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Between classical and critical geopolitics in a changing Arctic
Abstract
Puzzled by how geographical changes in the Arctic might cause changes in state behavior the authors of this article have been inspired to return to the roots of geopolitical reasoning. By combining insights from the intellectual roots of the geopolitical tradition with empirical data on geographical changes as well as policy changes in the Arctic today, we investigate the degree to which geopolitics, in the sense of geography influencing politics, is still a useful approach in the discipline of International Relations (IR). In limiting our primary focus to the state level, and investigating the period since the turn of the millennium, this article seeks to develop new knowledge concerning if, how, and to what extent geography matters in international politics. Our empirical investigation indicates that geographical changes in the Arctic have indeed had an effect on power relations among several states. Overall, this article shows that geography is an important factor in IR in the sense of enabling or empowering state actors. However, while it appears that physical geography is a possible factor in the cases analyzed to explain changes in identified power potentials, it does not always account for these changes on its own. Economic, political, legal, and historical factors also play a role in the observed power shifts.
... Mediation takes place in a range of contexts, such as the articulation of national Arctic policies, texts and images in popular culture, museum exhibits and new media, and the role of such expressions in public life and politics has come into increasing focus in studies of the critical geopolitics of the Arctic (e.g. Dittmer et al., 2011;Dittmer and Dodds, 2013;Wegge and Keil, 2018). Secondary information about the region is likely to play a prominent role in how the Arctic is framed, as relatively few people have any first-hand knowledge of the region. ...
... Understandings of the role of geopolitics in international dynamics have oscillated between classical and critical schools of the discipline, and Arctic change in combination with how the region is narrated provides fertile ground for comparing and contrasting the different schools (Eklund and van der Watt, 2017;Wegge and Keil, 2018). Furthermore, these trends highlight a need to understand the role of media and mediation, including the dialectical relationship between the discursive realm and materiality. ...
Far-reaching impacts of climate change, its wealth of resources and potential for new commercial activities have placed the Arctic region into the political limelight. In an era of rapid environmental change, the Arctic provides a complex and challenging case of geopolitical interplay. Based on analyses of how actors from within and outside the Arctic region assert their interests and how such discourses travel in the media, this book scrutinizes the social and material contexts within which new imaginaries, spatial constructs and scalar preferences emerge. It places ground-breaking attention to shifting media landscapes as a critical component of the social, environmental and technological change. It also reflects on the fundamental dilemmas inherent in democratic decision making at a time when an urgent need for addressing climate change is challenged by conflicting interests and growing geopolitical tensions.
This book is available open access via Routledge: http://www.tandfebooks.com/doi/view/10.4324/9780367189822
... The above risks and the inadequate level of socio-economic development of the Russian Arctic regions limit the possibilities for the formation of a competitive economy (Rudenko and Skripnuk 2016;Lazhentsev 2018;Wegge and Keil 2018). The economic growth of the Arctic territories, as the experience of northern foreign countries and regions shows, is most realistic based on the strengthening of natural resource industries, the development of the processing industry and the creation of favorable investment conditions (Statbank Greenland 2017). ...
... However, in the period and after the global financial crisis, due to the growing openness of economies under conditions of extremely low diversification of the manufacturing sector, the macroeconomic indicators of these countries have fallen dramatically, which was the result of a significant economic gap between the EU countries (Wegge and Keil 2018). The negative impact of external factors primarily affected the stagnation in the real sector of the economy and led to an increase in inflation and unemployment. ...
The Arctic zone of Russia has an area of more than 9 million square kilometers (4.9 million sq. km continental part, 4.0 million sq. km—sea, 0.2 sq. km—islands). The land areas of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation include the Nenets, Yamalo-Nenets, Chukotka Autonomous Districts (hereinafter—AD), the Murmansk Region and most of the municipal entities of the Arkhangelsk Region, as well as coastal municipalities of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, the Komi Republic and the Sakha Republic (Yakutia). About 2.5 million people live here (less than 2% of the country’s population, but about 40% of the population of the entire Arctic). Almost 15% of Russia’s gross domestic product (hereinafter referred to as GDP) is produced here. About 1/5 of Russian exports are being created in the Russian Arctic. The continental shelf of the Arctic Ocean contains approximately 25% of the world’s shelf reserves of hydrocarbons. According to the US Geological Survey of 2008, up to 134 billion barrels of oil (about 18 billion tons) and almost 47 trillion m3 of natural gas may be deposited in the northern regions. In 2017, the Russian Arctic accounted for up to 60% of all-Russian copper and oil production, almost 100% of natural gas, 100% of diamonds, barite, platinum, nickel, cobalt, rare earth elements, vermiculite, and apatite concentrate. However, to increase the potential of the land Arctic territories of Russia, it is necessary to implement large-scale projects for the extraction, processing and supply of hydrocarbon fuels, the development of energy and transport infrastructure, the formation of an innovative economy based on high technologies. This experience allows us to obtain new knowledge of the mechanisms for regional development of the Arctic territories, as well as to take into account the accumulated foreign experience in developing the decisions in the field of regional Arctic policy. A comparative analysis of the territories of foreign countries that are in comparable natural-geographical, socio-economic, geopolitical conditions, but differing in the level of economic development and social attractiveness, has been done the basis of identifying the main directions of development of the Arctic regions of the Russian Federation, defined in federal and regional strategic documents. The use of this experience of territorial development may be useful for the Russian Arctic regions.
... The melting of sea ice in the Arctic will set off a new wave of exploration for the Arctic Passage, and more countries will seek to realize their interests (Bruun & Medby, 2014;Wang et al., 2016), including the export of goods from ASEAN countries (Salam & Chishti, 2022). This could complicate geopolitical relationships in the Passage, and cooperation and competition between countries will occur (Koivurova, 2012;Li, 2010b, Lu, 2010aRowe, 2020;Wegge & Keil, 2018;Woon, 2020). Scholars have therefore carried out geopolitical research that has developed theories of the Passage and investigated associated patterns. ...
As the melting of Arctic ice accelerates, the Arctic Passage continues to grow. Geopolitical influence has increased the strategic value of the Passage, attracting the attention of countries around the world. The geopolitical environment of the Arctic Passage is not affected by single factors but is instead determined by the combined effects of multiple factors. This paper analyses the multi-dimensional geopolitical environment factors of the Arctic Passage, and extracts features to construct a multi-dimensional geopolitical environment index system, which takes the Northern Sea Route as an example to construct the Arctic Passage Geo-potential Model, and quantitatively analyse the geo-potential for different states in Eurasia with the development and utilization of the Arctic Passage. This paper combines clustering and similarity analysis to explore the geo-spatial pattern of the Northern Sea Route, and identifies two interest groups that are represented by Russia and the United States. We further analyse the preference of stakeholders in the jurisdiction of the Northern Sea Route. This exploration addresses a gap in the current discussion on the Arctic Passage’s geopolitical environment, which only considers a single factor, and it helps to explore new methods and ideas that will assist the quantitative evaluation and pattern analysis of the Arctic Passage’s geopolitical environment, especially in Eurasia. Meanwhile, it will provide a comprehensive reference for the development and utilization of the Arctic Passage about the geopolitical environment patterns.
... Under the current warming climate scenario, new maritime routes are opened up as the ice retreats for longer periods, and possibilities for marine resource exploitation increase. Thus, political interests and power constellations between states are (re-)configured, opening the path for new conflicts to emerge (Wegge and Keil 2018;Spijkers et al. 2021). ...
