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The Authoritarian Personality
... Desse modo, é importante destacar que uma das descobertas do estudo da escola de Berkeley foi que indivíduos suscetíveis à propaganda fascista têm muito em comum, ao contrário dos que não são suscetíveis ao mesmo tipo de propagandas (Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson & Sanford, 1950), ou seja, os inclinados ao fascismo formam um grupo de pessoas com valores e ideias em comum. Gonçalves (Arendt, 2013, p.29) pelo fato de que simplesmente seguiu às ordens de Hitler. ...
... A discussão sobre autoritarismo, política e propaganda foi estudada por Adorno et al. (1950) que discutiram, entre outros assuntos, a utilização de propagandas fascistas como forma de se induzir os indivíduos a aderirem às propostas nazistas. Outros estudos (Duckitt & Sibley, 2010;Etchezahar & Cervone, 2011) relacionaram o autoritarismo com a ideologia política. ...
... Da mesma forma, o trabalho de Berkley (Adorno et al., 1950) sobre autoritarismo ressaltou que as propagandas fascistas do partido nazista Gonçalves influenciaram, positivamente, um grupo de pessoas com valores e princípios em comum, isto é, pessoas autoritárias são mais suscetíveis a propagandas e discursos autoritários do que as demais. Outrossim, as atitudes dos eleitores são estruturadas de forma intrínseca, isto significa que está relacionada à personalidade do indivíduo (Tesser, 1993). ...
As eleições brasileiras de 2018, 2020 e 2022 foram marcadas por atos (principalmente os de fala) agressivos e violentos vindos dos candidatos e reproduzidos por eleitores. Tais atos frequentemente tinham como objeto atacar o campo ideológico oposto na intenção de conseguir voto e engajamento. Mas será que tais estratégias discursivas são efetivas? Tentando responder essa questão, neste estudo, buscamos analisar em que medida o autoritarismo e o discurso político violento influenciaram a intenção de voto e o engajamento em campanha de candidatos com discurso de direita. Para tanto, foi realizado um experimento com vinhetas entre 273 sujeitos da região metropolitana do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, os quais foram divididos em dois grupos aleatorizados por meio do propensity score matching: um grupo de controle cujo texto remete a um discurso não violento; outro de controle, cujo texto possui tom mais violento. Os resultados apontam que o discurso político violento reduz a intenção de voto, mas, quando mediado pela intenção de voto, o discurso político violento gera maior engajamento na campanha do candidato. Por fim, os resultados indicam que os eleitores com maior grau de autoritarismo tendem a se engajarem mais e terem maior intenção de voto, assim como eleitores com maior o interesse por política tendem a se engajarem mais.
... by intellectuals to the German people, who were in fact recognized as the perpetrators of the outbreak of World War II, who lost their statehood for a time as a result of the military defeat and were just beginning a long journey to realize their full guilt over the 1939-1945 events and the state policy of mass extermination. One such intellectual who raised the problem of German guilt and responsibility in the second half of the 1940s was the German philosopher Karl Jaspers, who set out his basic ideas in The Question of German Guilt (1946) 1 . ...
... The solution to the problem of the "collective guilt" of the German people was necessary in order to be able to get rid of the "collective thinking" legacy, which was the object of criticism of K. Jaspers. He emphasizes that, carrying out this "purification", the Germans must again reject collective thinking, because any real change occurs only through the individual 1 . ...
... Москва: Прогресс.2 Adorno, T. (1998). The Authoritarian Personality. ...
... Since introduced into political psychology studies by Adorno (1950), authoritarian personality has been increasingly used as an explanatory variable or an outcome variable. The detrimental effect of authoritarian personality, especially its negative social consequences, has been widely discussed. ...
... Individuals with authoritarian personality often tend to resist the novel and the unfamiliar, to avoid deviations from tradition, and to foster reliance on authorities and animosity towards the unorthodox. Authoritarian personality is regarded as the cornerstone of authoritarian rule, an idea first proposed by Adorno et al. (1950). Among studies using authoritarian personality as the outcome variable, we agree with the widely-accepted notion that educational level has a significant impact on the level of authoritarian personality. ...
... These studies pointed out that individual thought or action can be influenced by one's social condition, but they cannot account for the continuous, stable impact of external environment on authoritarian personality level. Adorno et al. (1950) studied the correlation between racism and anti-democracy tendency, aggregating them into "authoritarian personality". Altemeyer (1988) argued that authoritarian personality is not one single personality type but a group of attitudes. ...
"Authoritarian personality" is an important issue in political psychology research. There has been research showing that educational level significantly affects one's authoritarian personality, and significant different level of authoritarian personality among subjects of the same educationally level has also been observed. This research attempts to further study the influence of educational variables on authoritarian personality, to provide new insights into the relationship between the types of higher education and authoritarian personality levels, and to provide references for a better higher education design. Based on our survey carried out on undergraduates in Peking University, this paper employs general linear regression and DID to analyze the level of authoritarian personality of students of different major categories. The research shows that, compared with humanities and social science majors, science and engineering students tend to have a stronger authoritarian personality. This result implies that colleges and universities, when designing higher education schemes, need to carry out more liberal education in lower divisions, especially that on social sciences, to bring about more tolerant and rational citizens.
... Accordingly, the present study explored the concept of unfounded beliefs together with authoritarianism and scientific literacy. Altemeyer (1981) defined the concept of authoritarianism, based on the original definition developed by Adorno et al. (1950). The original concept of an authoritarian personality Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. ...
... was based on a particular personality structure coupled with social influence, especially from family (Adorno et al., 1950). Altemeyer (1981) defined right-wing authoritarianism as obediently following traditional authorities in society. ...
Studies consistently show the social impact of spreading epistemologically unfounded beliefs (or ‘conspiracy beliefs’), including negative effects on public health. The present study identified correlations among epistemologically unfounded beliefs, authoritarianism, and scientific literacy in a representative sample of 303 Slovak secondary school students, using the Epistemologically Unfounded Beliefs Scale, Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale, and Scientific Reasoning Scale. Statistical analysis confirmed significant correlations among the three variables. The findings suggest that increasing scientific literacy could simultaneously reduce authoritarianism and epistemologically unfounded beliefs in secondary school students.
... Es existiert also eine ebenso breite wie reiche institutionalisierte Forschungslandschaft, in der die sozialwissenschaftliche Beschäftigung mit Antisemitismus explizit nicht vorhanden ist. Und zweitens, und nur scheinbar im Widerspruch zur ersten Tendenz, die Tatsa-che, dass Untersuchungen, welche explizit Antisemitismus zum Gegenstand und Ausgangspunkt hatten, wie eben jene über die "Authoritarian Personality" (Adorno 1986a), seit ihrem Erscheinen zum Kanon der sozialwissenschaftlichen Klassiker gehören. Beide Erscheinungen, die nicht vorhandene Institutionalisierung sozialwissenschaftlicher Beschäftigung mit dem Phänomen Antisemitismus sowie die Einhegung bisheriger Wissensbestände zur Durchdringung des Phänomens in den Kanon sozialwissenschaftlicher Klassiker, können als Teile eines Symptoms verstanden werden. ...
... Die Gründe und Ursachen dafür wären Gegenstand einer eigenständigen Analyse. 25 Ich beziehe mich im Folgenden nicht auf die deutsche unvollständige Version von 1973, sondern durchgängig auf die vollständige englischsprachige Originalausgabe (Adorno, 1986a). and that this pattern is an expression of deep-lying trends in his personality" (Adorno, 1986a, S. 149 (Rensmann, 1998, S. 28), die ja allein aufgrund ihrer objektiven Klassenlage die nationalsozialistische Herrschaft niemals derart widerspruchslos hätte hinnehmen dürfen, ergab sich die offene Frage nach den Gründen für dieses Verhalten. ...
