers, and this call for better understanding of IBF. It is against this background that the study examined the goals, challenges and prospects of IBF in Nigeria. The study adopts exploratory research design with focus on relevant literatures. The study revealed that IBF is not a religious financial system but an ethical system that is available to both individuals and corporate organisations, either Muslim or Non-Muslim. The study recommends that government should embark on public awareness, licencing of mor e Islamic financial institution, promote capacity building and promulgation of distinct legal framework and Act for IBF.
... Finally, some emphasized a "crisis The neoliberal state facilitates market dominance, rather than passively accepting it, by means including stable money, security apparatuses to defend private property and markets, and administrative capacity to create the latter if necessary. Otherwise, neoliberals have portrayed state action as incapable of identifying and realizing social priorities any better than markets can, and as irretrievably vulnerable to "special interests" (Hayek 1960;Harvey 2005, p. 2). Indeed, to explain neoliberalism's own policy-implementation setbacks, its "principal-agent" framework re-framed those setbacks as the product of state intervention and the empire-building of state-based experts: Keynesian and welfare-state technocrats were imposing particular policy solutions, to serve their own interests (Cook and Wood 1989), a "deep state" supposedly blocking elected neoliberal "principals". ...
For decades, the world’s dominant ideological and policy framework, neoliberal globalization, increasingly faces important disrupters. Long backers of neoliberalism, conservative movements now face pressing, convergent policy challenges (climate emergency, COVID-19), which they increasingly deny through populism, rather than address through neoliberalism. Populism’s unstable, often localist or xenophobic spatial imaginaries increasingly disrupt the neoliberal globalizing consensus of the 1990s and 2000s, and, thus, continental and international integration. As challenges mount, neoliberal globalization’s chances of re-stabilization diminish. However, chance, strategy, and the collective determination and capacities of its opponents will also be essential to establish something new. This article is an interpretive work, linking these themes to the history and current debates of Alberta, Canada, and its unconventional fossil-fuel exports. Canada’s leading fossil-fuel jurisdiction, Alberta, has stoutly favored free trade, continental integration, federal decentralization, and new export markets. Its United Conservative Party (UCP) government exhibits neo-nationalist or regionalist populism, opening tensions with the continental integration of its fossil fuel industries. Yet its populism targets the industry’s enemies to accelerate industry’s growth. Right-wing populism, marked by unstable spatial imaginaries, marks Alberta’s history. Alberta exemplifies the current destabilization of neoliberal globalization through populism, with implications for fossil-fuel exports.
... Individual autonomy includes property rights, leaving the state minimal functions only. 28 This view, having important economic aspects (See : Hayek 1960;Friedman 1962), has adherents in Israel, especially, but not only in the economic sphere (See: Paz-Fuchs et al. 2018). ...
Religion–state relations in Israel have been defined as following the status-quo agreement. This agreement, going back to the founding of Israel, allows recognized religious groups a monopoly regarding issues of personal status, and promises religious goods and exemptions to such groups (mainly, but not limited, to Orthodox Judaism). Since the mid 1980s, Israel has changed its economic policies, from a centralized economy to a privatized, liberalized system. This economic change introduced significant shifts within Israeli society. These include major recent changes in religion–state relations, most importantly the reform in kashrut certification, and growing commercial activity during the Sabbath. Such changes demonstrate a dynamic of state retreat, from a direct statist provision of religious goods, to the state either retreating completely, or re-situating itself as a regulatory organ. Using the kashrut reform as a case study, we suggest that the status-quo model can no longer adequately define religion–state relations in Israel, and is being replaced by a hybrid model, which includes libertarian, regulation-based, and the noted status quo attributes. We conclude with noting the significance of this development for the Jewish character of Israel.
... Individual autonomy includes property rights, leaving the state minimal functions only. 28 This view, having important economic aspects (See : Hayek 1960;Friedman 1962), has adherents in Israel, especially, but not only in the economic sphere (See: Paz-Fuchs et al. 2018). ...
Religion–state relations in Israel have been defined as following the status-quo agreement. This agreement, going back to the founding of Israel, allows recognized religious groups a monopoly regarding issues of personal status, and promises religious goods and exemptions to such groups (mainly, but not limited, to Orthodox Judaism). Since the mid 1980s, Israel has changed its economic policies, from a centralized economy to a privatized, liberalized system. This economic change introduced significant shifts within Israeli society. These include major recent changes in religion–state relations, most importantly the reform in kashrut certification, and growing commercial activity during the Sabbath. Such changes demonstrate a dynamic of state retreat, from a direct statist provision of religious goods, to the state either retreating completely, or re-situating itself as a regulatory organ. Using the kashrut reform as a case study, we suggest that the status-quo model can no longer adequately define religion–state relations in Israel, and is being replaced by a hybrid model, which includes libertarian, regulation-based, and the noted status quo attributes. We conclude with noting the significance of this development for the Jewish character of Israel.
... Desde las recesiones generalizadas de 1974-75 y 1980-82, las ganancias de productividad se han desacelerado. Se pasó de lo que algunos han llamado una "edad de oro" -para enfatizar el carácter excepcional de este periodo-al capitalismo neoliberal, como alternativa socioeconómica al Estado de bienestar (Hayek, 2011), hoy amenazado por un "estancamiento secular" (Hansen, 1939); no obstante, ha logrado mantener y restaurar la rentabilidad a pesar de la ralentización de las ganancias de productividad . Esto ha sido posible solo por una desaceleración casi global de los salarios, la proporción de los cuales en ingresos está disminuyendo tendencialmente. ...
Tras la disolución del bloque soviético, desde Occidente se impulsó el modelo de la globalización económica junto con la idea de difundir los valores de la democracia liberal alrededor del globo. Se esperaba que, a través de la técnica del contagio, las transiciones democráticas y los avances tecnológicos permearan los autoritarismos y sociedades más cerradas, haciéndolas competitivas, dotadas de las ventajas que, para ese momento, gozaban las potencias industrializadas de Occidente.
... It has become statistically normative, ossified, and dogmatic at exactly the moment that humanity assumes the modern mantle of technological mastery. Normative overcoding includes human beings, who were understood as rational utility maximisers by Hayek (1960), Novick (1974) and other neoliberal theorists, regardless of gender, age, ethnicity, or culture. Neoliberal discourse dominated public policy in almost all nations since the 1980s. ...