Conflict in the marine environment is of increasing relevance as blue growth boundaries are pushed and resource access and use are in dispute. Social science disciplines have a long history and a wide range of approaches for studying conflict. However, understanding the approaches used to study marine conflict is challenging since the literature is large, broad, difficult to navigate, and there is little connection between conflict themes and the associated methods used to analyze these conflicts. In the present study, we take a first step to address this by systematically reviewing 109 peer-reviewed articles that employ empirical social science methods to study marine conflict. We find that studies on marine conflicts have centered on disputed space, mainly at local scale, and natural resources, such as fish. The main parties at the center of the conflicts are small-scale fisheries and public authorities, although with a growing presence of blue growth sectors. Most studies employed qualitative approaches to study marine conflicts. Current gaps in the understanding of marine conflict include gaps in understanding relational interactions and historical causal events. The need for social science research into marine conflict and the application of multiple social science methods is ongoing as different constellations of conflict actors emerge and as disputed ocean spaces expand beyond EEZs, to include polar regions, and the sea floor.
... This article utilises theoretical approaches from Thomas Kuhn and Karl Popper, building upon a critical constructivist view of Arctic Geopolitics to include "many actors and many factors" (Heininen, 2018), New perspectives in Critical Geopolitics provide an avenue to critically understand the relationship between actors and the world around them to include values, aims, identities, the actors relationship to facts and the interrelationship between these factors (Heininen, 2018). Classical Geopolitics, on the other hand, can provide foundations to explore the concept of power through analysis of the spatial factors influencing state interactions and decisions (Wegge & Keil, 2018). ...
Kuhnian’ paradigms are a commonly used method of explaining the structure of knowledge production within the social sciences; however, in some ways, they are also in opposition with Popperian’ critical thinking. The opposing approaches surmount to a comparative analytic method – Kuhn advocates undertaking science that is incommensurable, discipline-specific and ideologically and metaphysically fixed in nature; whilst Popper advocates science that is pluralistic, rebellious, interdisciplinary, and ideologically and metaphysically adaptable. This article utilises a systematic literature review of key peer-reviewed articles, book chapters and online articles from respected sources relating to Arctic scientific cooperation during and since the Cold War in order to provide a qualitative data source for comparative theoretical analysis. This article analyses key trends in Arctic environmental decision-making since the Cold War utilising a comparative critical constructivist framework based on epistemological challenges visible in the “Science Wars” between Thomas Kuhn and Karl Popper. By applying two of the foundations of social science (critical thinking and paradigms) to Arctic International Relations and Geopolitics, this article assesses the state of Arctic science cooperation and; the potential for Arctic science cooperation to solve wicked environmental problems. The article concludes that there are power relationships within the epistemological background to environmental decision-making which impacts science cooperation in the Arctic and; current trends in Arctic decision-making further propels the Arctic along a trajectory of environmental degradation.
... However, these ports were developed for domestic needs rather than transportation between distant parts of the world. The global importance of Northeastern Passage is often declared, but it is still insignificant compared to the traditional routes through the Suez and Panama canals (Wegge and Keil 2018). It is not quite clear whether local ports decline because of the absence of active transportation or whether their poor condition precludes the development of active transportation in the first place. ...
The development of the Arctic was an important political and economic topic of the Soviet Union. This urbanization activity declined dramatically in the economic and political chaos of the 1990s, although some positive transformations have been seen in the new millennium. This article examines whether the colonization of the Russian Arctic will follow Soviet-era plans or the region will remain scarcely populated in the near future. The history and methods of urbanization in the Russian Arctic have been analyzed in order to better shed light on this question.
... Although also referring to the respective academic discussions, in the present context we take classical and critical geopolitics to generally mean modes of thought that structure and influence how actors think about, frame and spatialize, and how they consequentially act in and on the Arctic (Knecht & Keil, 2013;Wegge & Keil, 2018). The main difference between the two modes of thought then would be that in classical geopolitics many of the main features that define the Arctic in political terms are simply 'there', they exist as basic facts that cannot be changed, while in critical geopolitics these features are socially constructed and they can change (although that in itself says nothing about how stable these features are and about what it takes to change them). ...
The premise for Building Common Interests in the Arctic Ocean with Global Inclusion recognizes the Arctic is being transformed profoundly with immediate implications for the residents and our world. The Arctic Ocean is at the center of the Arctic region, which is home to Indigenous peoples for millennia as well as more recent arrivals. The Arctic Ocean also is a bellwether, reflecting the urgent need to produce informed decisions that operate short-to-long term. In the Arctic, the maturing focus on climate – as a “common concern of humankind” since the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change – exemplifies our quest for coordination and cooperation, locally, regionally and more broadly across our world, identifying essentials with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals “for the benefit of all on Earth across generations.”KeywordsBalanceHumanityPeaceResilienceStability Sustainability
... 20,21 With the Russian flag planted on the sea floor of the North Pole in 2007, 22 fueled by high energy prices and global warming, a wave of debate on Arctic geopolitics followed. 23 While the media debate that followed the flag planting was largely centered on traditional aspects of security, the epistemological point of departure of many of the academic studies fits well within the tradition of critical geopolitics, by not having traditional aspects of state security and strategic interest at their core. 24,25 However, with the increased tensions following Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, the debate in the last few years has also led to greater interest in the genuine security and defence dimension 26,27 of the Arctic, as found within the tradition of strategic studies. ...
New uncertainties in international relations have presented several states in the West with important choices regarding their national strategies for the Arctic. This article analyzes security challenges in the Arctic and North Atlantic region, as understood by some key North-Atlantic states, namely: the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, the UK, Germany and France. By analyzing how, or to what degree, the colder east-west security landscape since 2014 is reflected in these selected North Atlantic states’ Arctic security strategies, this article seeks to improve our understanding of how the security situation in the northernmost part of the world is developing and being understood. Through applying a traditional understanding of security, the article identifies similarities but also significant differences among the Arctic and North-Atlantic states. Most notable when comparing the strategies is the rather unique global perspective laid out in the US security strategy for the region. The British, Norwegian, Danish and Canadian perspectives, on the other hand, stand out as more regional in nature. Germany displays a rather low profile in its approach to international security in the Arctic, considering its economic status in Europe. France reveals a strong concern for Arctic shipping and freedom of navigation, a perspective similar to the USA’s, but with less global ambition.
... The origin of the Arctic Circle Assembly was well-timed with Iceland's changing position on the global arena. In 2006, the United States withdrew its military forces from Keflavik airbase, which, coupled with Russia resuming its long-range military aviation in 2007, forced the Icelandic government to rethink its strategic options (Ingimundarson, 2015;Wegge & Keil, 2018). The 2008 financial crisis further added a need for economic revitalization (Depledge & Dodds, 2017, p. 143). ...
Since the end of the Cold War, the Arctic has transformed from a geopolitical buffer, to becoming a core national priority for the Arctic states, and a desirable playing field for non-Arctic actors. Geopolitical changes and a growing concern for the impacts of climate change have led to increased attention towards the Arctic region, which has prompted an extensive growth in the establishment of conferences attending to Arctic issues. Conferences are central meeting places for international and interdisciplinary cooperation, the exchange of ideas, and for deliberating the geopolitical structure of the Arctic. Yet, no systematic examination exists of the role conferences within the Arctic governance system. This article attends to the gap in the literature, by demonstrating how conferences supplement the work of the Arctic Council, regarding expanding the agenda, broadening stakeholder involvement, and improving communication and outreach.
... According to one recent study, climate change is "not only reshaping the physical geographies of the North but also its commercial, political and scientific importance." 3 This makes the Arctic a unique testing ground for investigating the relationship between state policy, power structures, and geographical change. ...