... But, as society is contradictory, school education also includes criticism of this kind of formation. As argued by Adorno et al. (1950), in self-reflection and in reflection about the world, which, despite being distinct, are correlated, it is not appropriate to separate formation provided at school from the personal characteristics, behaviors and skills developed from acquired knowledge, and which are fundamental to overcoming alienation. ...
... If narcissism is more current than sadomasochism due to existing social conditions, as discussed earlier these correspond to higher concentration of capital, and it is with the ideology of capital that individual desires are associated. As Freud (2011) analyzes, ideational content is based on strong psychic needs, and Adorno et al. (1950) present as a hypothesis of their study on the authoritarian personality that a set of ideas is adhered to by individuals through their desires expressed by their personality structure. Culture mediates the relationship between individuals and society, serving as a filter so that it can be perceived and interpreted; as mentioned before, as it comes from a contradictory society, culture contains not only a distorted perception of the world that characterizes ideology, but also the possibility of criticizing it; thus, the more diverse and richer a culture is, the more individuals can differentiate themselves and express their desires; the less diverse and poorer a culture is, the less individuals can express their desires. ...
The objective of this work is to reflect on current conditions of individual formation, considering the current capitalist social structure and neoliberal ideology. To achieve this objective, the text is divided into three parts; the first provides elements for thinking about neoliberalism as an ideology; the second deals with individual formation under this ideology, with respect to currently required productivism and entrepreneurship, personality characteristics, favorable or contrary to democracy and related to forms of school violence; and the last part discusses the relationship between neoliberalism and the formation of the individual. It is argued that neoliberal ideology hides the inexistence of the market, helping to concentrate capital in an ever smaller number of groups, and lack of perception of this can lead to the defense of the welfare state, which allows better material conditions of life for the population, which while important has nevertheless been the target of criticism, especially by thinkers of the Critical Social Theory. In order to manage this system based on concentration of wealth, a fascist administration is necessary, even though it may have the appearance of democracy; if it is an objective phenomenon, it does not dispense with individuals who support it, who are formed by a superficial relationship with reality, which enables an expression of violence, which indicates regressed personality needs.
Keywords:
Formation of the individual; Social criticism; Neoliberalism
... For example, how might an orientation toward authoritarianism shape the hidden curriculum? An analytical framework such as Adorno's The Authoritarian Personality might offer a productive lens to illuminate this hidden corner in our understanding of the hidden curriculum [53]. ...
This essay aims to explore the theoretical limitations that hidden curricula—hidden normative values, beliefs, and knowledge that are often considered problematic—place on our understanding of teacher–pupil relationships. It applies Habermas’ theory of communicative action—synonymous with mutual understanding and predicated on his concept of the lifeworld—to analyse hidden curricula. It finds that hidden curricula limit teachers’ comprehension of teacher–pupil relationships dependent on pupils’ responses to teacher-level hidden curricula. Where they respond with compliance, pupils limit expressions of their subjectivity; conversely, where they reject teacher-level hidden curricula, pupils’ subjective lifeworlds are already disrupted by them. Both responses impede teachers’ understanding of teacher–pupil relationships. In addition, pupil-level hidden curricula, which are often asymmetrical and oriented in response to teacher-level hidden curricula, present another barrier to teachers unveiling hidden curricula and the subjectivities of teacher–pupil relationships. In effect, pupil-level hidden curricula render teachers ‘alone in a crowd’. Finally, I argue that systematically examining hidden curricula represents strategic action—communicative action’s counterpoint—and colonisation of pupils’ lifeworlds. While hidden curricula present significant theoretical limitations to understanding teacher–pupil relationships, teachers might use this as a ‘pedagogical hinge’, freeing them from the unknowable and uncontrollable to a more practical view of teacher–pupil relationships.
... A política passa a se tornar um grande jogo de ganhar ou perder, maniqueísta, sobre os destroços dos ideais agonísticos que pressupõe o direito do adversário a ideias opostas (MOUFFE, 2003). Sob a maquiagem do Reversalismo, revelam-se autoritarismos dormentes que, como percebeu o grupo de pesquisa liderado por Theodor Adorno (1964) em Estudos sobre a personalidade autoritária, se manifestam conforme o sinal dos tempos. Essas parcelas mais radicais, como de praxe, passam a se classificar sob rótulos, em particular o prefixo "ultra" que, na prática, não faz mais do que atuar como nome orwelliano para denotar autoritarismo. ...
A sátira tem, em sua própria essência, a práxis de trabalhar sobre o absurdo. Através do real da ficção, tende ao exagero em sua maior potência na tentativa constante de atacar o nosso real. Por essa característica, talvez seja um dos formatos mais políticos que a literatura pode assumir. Pois, desde As viagens de Gulliver, a sátira toma o absurdo como método para criticar a política do real. O novo livro de Ian McEwan, A barata, é herdeiro direto dessa tradição. Bem como o é de uma nova tradição: o Brexlit, subgênero de literatura política que surge, como o nome indica, na onda do Brexit. Em um pastiche de A metamorfose, McEwan lança mão de um humor a tal ponto sarcástico que beira o grosseiro, em uma situação absurda em si-o parlamentarismo britânico dominado por baratas que propõem uma inversão econômica estratosférica que transforma consumo em trabalho-, como referência clara a uma situação absurda do real: o ressurgimento do nacionalismo britânico em seu maior expoente, com o Brexit. A inverossimilhança da obra de McEwan é sua maior força. Através de um exagero que beira
... The notion that personality exerts a powerful influence on people's political and ideological beliefs and behaviors has a long history. Much of this research has focused on traits such as social dominance and right-wing authoritarianism (De Coninck et al., 2022;Duckitt & Sibley, 2010;Hodson & Dhont, 2015;Pratto et al., 2006), following the seminal study by Adorno et al. (1950) who proposed that prejudices were an expression of the authoritarian personality that encompasses an individual's commitment to social norms and obedience to authority (Altemeyer & Altemeyer, 1996). More recently, the literature has found associations between general personality traits, particularly the Big Five with implicit attitudes (though association tests) but rather with explicit attitudes (through survey instruments). ...
We examine the intricate relationship between media usage, personality traits, and perceived threat towards refugees. Using a diverse sample from six European countries (N = 9,085), we explore the moderating impact of Dark Triad traits on television news consumption. Our findings align with prior studies, indicating that public television news consumption is associated with lower perceived threat, while commercial news consumption shows the opposite pattern. These results likely stem from the divergent framing of migration in the media: public outlets emphasize compassion and integration, while commercial outlets lean towards sensationalism and fear-inducing narratives. Additionally, our study uncovers intriguing insights into the Dark Triad traits. While psychopathy is linked to heightened perceived threat, Machiavellianism and narcissism exhibit a negative association. Surprisingly, the positive relationship between commercial news consumption and perceived threat weakens among individuals high in Machiavellianism. These individuals, driven by self-interest and strategic thinking, may view refugees as potential resources rather than threats. Notably, we find no moderation effect of Dark Triad traits on public service news consumption. This suggests that sensationalized content resonates more with individuals high in these traits, while public service news, focusing on diverse perspectives, has a weaker impact on threat perceptions.
... The ethnocentrism term's meaning is cultural narrowness or belonging to a province. In other words, the tendency of individuals toward the core ethnic group or to be alike or unlike them is difficult for him/her in terms of acceptance or rejection (Jurczak et al., 1950). For this reason, they place Sumner as the pioneer of this term (Bizumic, 2014). ...