New technological ability is leading postdigital science, where biology as digital information, and digital information as biology, are now dialectically interconnected. In this chapter we firstly explore a philosophy of biodigitalism as a new paradigm closely linked to bioinformationalism. Both involve the mutual interaction and integration of information and biology, which leads us into discussion of biodigital convergence. As a unified ecosystem, this allows us to resolve problems that isolated disciplinary capabilities cannot, creating new knowledge ecologies within a constellation of technoscience. To illustrate our arrival at this historical flash point via several major epistemological shifts in the post-war period, we venture a tentative typology. The convergence between biology and information reconfigures all levels of theory and practice, and even critical reason itself now requires a biodigital interpretation oriented towards ecosystems and coordinated Earth systems. In this understanding, neither the digital humanities, the biohumanities, nor the posthumanities sit outside of biodigitalism. Instead, posthumanism is but one form of biodigitalism that mediates the biohumanities and the digital humanities, no longer preoccupied with the tradition of the subject, but with the constellation of forces shaping the future of human ontologies. This heralds a new biopolitics which brings the philosophy of race, class, gender, and intelligence, into a compelling dialog with genomics and information.KeywordsBiodigitalismBioinformationalismBiopoliticsPostdigitalConvergenceKnowledge ecologyTechnoscienceDigital humanitiesBiohumanitiesPosthumanismPhilosophyEpistemologyOntology
... While not the primary focus here, it is important that a non-contributory pension is complemented by mandatory retirement saving for those who can afford it (Hayek 1960). This can be either funded or unfunded, a social security plan or a workplace pension -what is important in this context is that these entitlements count against the means test at retirement. ...
This paper argues for retirement policy formulation and reforms to re-orient towards greater reliance on non-contributory means tested pensions as a primary retirement income delivery structure. These pensions will become more relevant as the number of contingent workers increases in the global north; and have the potential to reach informal workers in emerging economies who have exhausted their earnings capacity. We show that this kind of pension structure can be efficient, equitable and sustainable. If properly designed, it is especially well-suited to an ageing demographic. We briefly discuss the Australian model as an example of how well this can work.
... It has become statistically normative, ossified, and dogmatic at exactly the moment that humanity assumes the modern mantle of technological mastery. Normative overcoding includes human beings, who were understood as rational utility maximisers by Hayek (1960), Novick (1974) and other neoliberal theorists, regardless of gender, age, ethnicity, or culture. Neoliberal discourse dominated public policy in almost all nations since the 1980s. ...
This chapter explores the connections between the bio and the digital in the construction of ‘bioinformation’ and ‘biodigital convergence’. The site of examination of these connections is medical understandings of the body. Its focus is the notion of ontology in two related senses, philosophical and technical. The chapter considers the connections between, on the one hand, the immaterial understanding reflected in medical knowledge—in philosophical terms ‘the ideal’ or ideational—and on the other, the material, biological realities of bodies. In a technical sense, the chapter discusses medical ontologies in a computer science frame of reference, and the emergence in recent years of ‘knowledge graphs’ for their representation. On these philosophical and technical bases, the chapter goes on to discuss a research and development project in which the authors have been engaged, to develop a web-based knowledge graphing environment, with a wide range of potential sites of applications, one to support medical students in clinical case analysis, and the other to build medical logic visualizations to supplement electronic health records.KeywordsKnowledge graphsOntologiesMedical informaticsMedical educationElectronic health records
... It has become statistically normative, ossified, and dogmatic at exactly the moment that humanity assumes the modern mantle of technological mastery. Normative overcoding includes human beings, who were understood as rational utility maximisers by Hayek (1960), Novick (1974) and other neoliberal theorists, regardless of gender, age, ethnicity, or culture. Neoliberal discourse dominated public policy in almost all nations since the 1980s. ...
This dialogue (trilogue) is an attempt to critically discuss the technoscientific convergence that is taking place with biodigital technologies in the postdigital condition. In this discussion, Sarah Hayes, Petar Jandrić and Michael A. Peters examine the nature of the convergences, their applications for bioeconomic sustainability and associated ecopedagogies. The dialogue chapter raises issues of definition and places the technological convergence (‘nano-bio-info-cogno’) – of new systems biology and digital technologies at the nano level – in an evolutionary context to speculate, on the basis of the latest research, future possibilities. The chapter also reviews these developments within familiar landscapes of posthumanism and postmodernism, raises the question of political bioeconomy and the role of postdigital education within it.KeywordsPostdigitalBiodigitalismBioinformationalismBiopoliticsBioeconomyConvergenceKnowledge ecologyTechnoscience
... It is this path that Abe (2015) presented as the only rational one: Against such reasoning, Polanyi reminds us that both "improvement" and "habitation" have great social values, but that their incommensurability and non-substitutability make political decisions as well as compromises inevitable and open debates on the plurality of these values a precondition. The disregard of this conflict and the subsequent dismissal of open debates shows why Abe's authoritarian leadership style is necessary; according to Hayek's (1960) logic of freedom, individual liberty-which, in his reasoning, depends on free choices on the market-is the greatest good. 10 Its achievement justifies the jeopardising of democracy. ...
This chapter investigates the concurrent rise of market liberalism and the resurgence of nationalism in the Japanese context. Conducting a critical discourse analysis of a policy speech given in February 2015 by former Prime Minister Abe Shinzō, two dominant themes are revealed: a discourse of transformation committed to radical market liberalism in a hyper-globalised world and a discourse of preservation based on an essentialist and revisionist imaginary of the Japanese nation. Drawing upon the work of Karl Polanyi, I interpret this discursive tension as a dialectics between “improvement” (i.e. specific accumulation strategies to increase productivity, profitability, and economic growth) and “habitation” (i.e. a mode of living characterised by certain traditions, habits, customs, routines, and a sense of belonging). I argue that the rise of nationalism needs to be understood as a reaction to the loss of “habitation” caused by market liberalisation, but its role as an integral part of Abe’s “improvement” strategy fails to provide social protection.
... But not all indices are restricted to this concept, and sometimes they include the removal of constraints that impede the fulfilment of potential, as the individual understands it. Typically, following Hayek (1960), the first three indices listed above ignore a broader concept of freedom. ...
... A Keynesian [105] would propose the construction of large public infrastructures in the area where inhabitants could have jobs. A neoliberal [106,107] would expect the capital to give a solution exploiting the desperate inhabitants and the present low value of the environment. "Green" points of view (e.g., "degrowth" [108,109] or "prosperity without growth" [110]) would propose a "do nothing" solution and leave the forest to be reborn naturally, with a Malthusian perception [111,112], as they consider people as parasites of nature and development as a useless consumption and production of wastes. ...