This article examines current Russian expert and official narratives on the Arctic, situating them in the broader context of the debate on Russia’s role in the international system. Combining a critical geopolitics approach to the study of international relations with content analysis tools, we map how structural geopolitical changes in the wider region have shaped narratives on the Arctic in Russia today. Two types of Russian narratives on the Arctic are explored—the one put forward by members of the Russian expert community, and the one that emerges from official documents and statements by members of the Russian policymaking community. With the expert narratives, we pay particular attention to the Arctic topics featured and how they are informed by various mainstream approaches to the study of international relations (IR). In examining policy practitioners’ narrative approaches, we trace the overlaps and differences between these and the expert narratives. Current expert and official Russian narratives on the Arctic appear to be influenced mostly by neorealist and neoliberal ideas in IR, without substantial modifications after the 2014 conflict, thus showing relatively high ideational continuity.
... Appeals to or even for an 'icy geopolitics' (informed by classical and critical geopolitical scholarship) have become ever more fashionable in recent years, especially with reference to the Arctic region (Wegge and Keil 2018). Intense speculation that the territorial volume of the Arctic region continues to be transformed by geophysical and geopolitical forces serve to encourage a new generation of observers to note how Arctic space is imagined as 'empty' and available for identification, reification and occupation. ...
This paper develops further interrogation into ‘icy geopolitics’ and what it might tell us about how we treat substances like ice as geopolitical matter. It brings together various literatures that speak to ice as a substance and substantial matter. Second, ice is represented and experienced in a multitude of ways, from oral cultures of indigenous communities living and working in the Arctic and mountainous environments. This matters again because ice as metaphor is often complicitous with the settler colonial framing of empty, unstable and ungoverned spaces. The paper takes this icy interrogation and brings it into contact with the experiences and struggles of Arctic peoples and states alongside non-Arctic states that seek to press their interests in the midst of ongoing melting and thawing. Icy geopolitics is being reconfigured; melting is said to be ‘triggering’ further expressions of territorial colonization and resource extraction and/or commitment towards indigenous autonomy, stewardship and conservation. The territorial volume is being put to work while at the same time it is being melted, thawed, opened and closed by human and more than human forces.
... Critical geopolitics has been useful in interrogating the spatial assumptions underpinning such conflict narratives (Bruun/Medby 2014), leading to more nuanced theories (e.g. Byers 2017Byers , Østhagen 2015, although Wegge and Keil (2018) find that even a classical geopolitics approach to the Arctic has analytical merit. ...
Much of contemporary global politics has spatial dimensions but International Relations (IR) as a discipline has been remarkably reluctant to properly theorize space. This is due to a historical rejection of geopolitics, even though critical approaches from Political Geography have long broken with the geo-determinism of classical geopolitics, instead highlighting the dynamic nature of space. This article argues that IR has much to gain by taking up critical geographic writings on space, scale and territory. A spatial turn in IR would allow for a more systematic theorization how the natural and the built environment, and their respective changes, and the spatial conduct of politics affect each other. It would also make us more attentive to the spatial dimensions of governance. This article outlines a practice-oriented approach drawing on structuration theory to show how spaces are produced and illustrates the potential of this approach by showing how territory is enacted through territorial practices.
Arktik Bölgesi, küresel ısınma ve iklim değişikliği gibi faktörler nedeniyle buzulların erinmesi sonucu giderek artan bir jeopolitik öneme sahiptir. Yeni deniz yollarının açılması ve zengin doğal kaynakların keşfi, Arktik'i uluslararası rekabetin merkezi haline getirmiştir. Bu geniş coğrafya Kanada, Danimarka (Grönland), İzlanda, Norveç, Rusya, İsveç, Finlandiya ve ABD (Alaska) gibi devletler tarafından çevrelenmektedir. Bu devletler arasında dikkat çekenlerden biri de Rusya'dır. Rusya'nın Arktik politikası enerji ve maden kaynaklarının kullanımına, yeni deniz yollarının kontrolüne ve bölgesel güvenliğin sağlanmasına odaklanmaktadır. Rusya, Barents ve Laptev Denizleri'nde zengin petrol ve doğal gaz rezervlerini ekonomisi ve enerji bağımsızlığı açısından ezmektedir. NATO'yu Arktik'teki başlıca ulusal güvenlik tehdidi olarak tanımlayan Rusya, bölgedeki askeri varlığını artırma eğilimindedir. Bu sayede stratejik avantaj elde etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışma, Arktik'in jeopolitik yapısını ve Rusya'nın Arktik politikasını enerji, askeri varlık ve bölgesel roller gibi unsurlar üzerinden analiz etmektedir. Nitelikli araştırma yöntemleri ile hazırlanan bu çalışma, Arktik Bölgesi'nin stratejik ve ekonomik öneminin arttığını ve Rusya'nın bölgesel çıkarlarını korumak için enerji kaynaklarının kullanımını, askeri varlığını ve uluslararası işbirliği çabalarını dengelediğini ortaya koymaktadır.
The present research elucidates Iran's economic diplomacy strategy in post-Taliban Afghanistan. Employing a descriptive-analytic and applied (practical) methodology, the study draws its statistical population from experts and university professors specializing in international relations, geopolitics, and political science. With a sample size of 35 individuals determined using the Cochran formula, the findings were analyzed using SPSS software. The results reveal that Iran's role in its eastern geopolitical region, particularly in Afghanistan, is shaped by various factors and variables at the domestic, regional, and trans-regional levels. Key factors contributing to Iran's role in the region include domestic dynamics and the evolving geopolitics of Afghanistan in the post-Taliban era, Iran's capacity to engage with these dynamics, the ethnic diversity in Afghanistan with Pashtuns dominating, and the influence of Iran's civilizational characteristics in Afghanistan. Iran's economic diplomacy in Afghanistan, following the rise of the Taliban to power, has faced challenges in commodity trading, although efforts are underway to revive
Taking the once seemingly constant yet constantly moving Arctic sea ice as inspiration, this article reflects on how individuals and societies can navigate the ruptures in our expectations about a predictable future caused by climate change. With insights from scientific assessments of adaptation and resilience in the Arctic, it describes various facets of a resource landscape for addressing the challenges brought by the new reality of a warmer and more unpredictable world. In focus is the central role of people, including their learning processes and ability to cooperate. It furthermore emphasizes that futures and values are the outcome of social processes, not predetermined, and thus in the hands of those who engage in shaping them.
Küresel sıcaklığın artması ve Kuzey Kutbu buzlarının erimesi, uluslararası düzeyde güç ilişkilerini değiştirmiştir. Öte yandan yeni deniz taşımacılığı yollarının keşfi, Batı ile Doğu arasındaki iletişim yolunun kısalması, stratejik kaynakların keşfi, tartışmalı sınırlar konusu gibi durumlar, Kuzey Kutbu’nun jeopolitik ağırlığının artmasına ve uluslararası sistemde yeni bir jeopolitik eksenin ortaya çıkmasına neden oluşturur. Bu nedenler, uluslararası yeni bir jeopolitik rekabetin kapısını aralar. Bölgede aralanan bu kapıda, jeopolitik rekabetin artması neticesinde, Kuzey Kutbu jeopolitik araştırmalarının odak noktası haline gelmiştir. Bu araştırmamızda iklim değişikliğinin Kuzey Kutbu’ndaki etkisini, meydana gelen değişikliklerin jeopolitik durumuna tesirini, ABD, Çin ve Rusya’nın bu bölgedeki stratejisini inceliyerek, yakın gelecekte Kuzey Kutbu’nun nasıl bir jeopolitik eksene sahip olacağını konu edinmektedir.