Legislation aimed at regulating internet use among adults has been prompted by media
reports on the incidences of abuse on the internet, particularly among teenagers and adults,
which are increasing at an alarming rate and are raising a lot of concern among organizations,
academia, and parents of teenagers. Social networking services (SNS) and ethnocentrism have
come under fire for being breeding grounds for cyberbullying, cyber victimization, and
harassment by coworkers, classmates, friends, and acquaintances. However, there is a lack of
rigorous research studies that specifically identify risk factors for adult internet abuse and
investigate whether recent increases in online abuse, disrespect, and rage are the results of
cyberbullying and victim behavior on social networking sites (SNS) or something else. This
study sought to pinpoint the crucial elements and connections between ethnocentrism and
cross-cultural online adult victimization in Ahmedabad, India, and Kabul, Afghanistan.
Humans are born with the ability to be hegemonies, but long-term favoritism of one
person over another is problematic. Individuals occasionally cede dominance to clans, tribes,
and countries, which can lead to a variety of issues, including bullying, abuse, conflict,
mocking, taunting, etc. Additionally, ethnocentrism is the source of the cultural disparity used
for hegemonic aims. Ethnocentric conduct, on the other hand, is altering one group's preference
in this virtual technology.
Cyberbullying is another adverse effect of social networking sites, and it is primarily
caused by ethnocentrism. It is one of the rising difficulties for both students and regular
residents. Students do, however, encounter these problems on social networking sites.
Cyberbullying is the act of intimidating and threatening another person via the use of internet
communication. The need for the government and citizens to be concerned about this
phenomenon has grown. Studies that concentrate on the problems of cyberbullying and
ethnocentrism are few and far between. However, there are several hate-based inconsistencies
in both virtual and non-virtual conversations due to cultural prejudices and ethnocentric group
advantages.
An international syndrome of attitudes and actions is known as ethnocentrism. It is, in
other words, a commitment to the group. The foundation of in-group bias might be easily
triggered. One of the main issues of virtual conflict on the internet is cyberbullying. There are
new ways of living thanks to the development of cyber technology. The phenomenon known as "cyber victimization" occurs when someone suffers an injury online. Furthermore, the social
and psychological conduct of Homo sapiens is impacted by this virtual injury.
This study's methodology employed an inductive approach to the development of new
hypotheses. More specifically, cross-cultural research was applied to cover the two countries'
data. A cross-cultural study, which was done to compare and systematize the differences and
similarities between at least two cultures throughout the world, is a type of scientific research.
The cross-sectional design was a subtype of the descriptive study design. On the other hand,
through exploratory research, the research problems were elaborated. It is uncertain if
ethnocentrism has any connection to cyberbullying and the behavior of those who have been
cyberbullied. In other words, the inductive technique refers to the process of taking a result
from a particular sample and applying it to the generalization of the result, which provides us
with a new theory. There were 1550 questionnaires distributed. Out of these distributed
questionnaires, between a thousand and five hundred were retrieved and other were discarded.
Furthermore, the exclusion and inclusion criteria were applied to the data. Finally, we had 1416
participants from both cities of both countries. The data was collected through a random
sampling technique. There were 707 participants from India (Ahmedabad) and 709 participants
from Afghanistan (Kabul) who made up the sample, which was drawn from these two nations.
For the sample, the age factor was taken into account between the ages of seventeen to thirty
years old (17 to 30). There were 772 males and 644 females participated in this study.
Additionally, this data was collected using a straightforward random sample method. For
instance, participants might choose from a set of Yes or No cards that were put. The participant
was at the same time taping one of the cards' backs. If the participant pressed "YES," the
questionnaire was given and, after completion, it was collected from them, and vice versa, if
they clicked "NO."
The research participants willingly and voluntarily took part and provided anonymous
responses. Each questionnaire also had a unique serial number. Every student was asked to
participate in the survey, and they were free to stop at any point. All individuals gave their
consent to participate in the study. Students freely took part. During the academic year, May
2020 through December 2021, data was gathered. They have a 30-minute time limit to
complete the questionnaire. The participants also received thorough verbal and written training.
Each participant also had the option to discontinue the questionnaire at any point if
they so desired. In other words, they had full access to the questionnaire. All of the information was gathered during their leisure time in various locations, including the open spaces and
classrooms of each institution. Additionally, demographic information was gathered, including
age, daily internet usage, social media use, and whether a person had engaged in cyberbullying
in the previous year as a perpetrator, victim, or witness. The age component, which spanned
from seventeen to thirty years, was also included in the data, and its mean was 21.65 years,
respectively. Additionally, participants' daily internet usage varied from fifteen (15) minutes
to twenty (20) hours per day. In other words, the average hours of internet surfing of the Indian
participants was 3.58 hours per day, and the average hours of internet surfing of the Afghan
participants was 3.17 hours per day.
The Statistical Program for Social Science (SPSS) version 24 has been used to analyze
data using descriptive and inferential methods. Standardized questionnaires, including the
Ethnocentrism scale, the Revised Cyberbullying Inventory (RCBI), and the Revised
Cyberbullying Inventory-II (RCBI-II), were used to gather the core data for this study.
The results and findings of this study proved that the relationship between age and
ethnocentrism, cyberbullying on the RCBI and RCBI-II scales, and cyber victimization on the
RCBI-II scale factors was almost nil. On the RCBI scale, there is just one instance of age being
associated with the cyber victim; this link was significant at the 0.05 level. Cyberbullying on
the RCBI and RCBI-II Scales exhibited a substantial link with the ethnocentrism variable, and
cyber victims on the RCBI Scale had a significant association at the 0.01 level. However, the
RCBI-II scale behavior of cyber victims did not significantly correlate with the ethnocentrism
component. At a 0.01 level, there was a significant correlation between cyberbullying conduct
on the RCBI-II scale and a cyber-victim. On the RCBI scale, there was a 0.01 degree of
correlation between cyberbullying activity and cyber victim behavior. The RCBI-II Scale on
cyberbullying and cyber victims is more generic. The RCBI's scale for measuring cyber victims
and cyberbullying, however, is more specific. According to statistical evidence, Afghan
participants scored much higher than Indian participants did on measures measuring
ethnocentrism, cyberbullying, and cyber victimization.
Additionally, the ethnocentrism variable, cyberbullying behavior of the RCBI scale,
cyber victimization behaviors of the RCBI, and the RCBI-II scales' variables were statistically
significantly different, except for cyberbullying behavior of the RCBI-II scale, all participants
of both countries displayed similar behavior.
The ethnocentrism, cyberbullying conduct on the RCBI-II and RCBI measures, and
cyber victim behavior on the RCBI scale were substantially different between male and female
participants. The RCBI-II scale's cyber victimization behavior, however, did not alter
substantially from the baseline. In other words, compared to female participants, men were
statistically more likely to engage in cyberbullying, cyber victimization, and ethnocentric
conduct.
The gender-interaction of the ethnocentrism behaviors of India and Afghanistan
revealed that both male and female Afghans exhibited higher degrees of ethnocentrism than
the Indian gender. Afghan male participants exhibited greater cyberbullying (RCBI-II) activity
than the Indian gender and Afghan female participants, according to cyberbullying (RCBI-II)
behavior of Indians and Afghans with gender interaction. However, as compared to the Indian
gender and Afghan male participants, Afghan female participants showed the lowest levels of
cyberbullying (RCBI-II) conduct. Indian men were the least likely to have been victimized
(RCBI-II) online compared to Afghan men. In addition, compared to Afghan female
participants, Indian women were more frequently cyber victimized.
On the Cyberbullying (RCBI) scale, Afghan male participants scored the highest, and
Afghan female participants scored higher than the Indian gender. The participants from India,
however, scored the lowest on cyberbullying (RCBI). On the Cyber Victim (RCBI) scale,
Afghan male participants scored the highest, and Afghan female participants scored higher than
the Indian gender. On the RCBI scale, however, the Indian female participants received the
lowest scores for cyber victimization.