There is a widespread perception that every year wildfires are intensifying on a global scale, something that is often used as an indicator of the adverse impacts of global warming. However, from the analysis of wildfires that have occurred in the US, Canada, and Mediterranean countries, a trend that justifies this perception could not be identified. Arguably, instead of blaming climate change, research on the mitigation of wildfires should be re-directed to forest management policy and practices. Forests are admirable and complex natural ecosystems, and fires, albeit devastating, can be attributed to both human activity and to natural processes that contribute to their rebirth, with the latter constituting an intrinsic and perpetual process of the forest ecosystem. Other than their important ecological value, forests are, in the 21st century, also a capital resource, for many people’s livelihoods depend on them. In this study, we proposed a method for taking mitigation measures against wildfires based on the partitioning of forests, considering both the protection of the ecosystem and the inhabitants and aiming to utilize their co-dependent nature for the general protection and preservation of forests. As a case study, we analyzed the current devastating fire in Euboea (occurred in August 2021), initially in terms of the spatio-temporal progression of the actual wildfire that lasted several days and then by examining how an implementation of the proposed method in the study area could contribute to both the recovery of the ecosystem and the enhancement of the quality of life of the inhabitants as well as their long-term protection.
... Como explica Rallo 674 , en este caso la estructura del Estado además de poder permitir diferentes niveles de autorganización posibles en su propio marco también representa el ámbito mínimo de coacción al que se le someterá a un ciudadano 675 . En este marco tendremos un Estado que antes que catalizar la libertad poniendo medios para ejercerla, libertad positiva, cree que el mero hecho de no restringir, libertad negativa, promueve de un modo general e imparcial la propia libertad positiva siendo esta estrategia más eficaz que la acción directa realizada por muchos Estados 676 La coacción será mínima porque solo se aplica para garantizar el orden social con el fin de proteger los principios básicos de justicia expuestos. ...
El posibilitar un mejor uso y acceso a los medicamentos para curar, aliviar y prevenir enfermedades es uno de los grandes retos a los que se enfrenta hoy en día la humanidad y especialmente los países de menor desarrollo e ingreso per cápita. De este modo, es aceptado que la falta de accesibilidad a los medicamentos para las personas y las comunidades, sobre en aquellos que viven en los países con menos ingresos, es un gran problema tanto en el ámbito de la salud como en a nivel social, económico, político y ético.
El precio que se ha de pagar por medicamentos vitales y esenciales no es asequible para una cantidad ingente de personas que viven en países con escasos recursos económicos. Esto provoca millones de muertes anuales y problemas de salud adicionales por no poder acceder a dichos medicamentos en palabras de la misma Organización Mundial de la Salud.
Uno de los motivos principales causante de la inaccesibilidad de los medicamentos a más de dos tercios de la población mundial, es la protección y monopolio que las patentes otorgan a los fabricantes de medicamentos. Las patentes les posibilita a las empresas de la industria farmacéutica el monopolio de la venta de un medicamento durante más 12 años, estando libres de cualquier competencia que disminuiría su precio y por tanto facilitaría la accesibilidad a dichos medicamentos.
El uso de las patentes de medicamentos, establecidas para proteger la propiedad intelectual que conlleva desarrollar un nuevo medicamento, se ha extendido a nivel mundial. La organización mundial del comercio, OMC, ha establecido los TRIPS (Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights), un acuerdo que han firmado la mayoría de los países pertenecientes a esta organización y que extiende a nivel global el monopolio de las patentes de medicamentos. Estos acuerdos menoscaban el desarrollo o la continuidad de las industrias locales de medicamentos genéricos y su posibilidad de abastecer a sus poblaciones de forma barata con medicamentos esenciales.
Varias correcciones y cláusulas adicionales a dichos acuerdos, como los establecidos por ejemplo en Doha, han intentado paliar el grave problema de salud que generan a nivel mundial los acuerdos TRIPS. Entre dichas medidas de alivio a las restricciones de las patentes figura la posibilidad de otorgar licencias (compulsary license) por parte de los países, en caso de extrema necesidad y urgencia de salud o el poder recurrir a la importación de paralelos, han sido algunas de las medidas lenitivas suscritas para fabricar medicamentos genéricos de especialidades farmacéuticas con patente.
La industria farmacéutica ha sido mirada con lupa, ha sido criticada y examinada para poder justificar la protección de estos monopolios y las ganancias que obtiene. Han sido muchas las propuestas que han intentado compatibilizar los inmensos costes de dinero y tiempo que se emplean en la investigación y desarrollo de un medicamento con su accesibilidad, es decir, con su disponibilidad y precio asequible. Para que a una empresa le compense invertir en investigar y desarrollar nuevos medicamentos ha de tener la seguridad de poder recuperar su dinero y tiempo, y de que sus esfuerzos en avanzar en el arsenal terapéutico no van a ser minados rápidamente por la industria de genéricos.
Otro gran problema es que no se han dispuesto de las medidas eficaces para democratizar e impulsar la inventiva e innovación en la investigación básica y en el desarrollo de medicamentos para cualquier individuo o grupo que tenga el talento, la motivación y le dedique el esfuerzo suficiente para desarrollar esta actividad. La transferencia a los países de medio o bajo ingreso per cápita de capacidades investigadoras y de desarrollo de los medicamentos sobre todo en las fases más incipientes como son la investigación básica y las fases preclínicas y clínicas han sido muy escasas e insuficientes.
En este trabajo, se van a estudiar diferentes medidas que se han tomado o se han propuesto para paliar y mejorar la accesibilidad a los medicamentos en los países con menores ingresos. La industria farmacéutica con una estructura anquilosada y desproporcionada, que perdura desde el siglo XIX, no logra mejorar los resultados en investigación y se muestra incapaz de adaptarse a la nueva realidad social y política globalizada. Tampoco consigue adaptarse ni aprovechar en todo su potencialidad los avances científicos y técnicos actuales. No puede, además, compensar con nuevas innovaciones los desajustes que ocasionan los altos precios de sus medicamentos patentados ni los desequilibrios en acceso a bienes, recursos y conocimientos para que haya igualdad de oportunidades en la innovación e investigación farmacéutica. Por otro lado, el sistema de patentes farmacéuticas ha creado todo una serie de actitudes empresariales injustas que provocan profundos desequilibrios sociales y amenazas sanitarias.
La gran industria farmacéutica, con el actual régimen de patentes, no ha llegado a demostrar que de verdad necesite esta protección para proveer de medicamentos innovadores y vitales para el planeta. Pero tampoco, la industria local farmacéutica de los países emergentes, amparadas y protegidas por legislaciones proteccionistas en sus propios países, muchas veces adaptando las propias leyes de patentes a sus intereses, han demostrado que pueden sustituir como industria inventora e innovadora a sus rivales.