This chapter provides an inventory of key actors and arrangements operating in the Arctic, with the purpose of familiarizing readers with the region and portray the governance landscape in which the book situates conferences. The chapter presents the Arctic states and derives their primary interests and priorities in the region from their Arctic policy documents. In addition, non-Arctic states have issued Arctic strategies, which warrants drawing attention also to their interests and priorities in the region. This enables the examination of how conferences can be purposeful arenas for these actors to advance their position and argue for their stakeholder status in the Arctic. Non-governmental entities are also part of the Arctic governance landscape, and the chapter accounts for such entities engaged in the region. Then, particular attention is devoted to the Arctic Council, which is the salient forum for intergovernmental cooperation in the region. A central objective of mapping the governance arrangements in the Arctic is to account for their main objectives, but also what they do not accomplish, to enable the analysis of whether conferences can function as purposeful supplements within the Arctic governance architecture.
This chapter situates the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly within Arctic governance and international affairs. First, it presents the theoretical framework applied for the analysis of the functions of conferences, consisting of neoliberalism, the multiple streams framework, and regime theory. Second, the chapter draws connections between developments in the Arctic conference realm and central international events and processes. Third, the chapter outlines an ideal model with characteristics of what a conference should accomplish. The remainder of the book discusses the extent to which the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly fulfill these criteria. Finally, the chapter presents the Arctic Frontiers and the Arctic Circle Assembly in detail, outlining the background and structure of the two conferences, participants and partners, and the strengths and weaknesses of each model for conference organizing. The chapter concludes with remarks about how the different philosophies behind the organization of the two conferences suggests that they create different spaces within Arctic governance and produce different outcomes for actors, as agenda-setting arenas, and within the overall Arctic governance architecture.
This chapter deals with the issues of the balance between the leading world centres—China, the US and the EU in the modern geo-economic confrontation in a situation of fastening global warming. China’s position on global warming has undergone significant changes in recent years: whilst remaining the primary source of carbon emissions, China has undertaken strict obligations and commitments to reduce them. It is a fact that the focus of China’s climate policy is shifting, and it is taking critical positions in the green economy. The purpose of the chapter is to determine whether the geo-economic influence of China is increasing in the course of global warming. The leading method is the systematic and comparative analysis based on statistical data. The analysis indicates an increase in China’s geo-economic position in the past few years on various aspects related to global warming, and in general, in the green economy. Continuation of current trends and approaches to climate policy will lead to unique China’s geo-economic position. Practical significance is determined by taking chances in the global alignment of geo-economic forces and making the best approaches to the global climate policy progress.
A magyar demográfiai folyamatok hatásai az elmúlt évtizedekben komoly kihívást jelentettek a hazai vidéki területek fenntarthatóságában. Ebből a szempontból az egyik leginkább érintett terület Dél-Zala (Murafölde) volt, amelynek társadalma a versenyképesség szempontjából jelentős kihívásokkal küzd. Az esettanulmányunkban azt vizsgáljuk meg, hogy mely tényezők vezettek Dél-Zala demográfiai helyzetének fenntarthatósági problémáihoz, illetve a tapasztalt kihívásokra a Mura-menti régió – vagyis a Mura folyó által érintett stájer, muravidéki és muraközi területek – azonosított jó gyakorlatai közül mely szakpolitikai eszközök alkalmazása számít referencia értékűnek, így lehetőség nyílik a számunkra releváns külföldi tapasztalatok becsatornázására is.
Az esettanulmányunk meghatározza az urbanizációt támogató tényezőket, mint a munka- és termékpiacot, a fejlett közvetítő szolgáltatásokat, az oktatási externáliákat, a tovagyűrűző agglomerációt, a közszolgáltatásokat és az önérdek erősebb kifejeződését. Ilyen módon azonosíthatjuk azokat a stratégiai tényezőket, amelyeket a vidékpolitikának kezelnie kell a hazai migráció negatív hatásainak csökkentése érdekében.
Eredményeink alapján arra a következtetésre juthatunk, hogy a hármas és négyes hélix modelleken alapuló helyi gazdaságfejlesztési hálózatok és klaszterek támogatása, a helyi földtulajdonosok piacszerzésének erősítése, az innovatív üzleti megoldások és jobb szolgáltatások támogatása és az „okos” technológiák használata segíthet a vidéki térségeknek – így Muraföldének is – a demográfiai visszaesés megállításában.
With the natural transformation of the Arctic geophysical landscape as a result of melting sea ice cover, the Arctic region has become increasingly accessible for human and political activity. In recent decades, growing international focus on Arctic relations manifested itself in the intensified conflictual dynamics in the relations between major regional stakeholders. A competition that develops between Arctic states defies the global political dynamics due to the absence of direct military confrontation and large-scale military presence in the High North. However, institutional and regime building, coupled with the unique geographic and political setting, did not immediately lead to peaceful and cooperative relations in the post-Cold War era. The emergence of new security issues in the face of climate change moved the competition beyond the limits of hard power, thereby rendering geopolitical and geo-economic approaches insufficient to explain interstate relations in the New Arctic. This is why environmental geopolitics as a relatively new theoretical strand has been applied to describe the new logic of conflict in the Arctic, which exceeds traditional hard-power considerations and places the emphasis on the environmental discourse and new climate-related threats.KeywordsEnvironmental geopoliticsArcticInternational cooperationConflict
The present chapter seeks to bridge the two worlds of geopolitics and science. It starts from the perspective of science in order to show how the geopolitical narratives in which the work, methods and approaches of scientists and experts are embedded can shape the form and function of science diplomacy. The chapter assumes a perspective in the tradition of ‘critical geopolitics’ in order to show how the seemingly simple assumption and equations of geopolitics in fact are based on a wealth of complex narratives and practices certainly not limited to, but definitely also including science. It then continues to establish science geopolitics as a new heuristic for the study of geopolitical imaginations and spatial constructions in world politics. Making both a conceptual argument and using the scientific construction of Arctic large marine ecosystems (LMEs) under the Arctic Council’s (AC) Protection of the Arctic Marine Environment Working Group (PAME WG) as an empirical illustration, we demonstrate how science engages in the making of spatial realities against the backdrop of an imaginary Arctic space that provide the scientific community with formative power in the pyramid of informed decisionmaking.KeywordsGeopoliticsScience diplomacyArctic CouncilArctic large marine ecosystemsArctic Marine Environment Working Group
This article investigates the case of the Akademik Lomonosov with the aim to contribute to the research on the interplay between geopolitics and international law, which has not been sufficiently investigated, yet. To this aim, two sectors strictly linked to each other, namely energy and environment, have been taken into consideration. Both of them are relevant in the analysis of the Akademik Lomonosov because it is a floating nuclear power plant (FNPP) that has raised several environmental concerns. Additionally, the Akademik Lomonosov is not regulated by international law. It is functional to the geopolitical aim of Russia to economically develop the Arctic, which is necessary to modernise the whole state and thus to affirm its great power status both regionally and internationally. The analysis, which is conducted from the classical geopolitics perspective, shows that the employment of the Akademik Lomonosov responds to the energy security goals of Russia. At the same time, Russia’s approach to international law also derives from its geopolitical aims.
The Arctic has been conceptualised as a zone of geopolitical competition, an international zone of peace and the dreamlike realm for extractive industries. While states such as Russia and the United States have commenced a militarisation and nuclearisation of the Arctic, other Arctic states like Canada and Norway have mobilised support for Arctic cooperation. Due to changing geopolitical pressures, the desecuritisation of the Arctic in the late 1980s was not successful. This lack of attainment begs the question as to why today, the Arctic seems to be heating up faster than ever. This article aims to determine how the Arctic is conceptualised as a zone of conflict by the United States and Russia. In doing so, the article examines different analytical dimensions that play a role in this conceptualisation, including the changing natural environment, evolving historical context such as the changing power dynamics between countries, and domestic politics. These different framings of a securitised Arctic help to explain how and why security becomes involved in Arctic discourse. To do so, I draw upon discourses in target states and examine the extent to which these particular discourses are manifested in practice and build on critical geopolitics.