Cyberbullying (RCBI-II) had less of an impact on the ethnocentrism of Indian
individuals. Additionally, it did not significantly change the behavior of cyber victims (RCBI�II). On the RCBI scale, cyberbullying was highly impacted by the ethnocentrism of Indian
individuals. On the RCBI scale, it had no appreciable impact on cyber victim behavior.
Ethnocentrism among participants from Afghanistan had a substantial impact on
cyberbullying (RCBI-II). Additionally, add 0.067 points of cyberbullying (RCBI-II) to one
point of ethnocentrism. However, it did not significantly alter the behavior of the cyber victim
(RCBI-II). Additionally, on the RCBI scale, the ethnocentrism of the participants from
Afghanistan had a substantial impact on cyberbullying. For instance, one point of
ethnocentrism causes cyberbullying (RCBI) to rise by 0.091 points. On the RCBI scale, it also had a considerable impact on how cyber victims behaved. For instance, a rise of 0.089 points
in cyber victimization (RCBI) for every point of ethnocentrism.
Finally yet importantly, it is urged that both the Afghan and Indian governments have
clear rules and regulations to guard against and stop any type of cyberbullying conduct that has
negative knock-on effects. The road for legal authorities, academics, and non-academic groups
is more clearly defined. Therefore, academic researchers are strongly encouraged to conduct
further studies in this area of ethnocentrism and cyberbullying. Further research is required to
fully understand ethnocentrism, including all of its negative effects and how it came into being.
This will operate as a guiding principle for the manipulation and direct it toward its
advantageous ends.
Every person is also able to take legal and preventative actions. Launching awareness
campaigns using various channels, including the media, protests, conferences, etc.
Understanding one another's goals and needs is facilitated by teaching one another about the
new cultures of different societies. By demonstrating and establishing the negative effects of
cyberbullying behavior on the general public, organizational stakeholders, and students, it may
be curbed and prevented. It has been observed that schools and institutions must set policies
and guidelines for handling professors, coworkers, and classmates who are subjected to
cyberbullying by students. Everyone should check out anti-bullying websites, anti�ethnocentrism efforts, and family support organizations.
Criminal and forensic psychologists are advised to add this new arena to their
investigation and scope of work that destabilizes individual psychological health and social
lives. The psychological counselor must assist the victims and exhibit anti-cyberbullying, and
ethnocentric attitudes. Programs for social awareness are also necessary to educate young
people about the dangers of cyberbullying. Anti-cyber ragging laws and regulations should be
made in India and Afghanistan to solve the existing problem. User-friendly Information about
cyber rights must be accessible to everyone. These internet users are aware of their rights,
nevertheless. This will also act as a warning to stop kids from abusing the internet. It is
important to take into account the research's suggested solutions and those that the respondents
favored. Bystanders should step in to defend the online victim, stop online bullying, and alert
the relevant organizations.
... Firstly, there is a particular affinity to xenophobic and racist positioning or, more generally, to the authoritarian character (Adorno et al., 1950) in this orientation, because social security and belonging are conceived in principle via the best possible correspondence and performance of adaptation to the requirements and rules formulated by "those up there". Accordingly, the restrictive agency remains structurally insecure and, thus, fearful because the basic dependence on arbitrary decisions is not addressed. ...
This book examines the highly ambivalent implications and effects of anti-elitism. It draws on this theme as a cross-cutting entry point to provide transdisciplinary analysis of current conjunctures and their contradictions, drawing on examples from popular culture and media, politics, fashion, labour and spatial arrangements.
Using the toolboxes of media and discourse analysis, hegemony theory, ethnography, critical social psychology and cultural studies more broadly, the book surveys and theorizes the forms, the implications and the ambiguities and limits of anti-elitist formations in different parts of the world. Anti-elitist sentiments colour the contemporary political conjuncture as much as they shape pop cultural and media trends. Populists, right-wing authoritarian ones and others, direct their anger at cultural, political and, sometimes, economic elites while supporting other elites and creating new ones. At the same time, "elitist" knowledge and expertise, decision-making power and taste regimes are being questioned in societal transformations that are discussed much more positively under headlines such as participation or democratization.
The book brings together a group of international, interdisciplinary case studies in order to better understand the ways in which the battle cry "against the elites" shapes current conjunctures and possible future politics, focusing on themes such as nationalist political discourse in India, Austria, the UK and Hungary, labour struggles and anti-oligarchy rhetoric in Russia, tax-avoiding elites and fiscal imaginaries, working-class agency, Melania Trump as a celebrity narrative in Slovenia, aesthetic codes of the Alt-Right, football hooliganism in Germany, "hipster hate" in German political discourse or the politics of expertise and anti-elite iconography in high fashion internationally. The book is intended for undergraduates, postgraduates and postdoctoral researchers.
... • "the concept of the nonethnocentric personality is utopian" (Jurczak 1950) • "Professor Horkheimer unfortunately uses the same dichotomous approach here against which his students and collaborators warn" (Bunzel 1950) • "Critical readers will wonder at the absence of any reference to the scaling approaches of Guttman and Lazarsfeld during the entire discussion of scale construction" (Bredemeier 1950) • "the reader may wish that middle scorers (probably more representative of the population as a whole) received as much intensive study as the high and low scorers" (Schermerhorn 1951) • "The authoritarian type is the one most closely approximating the 'perfect' politician in the sense of one whose primary goal value is power, whose preferred base value is also power (threat or use of extreme deprivations in any sphere), and whose basic expectations are that the most important human relations are matters of power. By contrast, the democratic character is not centered on power but upon multiple values." ...
... • "the concept of the nonethnocentric personality is utopian" (Jurczak 1950) • "Professor Horkheimer unfortunately uses the same dichotomous approach here against which his students and collaborators warn" (Bunzel 1950) • "Critical readers will wonder at the absence of any reference to the scaling approaches of Guttman and Lazarsfeld during the entire discussion of scale construction" (Bredemeier 1950) • "the reader may wish that middle scorers (probably more representative of the population as a whole) received as much intensive study as the high and low scorers" (Schermerhorn 1951) • "The authoritarian type is the one most closely approximating the 'perfect' politician in the sense of one whose primary goal value is power, whose preferred base value is also power (threat or use of extreme deprivations in any sphere), and whose basic expectations are that the most important human relations are matters of power. By contrast, the democratic character is not centered on power but upon multiple values." ...
The article presents and discusses an unpublished critical remark written by Robert K Merton which addressed Else Frenkel Brunswik's contribution to The Authoritarian Personality. The author contextualizes both Merton’s remarks and the book’s reception by other contemporary sociologists.
... By that book, it was scientifically stated as factual: in the then United States, along with the political ideology of democratic governance, there is a steady social particularism of individuals as a social ideology. According to the study, such social particularism breeds xenophobia of various kinds in a democratic society and forms the xenophobic consciousness of individuals [1]. Although this point by the book is implicit but it is clear that its psychological part and conclusions were written by Adorno himself as project leader -because while in the US, the philosopher wrote an article the revised psychoanalysis as a report in the Psychoanalytic Society of San Francisco. ...
The article examines the use of the Sigmund Freud’s psychological legacy as the founder of the theory of psychoanalysis by the German philosopher Theodor Adorno, a representative of critical theory. It was found that the Sigmund Freud’s works played the role of maker of such knowledge, which was used for identify social and psychological reasons of the mastery of social ideology by the collective consciousness of society. On the other hand, Sigmund Freud's theory of psychoanalysis was helped Theodor Adorno to identify the spiritual energy of the new individual that can be used in new educational activities. This energy becomes necessary for educational upbringing of the future conscious citizen of a democratic state.