Las patentes, como recurso para recompensar la inversión en dinero y tiempo por innovar, son en general, cuestionadas y puestas hoy en entredicho en la mayoría de los sectores industriales. Los derechos de propiedad intelectual rompen con la competencia beneficiosa del mercado, son instrumentos de abuso para obtener monopolios sobre los productos e impiden el factor progresivo y exponencial que siempre tiene la innovación.
La ventaja temporal que conlleva ser el primero en lanzar un producto, mantener en secreto detalles de la innovación, ser la industria que ha desarrollado dicho artículo de valor y convertirse en marca de referencia para el mismo, suponen mecanismos suficientes para recuperar las inversiones y obtener beneficios aceptables de una innovación, antes de que las copias entren en el mercado de forma masiva.
Solo tendría, tradicionalmente, una justificación las patentes en la industria farmacéutica: el dinero y el tiempo invertidos en desarrollar los estudios exigidos por las autoridades regulatorias para registrar un medicamento, la cantidad de moléculas que son fallidas y que nunca logran comercializarse después de años de estudios, y la rapidez y facilidad para copiar y reproducir un medicamento a coste mínimo hacen pensar que sólo con la protección de las patentes un laboratorio se atreva a invertir en el lanzamiento de nuevos medicamentos.
En este trabajo, apoyados por estudios específicos sobre las patentes y la innovación en la industria farmacéutica, ensayamos someramente, de forma teórica y como hipótesis que la estructura de dicha industria pudiera ajustarse a las de los demás sectores industriales.
Nos basamos en recordar la tradicional separación entre las patentes de productos y las patentes de procesos en los medicamentos; es decir, de una industria que innova sobre productos descubiertos por científicos y de otra que innova sobre los procesos de fabricación. Conscientes, a su vez, de que la invención de moléculas, en más de un 75%, ha sido llevado a cabo por organismos públicos pequeños, universidades e instituciones científicas, financiados mayoritariamente por dinero público, mientras que la innovación, registro y comercialización del producto son siempre costeados y desarrollados por la gran industria.
Se proponen, por tanto, dos sectores industriales farmacéuticos separados. Una industria farmacéutica de la invención-producto y otra de la innovación-proceso. Dos sectores separados por la incompatibilidad de poder desarrollar las dos actividades industriales a la vez, pero unidas por la colaboración e interdependencia que necesitan mantener.
Serian sectores industriales con fines más precisos, desarrollos inventivos o innovadores más cortos en tiempo e inversiones más pequeñas. Así cada sector sería más dinámico, competitivo y cooperador sin depender ni basarse en monopolios sobre productos o procesos. Se crearía una industria de la invención que genera riqueza cuando hasta ahora era una inversión mayoritariamente pública con beneficio para la gran industria farmacéutica. No serían necesarias o no estarían justificadas las patentes. Y mucho de los problemas actuales de accesibilidad a los medicamentos quedarían resueltos.
Todo esto es una hipótesis que necesitaría de la realización de pruebas empíricas para que mediante estudios de casos reales basados en prueba y error se consiga crear un nueva estructura de industria farmacéutica que no dependa de las patentes y no genere las desigualdades en el acceso a los medicamentos y en las oportunidades innovadoras e inventivas. Se apoya esta propuesta concreta expuesta en este trabajo también en las conclusiones de estudios realizados por la propia industria farmacéutica para la mejora en los ratios de descubrimientos de moléculas nuevas con real trascendencia innovadora. Para ello, se han utilizado abundantes estudios para dar apoyo y justificación a la iniciativa de una nueva estructura de industria farmacéutica innovadora e inventiva que no dependa de las patentes.
Este trabajo no se reduce únicamente a plantear una nueva estructura de industria farmacéutica sin patentes, más cooperativa y dinámica, integrada por muchas empresas de tamaño mediano o pequeño que consigan reducir costes, ser sostenibles y conseguir una alta eficacia inventiva e innovadora. Se necesitan, además, plantear modelos de negocios sostenibles de alto valor social que sean capaces de implantarse en los países de menores ingresos y con altas carencias de infraestructuras, sociales y políticas. Estos modelos los encontramos en los las propuestas de C.K. Pranahad sobre las empresas “Bottom of Pyramid” y han dado manifiestos éxitos, sin estar tampoco exentos de críticas, al crear verdaderas capacidades de consumo, producción y de salud en muchos ámbitos realmente depauperados.
A su vez, este estudio académico pretende establecer y definir la opción ética y política que postule una teoría de justicia coherente en la defensa de una mejor accesibilidad y uso de los medicamentos a nivel global. Para ello se apoya, fundamentalmente y en primer lugar, en las teorías postulada por académicos como A. Sen y Martha C. Nussbaum referidas a las capacidades. Las capacidades son entendidas como espacios de oportunidad o logro para que cada uno de las personas pueda desarrollar sus propios planes vitales buenos. Aquí, nos veremos en la necesidad de validar esta teoría de las capacidades frente a la propuesta por J. Rawls y sus seguidores. Esto se debe a la importancia y necesidad de considerar la Teoría de Justicia de Rawls para cualquier propuesta sólida que se quiera realizar en temas de justicia distributiva en pleno siglo XXI.
Dentro de las capacidades que necesita toda persona para preservar su dignidad, sus propios planes vitales, etc., siempre de un modo u otro se incluirá a la capacidad a la salud. Así, de un modo indirecto, lo hará la propia M. Nussbaum cuando ofrece una lista de 10 capacidades básicas que toda persona necesita satisfacer en una mínima cantidad para a preservar su dignidad de ser humano. También, A. Sen entenderá la salud como una capacidad fundamental a considerar aunque nunca llegará a proponer un listado concreto y formal de capacidades básicas o fundamentales para el ser humano.
Los autores que han desarrollado más en concreto la salud como una capacidad a considerar han sido S. Venkatapuram y Nielsen, entre otros, que en este estudio desarrollaremos en profundidad. No nos olvidamos de estimar las propuestas de N. Daniels, que como seguidor de Rawls, verá la salud como un bien primario a cuidar ya que supone preservar la igualdad de oportunidades que demanda toda sociedad justa.