The term "geopolitics" (as well as the adjective "geopolitical") is quite often used in the academic discussions on the Arctic. This practice is not limited to the general discipline of Political Science, but it can be seen wherever there is a need to describe a spatial projection of power. Such an understanding of the term is, however, rather colloquial. It, nevertheless, does stem from several schools of geopolitical thinking that have historically gathered under the common notion of "traditional geopolitics".
The paper looks back into the imperial origins of this geopolitical tradition and reasons that contemporary form of traditional geopolitics still maintains the original (imperial) comprehension of space. Consequently, the paper calls for the employment of the poststructuralist reasoning (i.e. by critical geopolitics) of geopolitics of the Arctic. The paper argues that, due to the emphasis placed on the environmental degradation of the Arctic within the academic and popular discourses, the different interpretations by traditional and critical geopolitics of the terms "space", "nature", "environment", and "environmental degradation" are the very reason why the views by critical geopolitics should be typically evoked.
KEYWORDS:
geopolitics, critical geopolitics, the Arctic, space, nature, the environment, the environmental degradation
Over the last decade(s), the European Union (EU) has established itself as geopolitical actor seeking to actively engage in the spatial ordering of its neighbourhoods. In order to better understand the existing geopolitical nature of the EU, this article addresses the question of the EU’s decade-long endeavour to construct legitimacy in its Northern Neighbourhood; an area often neglected in discussions about the EU’s geopolitical role. By examining its Arctic involvement between 2008 and 2018, this article enquires into the EU’s broader role as an international actor with an evolving geopolitical identity. Over the last decades, the EU has exhibited geopolitical ambitions alongside its own conceptualisation of world order, rule of law and good governance. This article establishes a clearer picture on how the EU as an amalgamation of its various institutions has tried to impose these geopolitical ambitions on a neighbouring region that itself experiences a manifold change in the early twentieth-first century. It gets to the conceptual bottom of what exactly fashioned the European Union with geopolitical agency in the Arctic region – internally and externally. The article is based on a decade of research on the EU as an emerging Arctic actor.
Canada and Russia are the geographical giants, spanning most of the circumpolar world. Accordingly, the Arctic is a natural area of focus for the two countries. Although the end of the Cold War seemed to portend a new era of deep cooperation between these two Arctic countries, lingering wariness about geopolitical motives and a mutual lack of knowledge about the other’s slice of the circumpolar world are conspiring to pit Canada and the Russian Federation as Arctic adversaries. Are Russian and Canadian Arctic policies moving in confrontational direction? Can efforts at circumpolar cooperation survive the current crisis in Russian-Western relations, or does an era of growing global competition point inherently to heightened conflict in the Arctic?
Die Arktis ist im Vergleich zu anderen Regionen wesentlich weniger eindeutig als kohärente Region zu begreifen. Die Debatte um die regionness der Arktis ist von den Paradigmen „globale vs. regionale Arktis“ und „arktischer Exzeptionalismus vs. Normalismus“ geprägt. Zudem sind auch geopolitische Auseinandersetzungen, welche sich in einer ersten Generation mit Territorial- und Ressourcenkonflikten und in einer zweiten mit dem Einfluss globaler Entwicklungen auf Kooperation in der Arktis beschäftigten, häufig anzutreffen. Diesen Debatten stellt die kritische Geopolitik einen Fokus darauf entgegen, wie geopolitische Weltbilder sprachlich konstruiert werden. Der Neorealismus geht von einer steigenden Gefahr zwischenstaatlicher Eskalation zwischen den Anrainerstaaten des Arktischen Ozeans aus. Dagegen bietet der neoliberale Institutionalismus einen gewissen Optimismus in Sachen Staatenkooperation und Frieden in der Arktis. Der Sozialkonstruktivismus ermöglicht die analytische Einbeziehung von Normen, Identitäten und Imaginationen für die Gestaltung der Arktispolitik. Die damit einhergende Möglichkeit der Veränderung von Akteursinteressen und Institutionen geht mit einer generell optimistischeren Aussicht auf die internationalen Beziehungen der Arktis einher.
The EU is currently reviewing its interests in the High North and has recently started developing an Arctic policy. This article aims at explaining this foreign policy expansion by applying a theoretical framework consisting of three levels: (1) the internal level – viewing EU foreign policy (EFP) as the product of an “organization;” (2) the state level – in specifically accounting for the role played by external actors, primarily states; and (3) the systemic level – viewing the EU and its foreign policy as dependent on structural conditions within the global system. Through interviews, document studies, as well as existing scholarly research, the article identifies impact from all three analytical levels, including how the supranational and member-state level combined has been decisive in shaping the final policy outcome. The research identifies the crucial role played by other Arctic states, particularly Canada and Norway. Finally, on the systemic level, key conditions such as global warming and economic forces are recognized as relevant explanatory factors behind the development of the EU’s Arctic policy.Keywords: EU Arctic policy, European foreign policy (EFP), International rela- tions (IR).Citation: Arctic Review on Law and Politics, vol. 3, 1/2012 p. 6–29. ISSN 1891-6252
Global warming drives changes in oceanographic conditions in the Arctic Ocean and the adjacent continental slopes. This may result in favourable conditions for increased biological production in waters at the northern continental shelves. However, production in the central Arctic Ocean will continue to be limited by the amount of light and by vertical stratification reducing nutrient availability. Upwelling conditions due to topography and inflowing warm and nutrient rich Atlantic Water may result in high production in areas along the shelf breaks. This may particularly influence distribution and abundance of sea mammals, as can be seen from analysis of historical records of hunting. The species composition and biomass of plankton, fish and shellfish may be influenced by acidification due to increased carbon dioxide uptake in the water, thereby reducing the survival of some species. Northwards shift in the distribution of commercial species of fish and shellfish is observed in the Barents Sea, especially in the summer period, and is related to increased inflow of Atlantic Water and reduced ice cover. This implies a northward extension of boreal species and potential displacement of lipid-rich Arctic zooplankton, altering the distribution of organisms that depend on such prey. However, euphausiid stocks expanding northward into the Arctic Ocean may be a valuable food resource as they may benefit from increases in Arctic phytoplank-ton production and rising water temperatures. Even though no scenario modelling or other prediction analyses have been made, both scientific ecosystem surveys in the northern areas, as well as the fisheries show indications of a recent northern expansion of mackerel (Scomber scombrus), cod (Gadus morhua), haddock (Melanogrammus aeglefinus) and capelin (Mallotus villosus). These stocks are found as far north as the shelf-break north of Svalbard. Greenland halibut (Reinhardtius hippoglossoides), redfish (Sebastes spp.) and shrimp (Pandalus borealis) are also present in the slope waters between the Barents Sea and the Arctic Ocean. It is assumed that cod and haddock have reached their northernmost limit, whereas capelin and redfish have potential to expand their distribution further into the Arctic Ocean. Common minke whales (Balaenoptera acutorostrata) and harp seals (Pagophilus groenlandicus) may also be able to expand their distribution into the Arctic Ocean. The abundance and distribution of other species may change as well – to what degree is unknown.