... 1;. Following earlier work by Theodore W. Adorno et al. (1969), Seymour M. Lipset (1960), and German sociologists Erwin Scheuch and Hans-Dieter Klingemann (1967) one can assume that the potential for radical rightwing movements exists in all industrial societies and should be understood as a 'normal pathological' condition. In all fast-growing modernizing countries there are people who cannot cope with economic and cultural developments and who react to the pressures of readjustment with rigidity and closed-mindedness. ...
This article takes a closer look at the Tea Party by adding a transatlantic perspective. Its aim is to show that the Tea Party is a genuine right-wing movement with strong affinities to the Republican Party which revives particular American traditions of conservatism and the radical right. Its support base is not ‘the mainstream’ but a particular cross section of the white middle classes. In this, it is the American mirror image of many European parties and movements of the populist radical right which share the Tea Party’s anti-establishment message, its ultra-patriotism and ethnocentrism. It also shares some of its characteristics with the Christian Right with which it competes and cooperates when aiming at influencing the Republican Party and Washington while marking the merger of the Christian Right with Southern conservatism.
... Darüber hinaus spielt Religion innerhalb der Autoritarismusforschung eine Rolle: Adorno et al. (1950) unterschieden typologisch zwischen dem "radikalen Christen" einerseits, der eher intrinsisch religiös motiviert sei und zu Weltoffenheit und Toleranz neige, und der autoritären Persönlichkeit andererseits, die vor dem Hintergrund einer "Ich-Schwäche" einen Hang zum Aberglauben habe, der eher exkludierend wirke (vgl. dazu auch Huber und Yendell 2019). ...
... While these results are broadly consistent with modernization theory, significant debate has persisted on how to understand this finding. The development perspective, often tied to modernization theory, holds that education is linked to fundamental cognitive changes in the way people view the world that lead to more tolerance and less authoritarianism [33,34]. On the other hand, the socialization perspective argues that educational institutions socialize individuals to the prevailing norms of a society [35][36][37]. ...
Despite widespread scholarly interest in values and attitudes among Muslim populations, relatively little work has focused on specific attitudes popularly thought to indicate anti-modern or anti-liberal tendencies within Islam. In this article, we use data from the Pew Research Center from 2008-2012 to examine support for violent practices among Muslims in thirty-five countries. Support for violent practices is defined by three questions on the acceptability of killing apostates, the stoning of adulterers, and severe corporal punishment for thieves. Using multilevel models that capture country-level variability, we analyze the relationship between support for violent practices and education, religiosity, and development. In general, we find that support for violent practices is less common among individuals with more education and less religiosity and who come from more developed countries. However, when we examine variation across countries, we see evidence of substantial heterogeneity in the association of education and religiosity with support for violent practices. We find that education is more liberalizing in more liberal countries and in less developed countries. The effects of religiosity are also related to country-level context but vary depending on how religiosity is measured. Overall, the variation we observe across countries calls into question a civilizational approach to studying values among Muslim populations and points to a more detailed multiple modernities approach.
... The disciples of these influential professors went on reproducing their mentors' leadership style. The "authoritarian personality" (Adorno, 1950), whose impact on post-communist societies was aptly described by Anne Applebaum (2020) Indeed, what was presented as relativism, was cover for a limited set of ethical, political and linguistic choices. ...
en This paper conceptualizes intellectual dissent as a galvanizer of academic freedom in a post-totalitarian academia that is moving toward democratization. Drawing on the case of Ukraine, the analytical narrative describes difficulties in overcoming legacies in universities emerging from repressive rule that discouraged creativity, initiative, and critical inquiry, and having to envisage a transition to democratic governance in the context of neoliberal geopolitics. The case analysis suggests that intellectual dissent is essential but limited in its ability to establish the praxis of academic freedom under increasing control by oligarchic governments and a self-serving bureaucracy. By exploring interdependencies between intellectual dissent and academic freedom, this paper lays ground for an analytical framework that can be helpful in rethinking the prospects of universities at the crossroads of authoritarianism and democracy.
Abstract
uk Ця cтaття кoнцeптyaлiзyє iнтeлeктyaльнe iнaкoмиcлeння як cтимyлюючий фaктop для poзвиткy aкaдeмiчнoї cвoбoди в пocт-тoтaлiтapнiй aкaдeмiї нa шляxy дo дeмoкpaтизaцiї. Ha пpиклaдi Укpaїни, aнaлiтичний нapaтив в цiй cтaттi oпиcyє тpyднoщi пoдoлaння yнiвepcитeтcькoї cпaдщини, щo виниклa внacлiдoк peпpecивнoгo пpaвлiння, якe пepeшкoджaлo твopчocтi, iнiцiaтивi тa кpитичним дocлiджeнням, тa гaльмyвaлo пepexiд дo дeмoкpaтичнoгo yпpaвлiння в кoнтeкcтi нeoлiбepaльнoї гeoпoлiтики. Як пoкaзyє iнcтитyцiйнa пpaктикa, iнтeлeктyaльнe iнaкoмиcлeння є cyттєвo вaжливим, aлe oбмeжeним y йoгo здaтнocтi cпoнyкaти до aкaдeмiчної cвoбoди, ocoбливo кoли пocилюєтьcя кoнтpoль з бoкy oлiгapxiчниx ypядiв i кopиcтолюбивoї бюpoкpaтiї. Дocлiджyючи взaємoзaлeжнicть мiж iнтeлeктyaльним iнaкoмиcлeнням тa aкaдeмiчнoю cвoбoдoю, ця cтaття зaклaдaє ocнoвy для aнaлiтичнoї paмки, якa сприятиме пepeocмиcлeнню пepcпeктив yнiвepcитeтiв, щo знaxoдятьcя нa пepexpecтi aвтopитapизмy тa дeмoкpaтiї.
... El objetivo debe ser siempre, el poder captar las relaciones dialógicas complejas que se dan entre las experiencias de los sujetos inmersos en una dinámica social que por sus anclajes estructurales asume características objetivas. De lo que se trata entonces, es de rescatar la "Experiencia vital personal en la dinámica social objetiva" (Adorno, 1950). ...
Parto sosteniendo que el hombre en tanto sujeto, es en sí mismo, pero es también y fundamentalmente en tanto integrante de los procesos de estructuración social. Y ninguno de los dos procesos se dan de forma independiente uno del otro. Esto implica, en consecuencia, que la ecuación individuo-sociedad no aparece como una oposición en tanto imagen especular contraria. Sino que debemos reflexionar en una dimensión diferente, en la cual no se descarta al individuo a pesar de partir de la totalidad. La concepción tanto de individuo como de sociedad, se debe plantear de manera dialéctica, y por lo tanto, ya no como entidades contrapuestas e irreconciliables.
... Nenhum deles alterou a hierarquia social, exceto para catapultar alguns aventureiros a posições de destaque [...] É difícil situar o fascismo no tão familiar mapa político de direita-esquerda (PAXTON, 2007, p. 26-28) Não é necessário grande esforço imaginativo para perceber que, apesar das cíclicas e infinitas crises, o capitalismo não morreu e tampouco o fascismo foi o seu último mecanismo de defesa. Tanto a análise revisionista da extrema-direita, quanto a análise marxista, são insuficientes para compreender no âmago um movimento contraditório e polissêmico que transcende a política e atinge esferas até mesmo psicológicas, como Adorno (1964) Grande parte dos movimentos de extrema-direita de relevância política atual buscam se afastar do rótulo de fascismo, cientes de que a concepção assusta e afasta eleitores. Dificilmente um desses movimentos se assumiria como tal, como mostra Rob Riemen (SCHARGEL, 2020), preferindo a conveniência de serem tomados por nacional-populistas. ...