En este estudio, por tanto, trataremos de defender con detalle por qué es necesario proponer las capacidades como métrica fundamental a distribuir igualitariamente entre los individuos y los grupos frente a bienes primarios entendidos como libertades fundamentales, igualdad de oportunidades y recursos prioritarios para los más desfavorecidos. Las capacidades aportan frente a los bienes primarios el otorgar a todos y cada uno las oportunidades que realmente necesita el individuo, sin recurrir a estándares de bienes mínimos y teniendo en cuenta los condicionantes socioeconómico y personales e innatos, para conseguir los funcionamientos que le permitan realizar sus propios planes vitales. Tampoco, tal como el utilitarismo defiende, se acepta como prioridad distributiva la maximización del bienestar para el conjunto de individuos que conforman una sociedad.
Además, veremos como las capacidades de salud y las de salud farmacéutica en particular merecen una atención particular si se quiere ofrecer la mejora en el uso y el acceso de los medicamentos de un modo global para las poblaciones más pobres y para los individuos y grupos en particular que las conforman.
Serán las capacidades de salud farmacéuticas entendidas como las oportunidades o logros ofrecidos mediante bienes, recursos y conocimientos para mejorar el uso y el acceso a los medicamentos lo que se intentará conseguir al proponer la nueva estructura de industrias farmacéuticas inventivas e innovadoras sin patentes dentro de modelos de negocios “Bottom of the Pyramid” que aportan alto capital social.
Pero aun así no se considera que esto será suficiente para que de un modo justo e igualitario todas las personas y grupos en función de su talento y esfuerzo puedan disfrutar de una manera apropiada de las capacidades de salud farmacéutica que demandan. Necesitarán de marcos institucionales donde dichos individuos y grupos puedan gestionar estas capacidades de salud concretas que exigen. Marcos institucionales que les permitan tener un poder y control real sobre la gestión de sus capacidades y el poder político y legislativo para intervenir en estas instituciones que les permiten esta gestión.
Por ello, en la parte final del trabajo expondremos las instituciones de los “Common-Pool Resources” como el ámbito institucional apropiado para la gestión de las capacidades de salud farmacéutica ofreciendo el control y el poder sobre dicha gestión para las personas y los grupos que los conforman. Decir que estos “Common-Pool Resources” son los modos que han pervivido durante siglos para gestionar recursos naturales por parte de las comunidades tradicionales. Dichas instituciones fueron estudiadas por E. Ostrom y analizadas en conciencia para articular y analizar sus modos de estructurarse y funcionar. Esto nos ha servido para constituir y proponer de un modo similar nuestras instituciones de gestiones de capacidades básicas que en nuestro caso serán las capacidades de salud farmacéuticas.
Para nosotros estos “Common-Pool Resources” (CPR) de gestión de capacidades estarán constituidos por un contrato suscrito por todos y cada uno de los participantes de dicha institución. El contrato especificará las reglas y los objetivos de los CPR, que de este modo determina los tipos de participantes que existen junto a sus obligaciones y derechos así como las sanciones para aquellos que no respetan las reglas dictaminadas. Entre los objetivos que hemos estipulados como primordiales para todo “Common-Pool Resources” de capacidades será la mejora de las mismas a corto plazo y a medio y largo plazo la igualación de las capacidades de partida objeto de este CPR.
También, además del ámbito contractual que establecen las reglas en uso del CPR, ya sean las operativas, las de elección colectiva o las constitucionales, existirá un ámbito abierto para compartir capacidades de un modo totalmente libre siendo este espacio totalmente interactivo y dinámico. De este modo, si somos capaces de establecer instituciones donde es posible realmente gestionar con poder y control, por parte de todas las personas y los grupos, de las capacidades básicas que demanda todo ser humano al estar fuertemente unidas a su necesidad de supervivencia y de bienestar se conseguirá, también, cambiar la prioridad establecida por las teorías de justicia más emblemáticas de este y el anterior siglo.
Por esta razón, lo fundamental ya no será que cada persona pueda desarrollar su propio plan vital bueno y razonable para los demás sino de que sea capaz de tener el poder y control sobre la gestión de las capacidades básicas que demanda y la posibilidad de poder decidir legislativa y políticamente en las instituciones que le ofrecen esta posibilidad de gestión.
Así, en resumen, con la estructura de industria farmacéutica propuesta y los modelos de negocio “Bottom of the Pyramid” se consigue liberar al sector farmacéutico del monopolio de las patentes, posibilitar una industria local de medicamentos fuerte e innovadora en los países en vías de desarrollo, dar la oportunidad de generar medicamentos baratos y en cantidad suficiente, crear una industria de la invención e innovación junto a capacidades de consumo, trabajo y producción en las comunidades más pobres hasta entonces desconocidas, y mejorar las instituciones locales, sus infraestructuras y mercados de intercambio, etc.
Por ello, la igualdad de oportunidades, recursos y capacidades se hace más posible mediante un sector dinámico, competitivo, sostenible y de cooperación inventiva e innovadora. Además, una gestión de las capacidades de salud farmacéutica que implica ese mejor uso y acceso a los medicamentos mediante las instituciones de los “Common Pool Resources” hace que se tenga control y se tomen medidas eficaces sobre los condicionantes socioeconómicos, las habilidades de conversión de las oportunidades ofrecidas por parte de los individuos y grupos y las características innatas y adquiridas de cada persona.
... D'altro canto, in ambito culturale, per molti anni si è creduto che l'unica possibilità per spiegare la transizione della cultura fosse quella di trovare un'ipotesi equivalente a quella della selezione genetica. L'ipotesi della selezione di gruppo è invece stata rivalutata soltanto a partire dai primi anni Duemila, nonostante i lineamenti di tale teoria applicata all'evoluzione della cultura siano emersi circa vent'anni prima grazie ai lavori di Robert Boyd e Peter J. Richerson (Boyd & Richerson 1985, ma si veda anche Cavalli-Sforza & Feldman 1981) e sebbene all'insaputa dei due studiosi molti dei suoi aspetti fossero già stati anticipati dal filosofo e premio Nobel per l'economia Friedrich A. von Hayek diversi anni prima (Hayek 1960(Hayek , 1967(Hayek , 1982. 6 5 Per una rassegna generale sulla sintesi neodarwiniana e i corrispettivi meccanismi di evoluzione in ambito culturale si rimanda invece ai lavori molto esaustivi di Mesoudi 2011 e Baravalle 2018. ...
In the last thirty years, it has been identified a theory corresponding to the biological evolution one which concerns the behavioral traits of men and their social organization (institutions, customs , beliefs, social norms, values and technologies). By tracing back the guidelines of cultural evolution and showing how it differs from biological evolution, this paper focuses on the cultural evolution theory and its capability to explain the emergence and the change of rules and institutions at the bottom of social life. In the last part of the paper, recovering F. A. Hayek's pioneering insights, I will analyze the evolutionary dynamics acting at the level of rules and institutions. I will show, on the one hand, how selection of the rules is driven by a complex process in which emerging macro-systemic effects lend an evolutionary advantage to some human groups and allow us to explain how specific rules have successfully survived over time. On the other hand, I will argue that some behaviors have jointly transformed with the changing of societies by following the increasing degree of complexity in the relationships and human environments.