Arctic sea ice is melting rapidly, and within the next decade polar warming may transform the region from an inaccessible frozen desert into a seasonally navigable ocean. The debate over Arctic shipping routes routinely revolves around the Northwest Passage (NWP) and the Northern Sea Route (NSR), but neglects to make mention of the Transpolar Sea Route (TSR). In the 20th century the use of Polar routes revolutionized international air travel. In similar fashion, the TSR bears the potential to transform the international commercial shipping industry in the 21st century. The authors will discuss the potential of the TSR as a future corridor of commercial shipping and conduct a comprehensive analysis of the climatic, legal, economic, and geopolitical context. The article will examine the feasibility of the TSR with respect to the continued decline of Arctic sea ice and analyze the economic potential of the route and its compatibility with existing trade patterns. The authors will also discuss the TSR's special status as the only Arctic shipping route outside of national territorial jurisdiction. Special emphasis will be given to China's emerging interest in Arctic shipping and its growing economic relationship with Iceland, which stands to gain massively if it were to develop into a transpolar shipping hub. The opening and future development of Arctic shipping routes will not only depend on favorable climatic conditions across the Arctic Ocean, but will also be influenced by a shift in economic and political spheres of influence. The development of the TSR and its significant economic potential may thus in part be determined by key geostrategic considerations as the center of economic and political power continues to shift towards Asia. This multi-faceted and interdisciplinary study aims to outline and elaborate on a range of key issues and challenges related to the future of the TSR.
The end of the Cold War demonstrated the historical possibility of peaceful change and seemingly showed the superiority of non-realist approaches in International Relations. Yet in the post-Cold War period many European countries have experienced a resurgence of a distinctively realist tradition: geopolitics. Geopolitics is an approach which emphasizes the relationship between politics and power on the one hand; and territory, location and environment on the other. This comparative study shows how the revival of geopolitics came not despite, but because of, the end of the Cold War. Disoriented in their self-understandings and conception of external roles by the events of 1989, many European foreign policy actors used the determinism of geopolitical thought to find their place in world politics quickly. The book develops a constructivist methodology to study causal mechanisms and its comparative approach allows for a broad assessment of some of the fundamental dynamics of European security.
Atlantic mackerel (Scomber scombrus) were recorded in Isfjorden, Svalbard (78˚15ʹ N, 15˚11ʹ E) in late September 2013. This record is the northernmost known occurrence of mackerel in the Arctic and represents a possible northward expansion (of ca. 5˚ latitude) of its distributional range. The examined specimens of mackerel were between 7 and 11 years old, with a mean size of 39 cm and a mean weight of 0.5 kg. Examination of stomach contents indicated that the mackerel were feeding mainly on juvenile herring (Clupea harengus). The occurrence of mackerel in the Arctic is discussed in relation to the recent increase in mackerel population size in the North Atlantic and the expansion of other North Atlantic fishes into the Svalbard region during the last decade. Using a decadal record of water temperature, we conclude that the occurrence of Atlantic mackerel in Svalbard waters is a result of a continued warming of the ocean in the region and that it follows a general trend of species’ extending their distributional ranges northward into the Arctic.
How can the 'materialist turn' contribute to the reshaping of critical geopolitics? This article draws attention to the limits of an approach that emphasises the representational, cultural, and interpretive dimensions of geopolitics, while acknowledging the difficulties of an ontological shift to materiality for many scholars of critical geopolitics. It draws on the work of Karen Barad and Annemarie Mol in order to advance three arguments for the reshaping of critical geopolitics as a field of research. First, it argues for an approach to the analysis of power that examines materialdiscursive intra-actions and that cuts across various ontological, analytical, and disciplinary divides. Second, it argues for an analysis of boundary-production that focuses on the mutual enactment or co-constitution of subjects, objects, and environments rather than on performance. Third, it argues for an analytical approach that engages the terrain of geopolitics in terms of a multiplicity of 'cuts' that trouble simplifying geopolitical imaginations along with the clear-cut boundaries that these often imply. In so doing, the article makes the case for a more-than-human approach that does not overstate the efficacy of matter, but rather that engages processes of materialisation and dematerialisation without assuming materiality to be a determinant force.
The Russian and Norwegian Arctic are gaining notoriety as an alternative maritime route connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans and as sources of natural resources. The renewed interest in the Northeast Passage or the Northern Sea Route is fueled by a recession of Arctic sea ice coupled with the discovery of new natural resources at a time when emerging and global markets are in growing demand for them. Driven by the expectation of potential future economic importance of the region, political interest and governance has been rapidly developing, mostly within the Arctic Council. However, this paper argues that optimism regarding the potential of Arctic routes as an alternative to the Suez Canal is overstated. The route involves many challenges: jurisdictional disputes create political uncertainties; shallow waters limit ship size; lack of
modern deepwater ports and search and rescue (SAR) capabilities requires ships to have higher standards of autonomy and safety; harsh weather conditions and free-floating ice make navigation more difficult and schedules more variable; and more expensive ship construction and operation costs lessen the economic
viability of the route. Technological advances and infrastructure investments may ameliorate navigational challenges, enabling increased shipping of natural resources from the Arctic to global markets.
An assessment of the potential for 17 fish or shellfish stocks or stock groups to move from the sub‐Arctic areas into the Arctic Ocean was conducted. A panel of 34 experts was convened to assess the impact of climate change on the potential movement of the 17 stocks or stock groups. The panel considered the exposure of species to climate change, the sensitivity of species to these changes and the adaptive capacity of each stock or stock group. Based on expert opinions, the potential for expansion or movement into the Arctic was qualitatively ranked (low potential, potential, high potential). It is projected that the Arctic Ocean will become ice‐free during the summer season, and when this happens new areas will open up for plankton production, which may lead to new feeding areas for fish stocks. Five stocks had a low potential to move to, or expand in, the high Arctic. Six species are considered as potential candidate species to move to, or expand in, the high Arctic. Six stocks had a high potential of establishing viable resident populations in the region. These six stocks exhibit life history characteristics that allow them to survive challenging environmental conditions that will continue to prevail in the north. This study suggests that several life history factors should be considered when assessing the potentiality of a species moving in response to changing climate conditions.
'Humans are now the most significant driver of global change, propelling the planet into a new geological epoch, the Anthropocene'. This landmark statement from the Stockholm Memorandum (2011) is supported by an overwhelming consensus in the scientific literature (Cook et al., 2013). It is crucial to acknowledge, however, that several of Earth's ecosystems are still little affected by direct human activity, and appropriate conservation measures are fully feasible and should be enforced accordingly (Caro et al., 2012). Arctic marine ecosystems belong to this category. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
The Arctic Council’s Arctic Marine Shipping Assessment was a four-year, multinational-led project, under the direction of the
Protection of the Arctic Marine Environment (PAME) working group, that included more than 185 experts in maritime and related
fields; 13 major workshops in Canada, Finland, Iceland, the Russian Federation and the United States; and 14 town hall meetings in
selected Arctic communities, supported by the Permanent Participants of the Arctic Council. Funding for the AMSA 2009 Report was
a public-private partnership effort.
During the Cold War period, the security policies of the Nordic states were referred to as the ‘Nordic balance’— a combination of policies aimed at preserving a balance between the two superpowers. While the end of the Cold War paved the way for a different and more complex security approach, it took some time before the Nordic states responded to this new security context. The article argues that, rather than adapting to the changing conditions created by the end of the Cold War, the Nordic states changed their security approaches in response to the European integration process. It attempts to show how different phases in the post-Cold War European integration process have influenced the national security approaches of Sweden, Finland, Denmark and Norway. While all four security approaches have been Europeanized, the speed and the character of these changes seem to vary due to a combination of differing ties to the European Union and differing security policy traditions.