A Freedom House, instituição estadunidense, reportou 2019 como o déci-mo quarto ano seguido de recessão democrática mundial, uma crise que ressuscita a discussão acerca do conceito usado para denominar esses movimentos antide-mocráticos. Muito se fala que eles seriam novas versões de um fascismo, a despei-to de características distintas em cada manifestação. O semiólogo italiano Umber-to Eco antecipou essa questão e criou um conceito que busca resolver essa pro-blemática: Ur-Fascismo. O Ur-Fascismo é o fascismo que nunca acaba, que se reconstrói, se retrabalha, se adequa a cada época, dado seu caráter infinito. As distintas aparições do fascismo não se limitam à política da realidade: a política da ficção tratou de apresentá-lo de diversas formas. Partindo da discussão de uma base teórica sobre teoria política, em particular sobre o Ur-Fascismo, será possível perceber como a ficção tratou aparições e características desse fenômeno, toman-do, para isso, dois objetos: Não vai acontecer aqui, de Sinclair Lewis, e Ele está de volta, de Timur Vermes. Assim, será possível trabalhar as idiossincrasias dos Ur-Fascismos dessas ficções, suas diferenças e similitudes, em consoante com as bases da teoria política e, no processo, expandir tanto o estado da arte sobre literaturas do Ur-Fascismo, quanto contribuir à discussão sobre um fenômeno político pouco compreendido. Por fim, encerra-se com uma discussão, a partir da ideia de vaga-lumes de Pasolini e Didi-Huberman, sobre a importância da arte, em especial a arte antifascista, na luta contra o Ur-Fascismo.
... Given the prominence of psychoanalysis at the time, Adorno and colleagues departed from the assumption that there must be a personality trait that is shaped by the nature of the relationship between children and parents, and which explains what they regarded to be an abnormal behavior/ phenomenon: the endorsement of fascist ideology. They found this trait in what they dubbed the 'authoritarian personality' (Adorno 1950). ...
Love for a country has come to be linked with two terms: patriotism and nationalism. The conceptual distinction between these two ideas has been a matter of controversy. In this chapter we propose that one way of thinking about and distinguishing between patriotism and nationalism is via the very concept of love. We make the claim that what distinguishes patriotism and nationalism is not the quality of love but the type of love invoked. We argue that love in patriotism is similar to familial love (love for one’s parents) whereas love in nationalism resembles intense passionate romantic love. We furthermore argue that love involved in our conception of patriotism can be harmless, while the kind of love associated with the relevant conception of nationalism can be dangerous and easily involves “bad faith,” a deceptive faith in the superior goodness of one’s country. To substantiate our claim, we draw from literature across different disciplines: philosophy, political psychology, and biology.
... Authoritarianism was first investigated as a possible explanation for the surprising over-representation of blue-collar workers in the NSDAP electorate in Germany in the 1930s (Adorno et al. 1950), but it has come a long way since then. In the present research, an authoritarian personality is perceived as a combination of a need for submission and a need for domination. ...
Our aim in this article is to show the stance on solidarity present in a hybrid regime. Taking Hungary as an example, we give individual-level explanations for attitudes towards solidarity and inclusion/exclusion in times when populist parties are in power. By creating typical solidarity groups, we explain who belongs to different solidarity clusters and why, what political orientations can be linked to solidarity groups and whether people's attitudes reflect the values/solidarity conceptions propagated by the Orbán government. With this, we point to the social and political polarization of Hungarian society. We found that the appreciated, satisfied and politically trustful far-right exclusive groups – independent of their social status – make up not only the majority of society but also the crucial system-justifying basis of the Orbán regime. However, in an ethnically rather homogeneous society foreigners could be seen as cultural and economic threats to the decisive majority, including a significant part of the inclusive groups.
This article critically examines the cultural backlash theory proposed by Norris and Inglehart [Cultural Backlash] to explain the rise of authoritarian populism in the US and Europe. While the theory emphasizes the conservative mobilization against progressive values, we argue that the success of authoritarian populism in Europe cannot be attributed solely to a cultural backlash. We contend that different European countries have unique historical contexts and older, unresolved conflicts are pivotal to understand the rise of authoritarian populist parties in the European context. By employing EVS-data from 2017-18, we analyse case studies from Hungary, Italy, Norway, and Poland. Challenging the "one-size-fits-all" approach, our study demonstrates that older cleavages are essential to understand the success of these parties and highlights the need to consider different variables and unresolved conflicts within specific national contexts when explaining the success of authoritarian populism in Europe.
The prediction of the inevitable triumph of liberal democracy as the definitive form of life and government was a profound miscalculation because two basic paradigms of modernity had not been taken into account: ambivalences, signifying contradictions, and the ambiguities, signifying uncertainties about the evolution of the modern world. The unambiguousness of the trajectory of development has dissipated and, especially since the turn of the century, this situation has been exacerbated by a succession of crises that have also produced a lack of orientation. Simultaneously, there has been a reduction in people's capacity to tolerate ambivalence and ambiguity, leading to a heightened quest for security. This shift has paved the way for the emergence of new forms of authoritarian attitudes and stances, subsequently bolstered by the influence of right-wing movements and parties.
With the rising rate of youth unemployment worldwide, the situation has become unbearable, with the majority of them engaging in various social vices to sustain themselves. The governments of various nations, including Ghana and Sierra Leone, have devised a variety of policies to encourage the development of local industrial capacities, as local industrialization significantly enhances the availability of employment opportunities. These local industries are only sustained if their products are consumed, and those to lead the way should be the inhabitants through the consumption of those products. This research, therefore, sought to assess the ethnocentric tendencies of tertiary students in Ghana and Sierra Leone who are expected to be looking for jobs upon completing their programmes of study on their consumption patterns and then provided some recommendations to increase the appetite for local products. Respondents were randomly sampled and mixed-ended questionnaires were admitted. The results showed that tertiary students are aware of the unemployment situation among tertiary graduates among genders in both countries. They are also aware of the positive contribution of consumption of local products towards the creation of jobs in their localities. However, there were significant differences in gender and factors such as quality and price that could compel them to consume local products. It is therefore recommended that the government develop strategies to reduce the cost of doing business if they want to whet the appetite for the purchase and consumption of locally manufactured products without necessarily thinking that ethnocentrism will propel it. Managers of local industries should also develop and implement strategies to reduce prices and improve the quality of their operations.
Chapter 7 approaches stereotypes of Muslim women, woven from both institutional and individual perspectives. Stereotypes have a particular impact on both majority and minority populations. The narrative illustrates that if left unattended, such stereotypes have the potential for mental and emotional setbacks and perpetuate misconstrued notions about Muslim women. While the experiences occurred in various contexts and circumstances, the common theme is that of the inherent challenges that are faced.
Evrensel bir olgu olan etnosentrizmin mesleki bağlamda değerlendirildiği bu çalışmada, mesleki etnosentrizm kavramsallaştırılmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu doğrultuda mesleki etnosentrizmin ne olduğu, göstergelerinin neler olduğu, nedenlerinin ve yansımalarının nelerden oluştuğu, azaltılabilmesi adına nelerin yapılması gerektiği üzerine bir araştırma dizayn edilmiştir. Araştırmanın çalışma grubu, farklı sağlık meslek gruplarındaki 29 kişiden oluşmaktadır. Katılımcılarla fenomen hakkında yarı yapılandırılmış formlar aracılığıyla derinlemesine görüşmeler gerçekleştirilmiş ve nitel araştırma desenlerinden fenomenoloji tercih edilmiştir. Verilerin analiz sürecinde MAXQDA 18 Pro Analytics Programı’ndan faydalanılmıştır. Araştırma sonucunda kişilerin kendi meslek grubunu veya uzmanlaştığı alanı merkezi konumda görmesine bağlı olarak diğer mesleklere karşı etnosentrik bir eğilim taşıdığı görülmektedir. Bu kapsamda mesleki etnosentrizm olgusunun zihinde olumsuz bir durumu çağrıştırdığı ve sağlık meslek grupları arasında yaygın olarak görüldüğü belirlenmiştir. Bu anlamda mesleki etnosentrizmin olumsuz tutum ve davranışlar sergilenmesi, iletişim tarzında değişim gibi göstergelerinin bulunduğu; nedenlerinin ise kişisel, ailevi, örgütsel, mesleki ve makro düzeyde ele alınabileceği sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Mesleki etnosentrizm sonucunda kişi, meslek, örgüt ve sağlık sistemi zarar görebilmektedir.