The book is a collection of articles dedicated to Professor Stanisław Filipowicz for his 70th birthday anniversary. The texts refer to his scientific achievements in political philosophy and the history of thought and political ideas.
Ethics and morals are concepts simultaneously immersed today in two phenomena that con tradict each other. On the one hand, the scientific literature assumes a total separation and distinction between them. On the other hand, they remain, currently but indiscriminately, used as synonyms. Now, what we defend in this exercise of reflection is that both this con tradiction and the separation itself constitute the most explicit result of a truly profound and thus crucial crisis - or inversion - of values, adding that the contradiction derives from the separation itself engineered in the intellectual world; which, in turn, has as its ultimate man ifestations the social turmoil and the set of demands for justice that multiply in the various fields of activity throughout society. In this sense, always resorting to classical authors and contributions distant from the modernists and postmodernists who commit this fracture, the thesis is concluded by suggesting that, in order to assume and resolve what turns out to be a psychosocial tension, it will always be, somehow, necessary to recover the civilizational pillars that bring together the various dimensions rooted in the complexity of reality; logic which is embodied, after all, in the very etymological genetics that fuse ethics and morals.
Design is a living phenomenon of public administration, but it has not been thoroughly studied by students of public administration (PA). Based on the pioneering work by Simon in 1969, Shangraw and Crow set forth an approach to intellectual activity about public administration that they presented as a design science approach in 1989. This article explores the reasons for the faltering development of this revolutionary approach, proposes a new bounded and incremental design approach to public administration, and analyses the approach’s basic characteristics and six relevant ideas as well as the main research content and courses of public administration and some recommendations for PA practitioners under this new approach.
Streszczenie: Polityka zwalczania kryzysów gospodarczych budzi liczne kontrower-sje woeród ekspertów i polityków, prezentuj¹cych szerok¹ gamê recept na zapobie¿enie i usuwanie ich skutków. Celem artyku³u jest przedstawienie dwóch-w du¿ej mierze przeciwstawnych-spojrzeñ na istotê kryzysów, reprezentuj¹cych mo¿liwie szeroki wachlarz opinii. W tym celu autorzy przybli¿aj¹ pogl¹dy dwóch bodaj¿e najistotniej-szych ekonomistów, którzy zajmowali siê t¹ tematyk¹ w dobie wielkiego kryzysu gos-podarczego XX wieku, oraz porównanie ich zaleceñ z dzia³aniami podejmowanymi przez polityków wspó³czeoenie. Pierwszym z nich jest John Maynard Keynes, upa-truj¹cy Ÿróde³ problemów gospodarczych w zmianach popytu oraz zalecaj¹cy aktywne przeciwdzia³anie skutkom zawirowañ gospodarczych, drugim zaoe Friedrich August von Hayek, reprezentuj¹cy austriack¹ szko³ê ekonomii, wini¹cy za cykliczne powraca-nie kryzysów czynniki monetarne i postuluj¹cy przebudowê systemu, tak aby przeciw-dzia³aae recesji zanim siê pojawi. Odmienne podejoecie do roli pañstwa w gospodarce, ró¿nice metodologiczne oraz dyskusja na tematy ekonomiczne jak¹ ci ekonomioeci to-czyli przez wiele lat wp³ywaj¹ na wagê ich prac, dzioe ju¿ niekiedy zapomnianych na-wet przez ich zwolenników. Tymczasem, jak wykazuj¹ autorzy, wk³ad obu adwersarzy w teoriê kryzysów gospodarczych jest nie do przecenienia i mimo ¿e obecnie bardziej popularne woeród decydentów zdaj¹ siê byae wywody Johna Keynesa, to nadal silny i ak-tualny pozostaje dyskurs miêdzy intelektualnymi spadkobiercami obu ekonomistów.
Este trabajo se centrará en la génesis del Estado moderno europeo en las teorías liberales contemporáneas, para analizar la relación entre la libertad individual y el poder del Estado. El objetivo es examinar el pensamiento de dos autores liberales que han tratado este tema: Bertrand de Jouvenel y Wolfgang Reinhard. En Du Pouvoir (1945), Jouvenel recorre la historia de la política europea intentando demostrar cómo el poder del Estado ha crecido en el tiempo, socavando la libertad individual. Reinhard sostiene en su obra Geschichte der Staatsgewalt (1999, Historia del poder estatal) una tesis muy similar a la de Jouvenel. Compara el Estado del bienestar y el Estado totalitario: la intensa actividad estatal impregna cualquier aspecto de la vida humana, no solo en el totalitarismo, sino también en los sistemas democráticos. Esta situación se presenta como el resultado directo de la formación de las democracias modernas y de la identificación del ciudadano con el Estado como nación.
In this essay both the facts/values and facticity/normativity divides are considered from the perspective of global semiotics and with specific regard to the relationships between legal meaning and spatial scope of law’s experience. Through an examination of the inner and genetic projective significance of categorization, I will analyze the semantic dynamics of the descriptive parts comprising legal sentences in order to show the intermingling of factual and axiological/teleological categorizations in the unfolding of legal experience. Subsequently, I will emphasize the translational and enactive cognitive disposition underlying the construction of the second premise of the so-called judiciary syllogism and thereby the untenability of the idea that ‘law makes its facts.’ Hence, I will try to bring to the fore the cultural pre-assumptions encapsulated in the positivistic and therefore also formalistic or analytical approaches to legal experience and the loss of their inner consistency when legal experience confronts the phases and major changes of global semiotics. Finally, I will strive to relativize the opposition between the positivist and non-positivistic theories of law in view of an understanding of legal experience focused not only, or at least not primarily, on what ‘law is’ but also on ‘how’ it unwinds through, and in spite of, environmental and semantic transformations.
Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a fundamentally normative construction. It speaks to what social responsibility should look like, who it should apply to, and how it should be demonstrated. By contrast, the analytic position of the corporate social irresponsibility (CSI) discourse is evidence‐based, and objects to the notion that companies can claim to be responsible while at the same time act irresponsibly. This paper supports a clear separation between (i) the critique of company performance within the dominant discursive construct of CSR and (ii) CSI as an evidence‐based approach to reading and documenting corporate performance. A conceptually distinct CSI discourse removes the need for researchers to disprove CSR rhetoric before engaging with responsibility problems. Rather than organising studies around CSR claims and commitments, we suggest that researchers of global resource extraction put their energies towards capturing the form and function of ‘organised irresponsibility’ in locations where mining takes place.