In the 1980s international relations theory has been undergoing a major methodological and theoretical debate which has challenged much of the recent disciplinary orthodoxy. This has been inspired by the introduction of contemporary critical social theory and poststructuralist themes into international relations by a new generation of practitioners. Given the close intellectual proximity of international relations to political geography's concerns with geopolitics, these current debates are of great relevance to any attempt to retheorise global politics from the perspective of political geography. Although the recent revival of interest in political geography has led to a considerable interest in rethinking the historiography of the subdiscipline and to reevaluating its tainted past, the necessary accompanying theoretical rethinking has not progressed in a similar fashion. The theoretical issues discussed in the contemporary international relations literature have much to offer political geographers in pursuing this important task. -Author
This paper explores the cultural and political significance of being acknowledged and recognized as an “Arctic coastal state”. Using Iceland as a case study, we consider how coastal state status had grown in significance as the Arctic Ocean has been re-imagined more as a polar Mediterranean and less as a frozen desert. By drawing on Michael Billig’s work on banal nationalism and popular geopolitics, the manner in which the ideas and practices associated with a “coastal state” are reproduced in elite and everyday contexts. However, we conclude by noting that thus far this appeal to Iceland as “coastal state” has gained greater traction within the Icelandic Foreign Ministry and Parliament, and it remains to be seen whether it will have a more popular resonance with Icelandic citizens. Whatever the future, it is a timely reminder that terms such as “coastal state” are caught up in national and even circumpolar identity projects.
This report examines the evidence of the effect of climate change on the distribution and abundance of marine species in the OSPAR Commission Maritime Area (OSPAR Maritime Area). It focuses primarily on effects that may be linked to changes in sea surface temperature (SST).
This article analyzes two interrelated questions in regard to the ‘reach’ of Europeanization and the significance of boundaries. First, within what area do the institutions and policy processes of the EU take over traditional functions of national states? Second, how extensive is the adaptation of domestic institutions and policies: which states have to adapt? In exploring these questions, we challenge two assumptions that underlie most of the current research on Europeanization. The first of these is that the concept of membership in the EU is dichotomous. The second is that there is a strong causal relationship between membership in the EU and the extent of institutional reorganization and adaptation at the domestic level. The empirical basis of the article is a comparative analysis of Norway and Switzerland, two West European countries that are not members of the EU. Consideration of these states helps us understand how and to what extent dynamics of Europeanization may extend beyond the formal boundaries of the EU.
In a very short time, discussions on Arctic governance have moved from being a topic of scholarly attention and NGO advocacy onto the agendas of states and of the European Union (EU). Increasingly, the various alternatives propounded by a diverse set of actors over what Arctic governance should look like appear as pre-negotiation tactics, a type of testing period before a regime change. The article examines whether the still predominant inter governmental forum, the Arctic Council, is facing a threat of being supplanted by other forms of governance. It will study how resistant the Arctic Council, and its predecessor the 1991 Arctic environmental protection strategy, are to change in order to understand whether the council could renew itself to meet future challenges. It will also examine the various proposals for Arctic governance set out by states, the EU and the region’s indigenous peoples. All this will permit conclusions to be drawn on where the Arctic Council stands amid all these proposals and whether, and in what way, it should change to support more sustainable governance in the Arctic.
Among the greatest uncertainties in future energy supply and a subject of considerable environmental concern is the amount
of oil and gas yet to be found in the Arctic. By using a probabilistic geology-based methodology, the United States Geological
Survey has assessed the area north of the Arctic Circle and concluded that about 30% of the world’s undiscovered gas and 13%
of the world’s undiscovered oil may be found there, mostly offshore under less than 500 meters of water. Undiscovered natural
gas is three times more abundant than oil in the Arctic and is largely concentrated in Russia. Oil resources, although important
to the interests of Arctic countries, are probably not sufficient to substantially shift the current geographic pattern of
world oil production.
This concise introduction to the growth and evolution of geopolitics as a discipline includes biographical information on its leading historical and contemporary practitioners and detailed analysis of its literature.
An important book on a topic that has been neglected for too long, Geopolitics: A Guide to the Issues will provide readers with an enhanced understanding of how geography influences personal, national, and international economics, politics, and security. The work begins with the history of geopolitics from the late 19th century to the present, then discusses the intellectual renaissance the discipline is experiencing today due to the prevalence of international security threats involving territorial, airborne, space-based, and waterborne possession and acquisition.
The book emphasizes current and emerging international geopolitical trends, examining how the U.S. and other countries, including Australia, Brazil, China, India, and Russia, are integrating geopolitics into national security planning. It profiles international geopolitical scholars and their work, and it analyzes emerging academic, military, and governmental literature, including "gray" literature and social networking technologies, such as blogs and Twitter.
This book provides a major review of the state of international theory. It is focused around the issue of whether the positivist phase of international theory is now over, or whether the subject remains mainly positivistic. Leading scholars analyse the traditional theoretical approaches in the discipline, then examine the issues and groups which are marginalised by mainstream theory, before turning to four important new developments in international theory (historical sociology, post-structuralism, feminism, and critical theory). The book concludes with five chapters which look at the future of the subject and the practice of international relations. This survey brings together key figures who have made leading contributions to the development of mainstream and alternative theory, and will be a valuable text for both students and scholars of international relations.
This is a major new edition of a highly regarded textbook on International Relations theory which combines coverage of the main contending theories and approaches with cross-cutting coverage of key current issues and debates; of the philosophical foundations of IR theory; and of why different theories are addressed to different research agendas.
Polar cod (Boreogadus saida) is the dominant forage fish in Arctic seas and the main prey of the ringed seal (Pusa hispida), the beluga (Delphinapterus leucas) and several seabird species. Changes in the abundance of polar cod will have cascading effects on arctic marine ecosystems. We tested the hypothesis that an earlier sea ice breakup and warmer sea surface temperatures (SST) in spring-summer result in the higher recruitment of juvenile polar cod in late summer. The density (number m⁻²) and biomass (mg m⁻²) of age-0 polar cod in August and September, estimated by hydroacoustics over 9 years in 9 areas of the Canadian Arctic, were negatively correlated to ice breakup week and positively correlated to SST. The timing of the ice breakup was the main determinant of recruitment, with mean juvenile biomass in September up to 11 times greater for early breakup (late May) than for late breakup (early September). Early ice breakup in spring increased juvenile biomass in August and September by allowing the survival of larvae hatched in winter and spring. Since 1979, ice breakup has occurred earlier by as much as 9.3 days per decade in some areas. We thus forecast a transient increase in polar cod biomass over the first part of the present century. Thereafter, the relaxation of extreme climatic conditions in Arctic seas should harbinger the replacement of the hyper-specialized polar cod by subarctic and boreal forage fish.
In this essay, I outline how vanishing sea ice may unveil costs and benefits for fishes native to the Euro-Arctic seas. Most arctic fishes are not directly associated with the sea ice, but constitute an integral part of the seafloor biota. Arctic seafloor fishes may temporarily benefit from improved feeding conditions but may also lose to novel predators such as invading southern fishes and emerging industrial enterprises on the Arctic shelves. Polar cod Boreogadus saida, on the other hand, an abundant and prominent member of the ice-associated biota, uses sea ice as spawning substrate, shelter and feeding ground. So loss of sea ice likely has severe and explicit costs for this focal species with profound ecological consequences. Time series let alone biological baselines for arctic fishes are fragmentary at best. As I see it, we need to diagnose our ignorance and put precautionary principles into full effect while awaiting knowledge gaps to be filled. Here I offer a sneak peek into the future of ocean fishes in primarily the Arctic sector of the Nordic Seas, with my opinion based on recent studies in Arctic marine ecology and climatology.