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En el presente artículo analizamos uno de los principales escenarios que Bolsonaro utilizó para comunicarse con sus bases durante toda su legislatura: los lives semanales en su cuenta oficial de Instagram. Así, estudiamos una muestra de diez lives, describiendo cómo su comunicación no verbal podía activar un proceso de humanización y aproximación del líder, normalizando formas de violencia y fortaleciendo la polarización política. La metodología empleada en el análisis se sustenta en la grounded theory, que sistematiza la investigación cualitativa a través de la construcción de hipótesis y teorías mediante la recolección y el análisis de datos. Este procedimiento de análisis propone una metodología inductiva que extrae las categorías de la comunicación no verbal a través de la descripción y clasificación del material y de las fuentes de datos por analizar. La contextualización e interpretación de los resultados se apoya en un trabajo etnográfico de campo durante la campaña electoral. Los resultados apuntan al uso de elementos amateurs en los videos que generan una aproximación de Bolsonaro con los ciudadanos, así como la inclusión de movimientos corporales que muestran su carisma como un líder imperfecto y del paralenguaje basado en el humor para la construcción de un personaje violento.
Systemic crises have always been associated by traditional Marxist movement of emancipation to the perspective of the collapse of capitalism and/or its overcoming through revolution. What is surprising in today’s crisis is that, to most individuals who suffer personally from this crisis, the revolutionary over coming of capitalism has become an unimaginable reality. Crack Capitalism reflects the effort to think of revolution in a setting, where the need for revolution is more intense and more urgent, and where the feeling of its impossibility or improbability haunts the thoughts and actions of an infinity of individuals who feel this need. And this question once again acquires an urgent quality in the face of the shift towards authoritarianism that is taking place at the global level.
Using an anonymous self-report survey of 350 Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) personnel, this study investigated the effect of perceptions of the ethicality of one’s immediate supervisor (supervisor ethics), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and ethical climate on self-reported unethical behavior in the form of discrimination and obeying an unlawful command (past behavior, behavioral intentions). As well, we investigated how supervisor ethics and RWA interact when predicting unethical behavior, and whether ethical climate mediated the relation between supervisor ethics and self-reported unethical behavior. Unethical behavior depended on perceptions of the ethicality of one’s supervisor and RWA. RWA predicted discrimination toward a gay man (behavioral intentions), and supervisor ethics predicted discrimination against outgroups of people, and obedience of an unlawful command (past behavior). As well, the effects of ethical supervision on discrimination (past behavior, behavioral intentions) depended on participants’ level of RWA . Finally, ethical climate mediated the relation between supervisor ethics and obeying an unlawful command, such that higher perceptions of supervisor ethics led to a higher ethical climate, which led to less obedience of an unlawful command in the past. This suggests that leaders can affect the ethical climate of on organization, which in turn affects ethical behavior of followers.
Do Islamist terrorist attacks systematically trigger a xenophobic response among citizens? In this chapter, Vincent Tiberj argues that, if this happens, it is not the attack as such that caused it, but rather the way actors, pundits and politicians made sense of it and framed it. To demonstrate this, he uses data from the CNCDH barometer (a yearly opinion poll, which covers the 1990–2018 period on issues of racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism and Islamophobia) and specifically the longitudinal index of tolerance. France has experienced several Islamist attacks, notably in 1995, in 2012, and then in the years 2015–2017. However, tolerance of minorities in France through this period, according to this barometer, has progressed strongly, especially after the attacks of 2015. This evolution reflects the influence of the dominant interpretative frame after these events, which carefully distinguished the attackers from the Muslim population and other ethnic and religious minorities.KeywordsFramingTerrorist attacks (social responses to)Public opinionXenophobiaTolerance
Facing ambiguity is ubiquitous and perhaps more apparent as the world faces economic, health, and social crises. Ambiguity tolerance (AT) reflects one's ability to manage novel, complex, and insoluble situations and has important implications on learning, intrapersonal behaviour, and decision making. While AT can increase passively over time, there is some research pointing to mindfulness as a method for cultivating AT. Both forms of Western mindfulness (meditative and Langer) positively correlate with AT; however, no study has explored the direct impact of mindfulness induction. 165 undergraduate participants completed baseline measures of AT, trait meditative (MM) and Langer mindfulness (LM), and self-compassion (SC). Participants were randomly assigned to a condition (meditative, Langer, or mind-wandering control) and responded to measures of AT. Measures of state mindfulness were taken pre-post induction to confirm manipulation success and participants provided feedback on the induction tasks. Regression analyses revealed nonreactivity to inner experience (facet of MM), LM, and SC are significantly associated with AT. However, only nonreactivity adds significantly to the variation in AT beyond what is attributable to LM. Repeated measure ANOVAs confirmed state MM and LM were elevated post-induction compared to the control. However, state mindfulness remained enhanced at the experiment's end only for MM and not LM. Participants also reported finding the LM task more difficult than MM but noted greater focus and ability to follow task instructions. No significant effect of induction was found on AT. Future studies could examine how a combination of MM and LM interventions might enhance AT.
“This nuanced and important book shows how repressive sexual politics is a key theme of authoritarian movements and fuels a major threat to democracy and civil society. “
—Raewyn Connell, Professor Emerita, University of Sydney, Australia
“This collection is a fresh and bold challenge to dominant analyses of current European right wing sexual politics and its ‘brutalization.’ The essays convincingly deploy critical theory and definitely advance the current discussion.”
—Nanette Funk, Professor Emerita, Department of Philosophy, Brooklyn College, City University of New York, USA
“This empirically rich comparative study is a much-needed call to action—both on a personal and institutional level.”
—Roman Kuhar, Professor of Sociology at the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, and co-editor (with D. Paternotte) of Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe (2017)
How did far-right, hateful and anti-democratic ideologies become so successful in many societies in Europe? This volume analyses the paradoxical roles sexual politics have played in this process and reveals that the incoherence and untruthfulness in right-wing populist, ultraconservative and far-right rhetorics of fear are not necessarily signs of weakness. Instead, the authors show how the far right can profit from its own incoherence by generating fear and creating discourses of crisis for which they are ready to offer simple solutions. In studies on Poland, Hungary, Spain, Italy, Austria, Ireland, Northern Ireland, Portugal, France, Sweden and Russia, the ways far-right ideologies travel and take root are analysed from a multi-disciplinary perspective, including feminist and LGBTQI reactions. Understanding how hateful and antidemocratic ideologies enter the very centre of European societies is a necessary premise for developing successful counterstrategies.
Cornelia Möser is a Researcher at the French National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), France, working on feminist, queer and gender studies in France, Germany and the USA.
Jennifer Ramme is a Researcher and Lecturer at the European University Viadrina, Collegium Polonicum, and member of the Viadrina Institute for European Studies, Germany.
Judit Takács is a Research Professor at the Centre for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Centre of Excellence, Hungary.
This research aims to help those trying to master the media and political power in Indonesia and use the media as a tool to build community system from the Dutch colonial rule to the independence era, particularly from 1999 to 2019. This study is about how the system formed the media under the political policy until it developed into a base media in Indonesia between the era of the Dutch conquest and the year 2019. To achieve the objective of the study, investigation has been made upon media as a factor that affects the formation of the base to control the freedom of the media by using the investigation approach on history through document analysis and deep interview. The finding shows that forming a base that controls the freedom of the media is based on a proses which is designed soberly to fit with the philosophy and the value which is practiced by the ruling leader, and became the base of the national media activist in Indonesia.