In this work we attempt to highlight the role of the OECD in
promoting neoliberal policies and in particular the marketization
of education in Greece in the period 2010-2015. In reference to
the policies of the "Global Educational Reform Movement"
(GERM) and in general the neoliberal policies in education, we
are studying the OECD's 2011 report on education in Greece
as well as the educational policy documents of the period.
Greece's debt crisis that begins in 2010, acted as a "policy
window" for the introduction of extensive cuts and the impetus
of a first wave of policies of marketization in education in
Greece, but also as an obstacle to their implementation due to
cuts in funding. The OECD played a mediator role between the
Greek government and the lenders in order to implement the
required reforms as well as a validating role for policies already
imple-mented by the "New School" reform of Papandreou
government. The imprint of the OECD's ne-oliberal
recommendations on education policies during this time is
strong and concerns the Sama-ras government as well, which
adopts and continues the same path. The neoliberal education
of austerity and precariousness in Greece during the crisis is
the result of the accelerated social duali-zation, but also a
means of manipulating and subjugating a youth whose future
looks bleak
This chapter recasts normative debates over liberal environmental, and republican ecological citizenship in light of recent efforts to enliven the radical, democratic, or Machiavellian strand of republicanism.
Progressivism—with top-down control by explicit reason directing behaviors specified in advance—is a return to primitivism and tribalism in a pre-evolutionary conception. Static conceptions cannot respond to unknown and unforeseen events nor provide any mechanism for novel behavior or knowledge. And there is no justice in the commands of a dictator (who must favor one individual or group with distributions), only in the negative rules of order of the spontaneous cosmos (where justice is “blind to the particular”). Law is purposeless. No society can deliberately give itself common laws. They evolve as a result of unintended consequences of action. Based upon our inevitable ignorance of particulars, liberalism is a theory of adaptability to an unknown and unforeseen environment, not just to one already known. Adaptation is learning what mistakes to avoid, without restricting novel behavior. We are the product of abstract rules of order in which we are embedded, not their conscious creators.
Liberalism entails realism in the study of the social and psychological, unlike collectivism (which assumes alleged wholes—crowds or classes—are real and causal entities). Liberalism finds only individuals exist and act, even though they sometimes appear in groups or different occupations. Methodological individualism rules out organic and transpersonal models of society (conspiracy theories), or any rigid determinism. The social domain of unintended consequences of action can never be reduced to the psychological (individual) domain. Society is a group phenomenon—evolutionary group selection—its most salient aspect is the tacit dimension of organization. We are its products, not its creators. Explicit reason will never replace that evolved organization. This chapter explores such themes, and how the tacit dimension of cognition interacts with the tacit dimension of society: what Ferguson knew in 1767 when he said “Mankind are to be taken in groups, as they have always subsisted.”
Die Arbeit befasst sich mit dem wenig diskutierten Thema der Koordination und emergenten Struktur des Wissens in einem evolvierenden Wirtschaftssystem. Ausgehend vom historischen Narrativ der modernen Marktwirtschaft und ihrer Positionierung in der vergleichenden Wirtschaftssystemanalyse werden theoretische Bausteine auf der Basis einer Diskussion der Arbeiten in der Tradition von Smith, Coase, Hayek, Schumpeter und anderen identifiziert und im Rahmen einer Mikro-Meso-Makro Architektur als Komponenten eines einheitlichen Erklärungsansatzes diskutiert.
Zentraler Forschungsgegenstand der evolutorischen Ordnungsökonomik sind Prozesse der Selbstorganisation (spontane Ordnung) in komplex adaptiven gesellschaftlichen Systemen. Solche Prozesse lassen sich auf drei Ebenen beobachten: der Ebene der Spielregeln (Normen und Institutionen), der Ebene der Handelnsordnung, die sich unter diesen Spielregeln bildet, und der Ebene der Interdependenz von Spielregeln und Handelnsordnung. Der Beitrag erläutert das Konzept der „Ordnung“, beschreibt Arten der Handelnsordnung, diskutiert den Ursprung der für die Bildung von Handelnsordnungen zentralen Vorhersagbarkeit des Verhaltens von eingeschränkt rationalen Akteuren und zeigt anhand des Entstehens einer Konvention die evolutorische Ordnungsökonomik bei der „Arbeit“. Anschließend wird der Zusammenhang zwischen spontaner Ordnung und den Transaktionskosten untersucht und der sogenannte Koordinationsansatz skizziert. Nach dem Koordinationsansatz stellt findiges Unternehmertum Ordnung her, indem es Koordinationslücken entdeckt und diese durch Arbitrage (auch über die Schaffung von Normen und Institutionen) schließt. Den Abschluss bilden Überlegungen zur Ordnungspolitik.
The article gives a general overview over different approaches to research ethics, discussing their respective potentials and shortfalls, while highlighting the varying relevance of different dimensions of research ethics when analysing the state from different perspectives. After an overview of the political and theoretical context of research ethics, three major approaches to ethics in general are discussed and their implications for research ethics in particular is explained. Next, issues of concrete research situations are presented as well as ways of practically negotiating the ‘complex mess’ that such situations imply. From the positional reflexivity that is a common demand for such negotiation, a broadening of the scope of research ethics to more general theoretical and political considerations is argued for. Such considerations are entangled not only in activist research, but generally in any research project. The conclusion shows how, while the different approaches presented in the text contradict each other in some terms, they also can complement each other or simply can help answer different questions. In order to arrive at a more comprehensive approach to research ethics as called for above, the standard, narrower accounts of research ethics need to be amended and adapted. Crucially, a dialogue among different dimensions and perspectives must help navigate the contradicting realities of concrete research contexts.
Commentators believe that the COVID‐19 pandemic reveals the inconveniences of capitalism and that the end of “neoliberalism” could be near. In this article we show that a capitalist ethics is capable to deal with the challenges of pandemics and comes with important advantages such as the prevention of overreactions. We apply both utilitarian and rights‐based ethics to the case of epidemics in general and COVID‐19 in particular. First a libertarian natural law ethics is used to assess the government interventions in the Corona pandemic. We maintain that these interventions cannot be justified from a libertarian point of view despite of the possible objections that are discussed such as the “potential threat argument”. Moreover, the utilitarian argument in favor of government lockdowns is evaluated. The negative effects of lockdown on mental health, addictions, domestic violence, etc. have to be taken into account. The utilitarian argument in favor of lockdown is far from convincing, as economic calculation is not possible.