This paper explores how ‘ice’ is woven into the spaces and practices of the state in Norway and Canada and, specifically, how representations of the sea ice edge become political agents in that process. We focus in particular on how these states have used science to ‘map’ sea ice – both graphically and legally – over the past decades. This culminated with two maps produced in 2015, a Norwegian map that moved the Arctic sea-ice edge 70 km northward and a Canadian map that moved it 200 km southward. Using the maps and their genealogies to explore how designations of sea ice are entangled with political objectives (oil drilling in Norway, sovereignty claims in Canada), we place the maps within the more general tendency of states to assign fixed categories to portions of the earth's surface and define distinct lines between them. We propose that the production of static ontologies through cartographic representations becomes particularly problematic in an icy environment of extraordinary temporal and spatial dynamism, where complex ocean–atmospheric processes and their biogeographic impacts are reduced to lines on a map.
The Arctic, a vast and uninviting region that encompasses about six percent of the Earth's surface and an estimated 22% of the world's undiscovered fossil fuel resources, is rapidly becoming one of the critical geopolitical issues of our time. Much of its resource trove is located under the region's disputed international waters. Working from a region-centered perspective, combining old and new geopolitical theories, we examine whether the Arctic's special characteristics make circumpolar state cooperation more or less likely in an economic and politically sustainable fashion. We systematically assess the correlation between economic and military activities by putting together descriptive spatial and temporal data on new oil and gas projects, shipping routes and activity, icebreaker orders, submissions to the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS), and different types of military activities of the five Arctic littoral states. We find substantial evidence of increased Arctic investment and trade transit followed by militarization. This allows us to claim that economic interests drive military activity in the Arctic rather than purely classical expansionist explanations.
As the melting of the Arctic ice accelerates, China is wasting no time in reshaping its Arctic policies with more resources devoted to Arctic research and politics. Despite China’s open statement of not having a strategic agenda regarding the melting Arctic, it is increasingly evident that the rising power, through shrewd diplomacy, generous investment packages, frequent expeditions and enhanced polar research capacities, is devoting more national resources in a coherent way to securing its long-term geopolitical influence and economic interest in the Arctic. Due to its limited impact upon the current Arctic affairs, China has to adopt a low-profile tactic through avoiding confrontation from major littoral states, in accordance with basic principles that guide virtually every relevant aspect of its national grand strategy in the post-cold war era. Since China’s emerging Arctic strategy is a component of its maritime strategy, which itself is part of the country’s grand strategy, there is no wonder that its Arctic strategy and grand strategy are analogical in terms of guidelines and ultimate goals to be achieved.
This article seeks to identify and analyze the most important political issues at stake with respect to the ongoing process regarding the future management of living resources in the high seas of the Arctic Ocean. Through assessing the potential for future commercial utilization of marine resources in the Arctic Ocean and analyzing the differences between the interests of engaged stakeholders in the process, the article seeks to answer whose interests and norms seem to most strongly influence the unfolding political processes and preliminary outcomes. The article concludes by identifying how the five Arctic coastal states have retained the upper hand in this process through skilled political entrepreneurship, the devotion of necessary resources and the political commitment of their respective governments.
Climate change and rising oil prices have thrust the Arctic to the top of the foreign policy agenda and raised difficult issues of sovereignty, security and environmental protection. Improved access for shipping and resource development is leading to new international rules on safety, pollution prevention and emergency response. Around the Arctic, maritime boundary disputes are being negotiated and resolved, and new international institutions, such as the Arctic Council, are mediating deep-rooted tensions between Russia and NATO and between nation states and indigenous peoples. International Law and the Arctic explains these developments and reveals a strong trend towards international cooperation and law-making. It thus contradicts the widespread misconception that the Arctic is an unregulated zone of potential conflict.
The seasonal melting of sea ice in the Arctic Ocean, which has been confirmed for several summers in a row and is widely documented, has become a hot topic in the media. It is fuelling many speculative scenarios about the purported renewal of a “cold war”, or even an actual armed conflict, in the Arctic, for the control of both its natural resources and its sea routes.The melting sea ice is indeed giving a second wind to projects, abandoned in the 19th century, to find shorter sea routes between Europe and Asia. A look at the map shows the savings in distance that can be achieved with the Arctic routes: for example, a trip between London and Yokohama through the Northwest Passage is 15,700km and 13,841km through the Northeast Passage, which is significantly shorter than the route through Suez (21,200km) or Panama (23,300km).2Data calculated by the author using Mapinfo GIS software.2 These findings fuel the idea that these Arctic routes, because they are shorter, are bound to attract abundant through traffic, and consequently will become a major political issue. Amid the media widespread image of a future maritime highway across Arctic seas, even some scientists yield to the popular image and assert, without proof, that Arctic traffic is set to increase rapidly.3For instance, «Because the Northwest Passage is about to become an alternative route to the Panama Canal, the volume of use within the passage will likely exceed 3000 vessels a year», Roston, 2009. The Northwest Passage’s Emergence as an International Highway. Southwestern Journal of International Law, 15, p. 469.3 Beyond the seemingly decisive advantage of Arctic routes, however, there remain many obstacles to navigation (Lasserre, 2010d). In addition, these scenarios for the development of marine traffic in the Arctic remain highly speculative and are not based on an analysis of shipowners’ perceptions, which is the goal of this paper.This article will thus present the results of an empirical survey conducted among shipping companies to determine their interest in developing activities in the Arctic. Besides examining the potential development of shipping in Arctic routes, this research must be replaced in the context of intense competition between shippers, competition that makes both service reliability and costs of transport paramount. In this competition structure, the benefits of established routes between major hubs seems to prevail, so that new routes have difficulty being established.
Provides overview of how geography influences international relations and international politics including climate change, energy security, international economics, and international security. Introduces key figures in geopolitics development as a discipline such as Alfred Thayer Mahan and Halford Mackinder, covers the geopolitical interests of individuals countries, describes disciplinary divisions within geopolitics, details international geopolitical crisis areas and provides maps of some of these areas, emphasizes geopolitics information resources, and stresses the critical importance of geography in studying international politics and security.
The concept of power remains elusive despite the recent and prolific outpourings of case studies on community power. Its elusiveness is dramatically demonstrated by the regularity of disagreement as to the locus of community power between the sociologists and the political scientists. Sociologically oriented researchers have consistently found that power is highly centralized, while scholars trained in political science have just as regularly concluded that in “their” communities power is widely diffused. Presumably, this explains why the latter group styles itself “pluralist,” its counterpart “elitist.”
There seems no room for doubt that the sharply divergent findings of the two groups are the product, not of sheer coincidence, but of fundamental differences in both their underlying assumptions and research methodology. The political scientists have contended that these differences in findings can be explained by the faulty approach and presuppositions of the sociologists. We contend in this paper that the pluralists themselves have not grasped the whole truth of the matter; that while their criticisms of the elitists are sound, they, like the elitists, utilize an approach and assumptions which predetermine their conclusions. Our argument is cast within the frame of our central thesis: that there are two faces of power, neither of which the sociologists see and only one of which the political scientists see.
Declaration concerning the prevention of unregulated high seas fishing in the Central Arctic Ocean. Oslo
- Arctic Five
The Stoltenberg report and Nordic security: Big idea, small steps. Danish Foreign Policy Yearbook
- C Archer
Meeting on Arctic fisheries, chairman’s statement. Nuuk
- Arctic Five
Arctic nations and fishing powers sign ‘historic’ agreement on fishery
- Barents Observer
Circum-Arctic resource appraisal: Estimates of undiscovered oil and gas North of the Arctic circle
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The Arctic in world affairs. A North pacific dalogue on the Arctic in the wider world
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