Sexual politics play a major role in mainstreaming and enforcing far-right values, beliefs and practices in Europe, a process described by the authors as “Brutal Normalities”. Sexuality and gender are not sideshows in this process, but integral and very central to conservative, right-wing and far-right politics. At the same time, right-wing sexual politics are locally variable and prove to be incoherent and paradoxical in many ways. Paradoxical politics bridges the fragmentation and conflicts within anti-democratic forces and allows them to be composed of different political ideologies, adapt to local contexts and thus contribute to the normalization of far-right politics. The chapter introduces a working definition of right-wing sexual politics and discusses key orientations of the book: the paradoxes within sexual politics in their local variations; the transfers and travelling of far-right politics; the role of political ideologies and the rhetoric of crisis (or in fact, several crises).
In der Weimarer Zeit, von 1918 bis zum Beginn des NS-Regimes, verankerte sich die Soziologie in den Universitäten und es entstanden erste soziologische Professuren. Es wurden mehrere Fachzeitschriften gegründet und die Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie (DGS) führte regelmäßig Tagungen durch. Zentrale Orte der Soziologie waren nun Köln (Leopold von Wiese, Max Scheler), Frankfurt (Franz Oppenheimer, Gottfried Salomon, später Karl Mannheim, Norbert Elias, das Institut für Sozialforschung – Carl Grünberg, Max Horkheimer), Heidelberg (Alfred Weber, Emil Lederer, Karl Mannheim, Norbert Elias), Berlin (Werner Sombart, Alfred Vierkandt, Kurt Breysig, Richard Thurnwald), Leipzig (Hans Freyer), Braunschweig (Theodor Geiger), Hamburg (Andreas Walther) und Kiel (Ferdinand Tönnies, Ludwig Heyde). Besonders kontrovers wurde die von Karl Mannheim vertretene Wissenssoziologie diskutiert. Ende der 1920er Jahre kam es zum „Streit um die Wissenssoziologie“. Wie die Institutionalisierungsprozesse, Publikationen und Diskussionen zeigen, hatte sich die Soziologie in der Weimarer Republik zu einer eigenständigen akademischen Disziplin im wissenschaftlichen Feld entwickelt und sich bereits zu dieser Zeit vielfältig ausdifferenziert. In der Weimarer Zeit hatten die Soziologen kaum die Gefahr des Faschismus richtig wahrgenommen. Der Nationalsozialismus rief eine tiefe Zäsur in der Entwicklung des Faches hervor. Zeitschriften wurden eingestellt, die Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie „stillgelegt“ und einen universitären Abschluss in Soziologie gab es nicht. Zahlreiche Soziologen, etwa zwei Drittel, mussten nach der Machtübernahme Hitlers 1933 ins Exil. Die in Deutschland Verbliebenen gingen entweder in die so genannte „Innere Emigration“ oder sie dienten sich dem NS-Regime an, indem sie entweder eine „deutsche Soziologie“ aufzubauen versuchten oder sozialwissenschaftliche Auftragsforschung betrieben. Die Nazis jedoch hatten kein Interesse an der Soziologie als eigenständiger Wissenschaft, lediglich die Kenntnisse der empirischen Sozialforschung erschienen ihnen von Nutzen.
State-owned mega construction projects are greatly driven by the top-down authoritarian leadership that ironically restricts two-way communication and free flow of ideas. Prominent studies have highlighted various critical success factors of project success; however, the effects of authoritarian leadership and project team member’s silence have been completely overlooked, especially in mega construction projects. The present study makes a pioneering effort to address this critical research gap and investigate the effects of authoritarian leadership and project team member’s silence on the multi dimensional success (including project management success, project ownership success and project investment success) in a mega construction project. Drawing on data from 357 project professionals directly associated with the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and covariance based structural equation modeling (CB-SEM) with Mplus, the findings provide new empirical evidence that authoritarian leadership has a significant negative influence on the multi dimensional success in the CPEC mega construction project. The findings also establish that project team member’s silence negatively mediates the relationship between authoritarian leadership and the multi dimensional mega construction project success. The study implications offer new strategic insights for managing mega construction projects, especially in transition economies that still have deep roots of authoritarian cultures.
Desde una perspectiva que combina la aproximación etnográfica y la antropología médica crítica, este artículo examina las representaciones sociales de los estudiantes y el personal médico sobre las mujeres usuarias, y analiza su relación con la violencia y el maltrato que estas experimentan de forma sistemática durante la atención ginecobstétrica en un hospital público de Oaxaca, México. El texto analiza las ideas del personal médico construidas desde el clasismo, el racismo y el género, que permiten reproducir y rehacer acciones y actitudes que despojan de voz y decisión a las mujeres parturientas sobre su parto y sus propios cuerpos, además de identificar y señalar momentos de discriminación y profunda desigualdad durante la atención.
Unmasking is a rhetorical device that involves exposing another’s true motives. But in effect, it often entails imputing motives and imposing a caricature of the mask behind which one allegedly hides—hence its reputation as a hyperbolic style. Despite these dangers, unmasking plays a central role in Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s methodology, as well as those of Sigmund Freud and Karl Marx. In this article, I identify three concepts necessary for the style’s emergence: the pre-social individual, hypocrisy and autonomy. These concepts are not unique to modernity. As such, I show how their evolution from antiquity to modernity makes unmasking possible; in so doing, I also explain why the ancient and Christian moral frameworks preclude it. More precisely, I will demonstrate how Rousseau constructs his social theory—the very same one that Claude Lévi-Strauss regards as the “foundation” of the social sciences—from these concepts, and thus gives birth to the unmasking style. Peter Baehr’s claim that Rousseau fired “the opening salvo in the unmasking war” is therefore substantiated. While I do not intend to argue that unmasking is part of the basic foundation of the social sciences, this article should at least permit us to consider its pervasiveness.
Dieses Buch rückt die Wissenschaftsgeschichte Österreichs in ein neues Licht. Ausgehend vom Spannungsfeld »Wissenschaft versus Politik« stellt es die zentralen Akteure, Strukturen und Diskurse in den Mittelpunkt. Die Analyse eines Jahrhunderts Wissenschaftsgeschichte konzentriert sich auf die Herausbildung eines relativ autonomen Wissenschaftshandelns unter den multikulturellen Verhältnissen Zentraleuropas sowie auf seine Wegbereiter (Bernard Bolzano, Ernst Mach und Alois Riegl) und wichtigsten Verfechter (Sigmund Freud, Ludwig Wittgenstein, Otto Neurath, Hans Kelsen). Johannes Feichtinger zeigt, wie jenseits von Hetero- und Autonomie und abseits des methodologischen Nationalismus Identitätsmodelle entstanden sind, die noch für das Globaleuropa des 21. Jahrhunderts relevant sein können.
Ernst Mach, Alois Riegl
This article draws out a critical, yet under-appreciated political theme in Adorno’s Negative Dialectics , namely his emphasis on guilt and atonement. First, the article assesses how Adorno’s Marxism allows him to think justice and guilt beyond the familiar legalistic frame. Second, the article reconstructs Adorno’s treatment of guilt as a distinctly political capacity to imagine one’s boundedness and indebtedness to others, and the affective engine enabling us to engage in a political ethic distinct from familiar categories of reparation. Third, the article shows how the themes of guilt and atonement give us a more complete picture of Negative Dialectics . This inquiry also intervenes in contemporary debates regarding the political status and emancipatory potential latent within guilt-feelings, and claims Adorno gives us a path forward to imagine the relation between guilt and politics in a novel way.
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