A propriedade desagregada dos recursos produtivos envolve direitos fragmentários e sobrepostos, temporários ou condicionais, titularizáveis por diversos perfis de agentes econômicos, como trabalhadores, investidores privados, bancos e agências públicas de desenvolvimento. Direitos reais e intelectuais compartilhados, empresas de participações, pirâmides e teias societárias, fundos de capital de risco para startups (venture capital e private equity) e parcerias público-privado-comunitárias (PPPCs) estão entre as ferramentas aptas à modelagem de regimes alternativos de propriedade empresarial. Esses arranjos jurídicos permitem concentrar ativos e descentralizar a economia de mercado, com potencial para a estruturação de uma democracia poliproprietária – capaz de difundir capacidades empreendedoras e de sustentar novos direitos fundamentais, que funcionem como equivalentes a dividendos universais.
Disaggregated property and ownership of productive resources involves fragmented and overlapping, temporary and conditional rights that can be held by various profiles of economic agents, such as workers, private investors, banks, and public development agencies. Shared real and intellectual rights, holding companies, pyramids and corporate webs, venture capital and private equity funds for startups, and public-private-community partnerships (PPPCs) are among the tools suitable for modeling alternative business property regimes. These legal arrangements make it possible to concentrate assets and to decentralize the market economy, with potential for the structuring of a poly-owner democracy - capable of spreading entrepreneurial capacities and of sustaining new fundamental rights that function as the equivalent of universal dividends.
Three bodies of literature were reviewed to formulate a rationale for this study and to explore the issue of public acceptability in general. Section 2.1 presents a systematic review of literature on the public acceptability of transport policies in the Western context. Section 2.2 introduces relevant studies in the Chinese context. Section 2.3 takes a wider look at the Chinese context to explore other context-specific determinants of public acceptability in China.
Bireysel yaşam genel olarak; siyasal, ekonomik ve sosyolojik yapılar tarafından belirlenmektedir. Bu yapıları şekillendiren temel güçler ise sırasıyla devlet, piyasa ve toplumdur. Karl Polanyi ve Friedrich Hayek'in devlet, piyasa ve toplum üzerine ortaya koydukları açıklamaları karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alındığında, insan yaşamının anlaşılması için bütünsel bir yaklaşıma ulaşılabilmektedir. Bu bağlamda iki düşünür, aynı olgulara yönelik zıt bakış açıları sunarak, sosyal bilimler içinde iki farklı çizginin öncüleri olmuşlardır. Çalışmada, bu düşünürlerin sonraki çalışmaların ideolojik olarak sınıflandırılmasında belirleyici bir güce sahip oldukları tespitinde bulunulmaktadır. Buradan hareketle düşünürlere ait görüşlerin; sosyal bilimler için "ideolojik bir pH değeri"ni temsil ettiği öne sürülmektedir. Polanyi piyasa sistemi tarafından sunulan bireysel özgürlükler ve eşitlik ideallerinin, sistemin işleyişi sonrasında gerçekleşmediğine dikkat çekerek toplumsal değerleri ön plana çıkarmaktadır. Hayek ise piyasanın, insanın refahı ve özgürlüğünü sağlayan en iyi kurumsal düzen olduğunu savunmaktadır. Bu çalışma genel olarak, Hayek'in serbest piyasa savunusu ile onun karşısında yer alan Polanyi'nin gömülü ekonomik sistemini; siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal yönleriyle birlikte karşılaştırmalı olarak tartışmayı amaçlamaktadır.
One of the ways by which Gerald Postema’s Bentham and the Common Law Tradition revolutionized the study of Bentham’s jurisprudence was by challenging the idea, made popular by Hart (both in his jurisprudential work and his interpretation of Bentham), that the study of law in general is normatively neutral. Against this view, Postema argued that one must understand Bentham’s views on law and jurisprudence in relation to his utilitarianism. At the time of publishing the book, Bentham went very much against the grain, but this view has since gained considerable support. In my paper I seek to refine it. As I see it, Bentham did not think of utilitarianism as a moral theory. Rather, he is best understood as advancing utilitarianism as a public philosophy—an end for the legislator, and only indirectly applicable for individuals in their everyday lives. This makes Bentham’s utilitarianism tied to his legal philosophy in an even deeper sense than Postema suggested. Law is not there to imitate and help enforce an already existing utilitarian morality that tells people (independently of the law) what they should do. Instead, we should think of law as a mechanism (or a technology) for generating normative guidelines (where those do not otherwise exist). The effect of this is to reverse the familiar way of understanding the relationship between law and morality.
Survey‐based cultural dimensions are used extensively in empirical analysis as the primary source of quantitative cultural scores. However, survey‐based cultural dimensions have a significant endogeneity problem. The individuals responding to the surveys are affected by their current socioeconomic condition and environment (social mood), meaning that the outcomes are a mixture of culture and current socioeconomic effects. The World Value Survey (WVS) waves provided empirical support for the endogeneity problem. Our empirical findings show that in‐country scores frequently change between waves. In addition, the countries in the WVS change their ranking between waves; so, even the relative position held by a country is questionable when measured along survey‐based cultural dimensions. This finding contrasts with the idea that cultural values are sticky. We provide an alternative method for capturing cultural dimensions based on the grammatical structures of languages that capture ancestral culture with no fear of the current socioeconomics pollution of the measure.
Changing the system allowing access to Tertiary Education is a top priority of Greek governments; it often has a fragmentary character without parallel systemic interventions. The recent (2021) enactment of the 'minimum admission base' to Tertiary Education is a renewed version of a similar reform by the same governing party back in 2005, reflecting the timelessness of the issue and the strong signifying ideological grounds. The urgency for reformation is created using prosaic excuses indicating an educational crisis, with references to a long-standing 'pathology' of symptoms and obsolete obsessions that prevent any prospects for growth in the country. Employing the discourse-historical approach (DHA), we analyse the role of language in constructing and presenting problematics on the quality of students entering Tertiary Education, the establishment of a necessary political initiative and collateral process naturalising and legitimising solutions which superficially reinforce aspects of educational and social inequality. Reframing the argument within a contemporary context highlights their deep roots in given ideological references despite efforts to depoliticise the matter and its The Right to Choose 387 | P a g e consequent, political and social, implications due to the selection and allocation of the student population. We confirmed the attempt to depoliticise the matter by exploiting the rhetorical use of language, the role of texts to convince public and interested masses by constructing a narrative of qualitative upgrading of educational output as a naturalised and self-evident intervention so as to disengage it from related socioeconomic aspects and consequences.
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